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. T-  | . .  | -  -  *  -  -  - .  -  -  '  .  . . . . .  • 

BHA  VAN'S  BOOK  UNIVERSITY 


THE  HISTORY  AND  CULTURE 

OF  THE 

INDIAN  PEOPLE 

★ 


★ 


BHARATIYA  VIDYA  BHAVAN 

MUMBAI 

Agartala  *  Agra  *  Ahmedabad  *  Allahabad  *  Amritsar  *  Andheri  *  Aurangabad 
Bagalkot  *  Bangalore  *  Baroda  *  Belgaum  *  Bellary  *  Bharuch  *  Bharwari 
Bhatpara  *  Bhimavaram  *  Bhopal  *  Bhubaneshwar  *  Bhusawal  *  Chandigarh 
Chatrapur  (Bhatti  Mines)  *  Chennai  *  Coimbatore  *  Dakor  *  Dehradun  *  Guntur 
Guruvayur  *  Guwahati  *  Haldia  *  Hazira  *  Hosur  *  HublLDharwad  *  Hyderabad 
Indore  *  Irinjalakuda  *  Jabalpur  *  Jaipur  *  Jalgaon  *  Jammu  Tawi  41  Jamnagar 
Jodhpur  *  Kakinada  *  Kammam  *  Kanchipuram  *  Kannur  *  Kanpur  *  Khor  *  Kochi 
Kodagu  *  Kodaikanal  *  Kodinar  *  Kodungallur  *  Kolhapur  *  Kolkata  *  Kollam 
Korba  *  Kosamba  *  Kota  *  Kottayam  *  Kozhikode  *  Kurkunta'*  Kutch  *  Lucknow 
Machilipatnam  *  Madurai  *  Malkhed  *  Mangalore  *  Mankapur  *  Modipuram 
Mukundgarh  *  MUMBAI  H.O.  *  Mysore  *  Nadiad  *  Nagercoil  *  Nagpur  *  Nasik 
Navi  Mumbai  *  New  Delhi  *  Falakkad  *  Panchkula  *  Patna  *  Ponnani  *  Pune 
Puthucode  *  Raipur  *  Ramachandrapuram  *  Ramanattukara  *  Ratangarh 
Reddipalayam  *  Renukoot  *  Roorkee  *  Rourkela  *  Salav  *  Satna  *  Secunderabad 
Serampore  *  Shimoga  *  Silgiri  *  Suchindram  *  Surat  *  Tadepalligudam 
Thaliparamba  *  Thirunavaya  *  Thiruvananthapurara  *  Thrissur  *  Tirupati  *  Udipi 
ManipaL*  Ujjain  *  Valanchery  *  Varanasi  *  Visakhapatnarni  *  Wardha  *  Wayanad' 


Roughly  covering  the  period  from  A.  D.  1,000  to 
1,300,  this  volume  the  fifth  in  the  series,  deals  with  the 
transition  period  that  marks  the  end  of  independent 
Hindu  rule  and  the  beginning  of  the  dominance  of 
Turkish  tribes  over  a  large  part  of  India.  The 
unsuccessful  efforts  of  the  Turkish  invaders  in  North 
India,  of  the  Chalukyas  in  the  Deccan,  and  of  the  Cholas 
in  South  India,  as  well  as  of  individual  rulers,  both  in 
the  north  and  in  the  south,  which  characterise  this 
period,  account  for  the  title  The  Struggle  for  Empire 
of  this  volume.  It  opens  with  an  account  of  Sultan 
Mahmud's  invasions  of  India  and  ends  with  the 
downfall  of  great  Hindu  royal  houses  before  the 
onslaught  of  the  Khaljis.  During  this  period,  the 
Paramaras,  the  Chahamanas,  the  Gahadavalas,  the 
Chalukya,  the  Ralachuris,  the  Yadavas,  the  Hoysalas, 
.the  Chalukyas,  the  Pandyas,  the  Cholas,  and  a  host  of 
lesser  of  bigger  dynasties  played  their  part  in  the 
history  of  India.  In  refreshing  contrast  to  the  dismal 
spectacle  presented  by  the  north  as-the  result  of  Muslim 
invasion,  the  south  emerges  as  a  dominant  power 
playing  its  effective  role  in  the  domains  of  literature  and 
art,  and  extending  its  sway  beyond  the  frontiers  of 
India  Altogether  this  volume  gathers  for  the  first  time 
the  history  of  not  less  than  fifty  dynasties  and  their 
success  in  the  fields  of  art  and  architecture,  literature, 
law  and  administration.  There  is  an  elaborate  treatment 


ipl 

the  chapter  on  "Language  and  Literature4",  in  which 
Bengali,  Gujarathi,  Marathi  and  Telugu  make  their  first 
appearance.  Specially  detailed  chapters  are  devoted  to 
Art’  and  'Religion  and  Philosophy",  Ceylon  and 
South-East  Asia  also  are  included  in  the  purview  of  this 
volume.  Like  the  preceding  volumes,  this  is,  first  and 
foremost,  a  history  of  India  and  her  people.  The  volume 
is  profusely  illustrated  with  fiftyseven  text-figures, 
fiftyseven  plates  and  two  maps.  At  the  end  appear  an 
exhaustive  bibliography,  chronology,  genealogy  and  a 
eomprehensive  index. 

The  contributors  to  this  Volume  include:  D.  C. 
Ganguly,  M.  A.,  Ph.  D.  (London);  R.  C.  Majumdar, 
M.  A.,  Ph.  D.,  F.A.S.,  F.A.S.B.,  Paramatma  Saran  M.A., 
Ph.  D.  (London);  A.  B.  M.  Habibuilah,  M.A.,  Ph.  D? 
(London);  D.  C.  Sircar,  M.  A.,  Ph.  D.;  Late.Dewan 
Bahadur  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar;  M.A.,  Ph  D.;  R. 
Sathianathaier,  M.A.,  L.T.;  U.  N.  Ghoshal,  M.A., 
Ph  D.;  M.  A.  Mehendale,  M.A,,  RH.D  ;  A.  D.  Pusalker, 
M.A.,  LL.B.  Ph.D.,  H.  D.  Velankar,  M.A.,  R  G.  Harshe, 
B.A.  (Tilak),  D.  Litt.  (Paris);  S.  K.  Chatterjee,  M.A. 
(Cal.)  D.  Lit.  (London);  K.R,  Srinivasa  Iyengar,  M.A., 

D.  Litt.;  H.C.  Bhayani,  M. A.,  Ph.D.;  N.N.  Das  Gupta, 
M.A.,;  H.L.  Jain,  M.A.,  LL.B.,  D.  Litt.;  T.M.P. 
Mahadevan,  M.A,,  Ph  D.;  U.C.  Bhattacharjee,  M.A.; 
M.  W.  Mirza,  M.A.,  Ph.D.  (London);  S.  K.  Saraswati, 
M.A.;  and  Nihar  Ranjan  Ray,  M.A.,  D.Lett.,  and  Phil. 
(Leyden).  . 


Foreword  by  Dr.  K.  M.  Munshi. 


Rs.  500/- 


Let  noble  thoughts  come  to  us  from  every  side 


— Rigveda,  1-89-i 


BHA VAN'S  BOOK  UNIVERSITY 


General  Editor 

S.  RAMAKRISHNAN 


HISTORY  AND  CULTURE  OF  THE  INDIAN  PEOPLE 

VOLUME  V 

THE  STRUGGLE 
FOR  EMPIRE 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2018  with  funding  from 
Public.Resource.Org 


https://archive.org/details/struggleforempir05bhar 


BHA VAN'S  BOOK  UNIVERSITY 


THE  HISTORY  AND  CULTURE 
OF  THE  INDIAN  PEOPLE 

THE  STRUGGLE 
FOR  EMPIRE 


Foreword  By 

K.  M.  MUNSHI  B.A.,  LL.B.,  D.LITT.,  LL.D. 

President,  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan 

General  Editor 

R.  C.  MAJUMDAR  m.a.,  ph.d.,  f.a.s.,  f.a.s.b. 

Professor  of  Ancient  Indian  History  and  Culture 
Nagpur  University 

Ex-Vice-Chancellor  and  Professor  of  History 
Dacca  University 

Hon.  Head  of  the  Department  of  History 
Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan 

ASSISTANT  EDITORS 

A.  D.  PUSALKER  m.a.,  ll.b.,  ph.d. 

Assistant  Director  and  Head  of  the 
Department  of  Ancient  Indian  Culture 
Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan 

A.  K.  MAJUMDAR  m.a.,  d.  phil. 

Jt.  Director,  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan 


2001 

BHARATIYA  VIDYA  BHAVAN 

Kulapati  K.M.  Munshi  Marg,  Mumbai  -  400  007. 


All  rights  reserved  by  the  Publishers 


©  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan 
Kulapati  Munshi  Marg,  Mumbai-400  007. 


First  Edition  :  1957 
Second  Edition  :  1966 
Third  Edition  :  1979 


Fourth  Edition  :  1989 
Fifth  Edition  :  2001 


Price  Rs.:  500.00 


PRINTED  IN  INDIA 

By  Atul  Goradia  at  Siddhi  Printers,  13/14,  Bhabha  Building, 
13th  Khetwadi  Lane,  Mumbai  400  004  and  published  by 
S.  Ramakrishnan,  Executive  Secretary,  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan, 
Kulapati  Munshi  Marg,  Mumbai-400  007. 


CONTRIBUTORS 


D.  C.  GANGULY 

M.A.,  PH.D.  (LONDON) 

Secretary  and  Curator ,  Victoria  Memorial  Hall,  Calcutta  ;  formerly  Reader  in  History 

Dacca  University 

R.  C.  MAJUMDAR 

M.A.,  PH.D.,  F.A.S.,  F.A.S.B. 

Professor  of  Ancient  Indian  History  and  Culture,  Nagpur  University 

PARAMATMA  SARAN 

M.A.,  PH.D.  (LONDON) 

Reader  in  History,  University  of  Delhi 

A.  B.  M.  HABIBULLAH 

M.A.,  PH.D.  (LONDON) 

Professor  of  Islamic  History  and  Culture,  University  of  Dacca  ( Pakistan ) 

D.  C.  SIRCAR 

M.A.,  PH.D. 

Government  Epigraphist  for  India ,  Ootacamund 


Late  Dewan  Bahadur 

S.  KRISHNASWAMI  AIYANGAR 

M.A.,  PH.D. 

Retired  Professor  of  Indian  History  and  Archaeology,  University  of  Madras 

R.  SATHIANATHAIER 

M.A.,  L.T. 

Professor  of  History  and  Politics,  Annamalai  University 

U.  N.  GHOSHAL 


M.A.,  PH.D. 

Formerly  Professor  of  History,  Presidency  College ,  Calcutta 

M.  A.  MEHENDALE 

M.A.,  PH.D. 

Reader  in  Sanskrit ,  Deccan  College  Post-graduate  and  Research  Institute ,  Poona 

A.  D.  PUSALKER 

M.A.,  LLB.,  PH.D. 

Assistant  Director  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Ancient  Indian  Culture 

Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan ,  Bombay 

H.  D.  VELANKAR 

M.A. 

Joint  Director,  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan;  formerly 
Professor  of  Sanskrit,  Wilson  College ,  Bombay 

R.  G.  HARSHE 

B.A.  (TILAK),  D.LITT.  (PARIS) 

Formerly  Registrar,  Deccan  College  Post-graduate  and  Research  Institute,  Poona 


CONTRIBUTORS 


S.  K.  CH ATTERJI 

M.A.  (CAL.)  D.LITY.  (LONDON) 

President  Legislative  Council  West  Bengal;  Emeritus  Professor  of  Comparative  Philology 

University  of  Calcutta 


K.  R.  SRINIVASA  IYENGAR 

M.A.,  D.LITT. 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  English,  Andhra  University 


H.  C.  BHAYANI 

M.A.,  PH.D. 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Gujarati ,  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan,  Bombay 


N.  N.  DAS  GUPTA 

M.A. 

Lecturer  in  Ancient  Indian  History  and  Culture,  University  of  Calcutta 


H.  L.  JAIN 

M.A.,  LL.B,,  D.LITT. 

Director ,  Prakrit  Jain  Institute ,  Muzajfarpur 


T.  M.  P.  MAHADEVAN 

M.A.,  PH.D. 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Philosophy ,  University  of  Madras 


U.  C.  BHATTACHARJEE 

M.A. 

Formerly  Professor  of  Philosophy ,  Presidency  College ,  Calcutta 


M.  W.  MIRZA 

M.A.,  PH.D.  (LONDON) 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Arabic ,  Lucknow  University 


S.  K.  S ARASWATI 

M.A. 

Reader  in  Ancient  Indian  History  and  Culture ,  University  of  Calcutta 


NIHAR  RANJAN  RAY 

M.A.,  D.LETT.  &  PHIL.  (LEYDEN) 

Bagiswari  Professor  of  Indian  Art  and  Culture ,  University  of  Calcutta 


FOREWORD 

By  Dr.  K.  M.  MUNSHI 


One  of  the  objects  of  the  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan,  the  Institution 
which  sponsors  this  Series,  is  the  “study  of  the  forces,  movements, 
motives,  ideas,  forms  and  art  of  creative  energy  through '  which  it 
expressed  it  (Indian  Culture)  in  different  ages  as  one  continuous 
process”.  An  attempt  has,  therefore,  to  be  made,  consistently  with 
this  object,  to  present  a  view  of  the  Age  in  flowing  time. 

I  do  so  in  all  humility.  I  fully  realise  my  inadequacy  to  do  so; 
for,  I  have  to  rely  upon  whatever  little  study  I  have  made  and  what¬ 
ever  I  have  observed,  during  the  last  fifty  years,  of  the  collective 
responses  of  our  people  to  the  events,  movements,  customs,  institu¬ 
tions  and  values  as  also  to  men  who  have,  through  their  life  and 
teachings,  evoked  the  unseen  forces  which  have  shaped  the  life  of 
India. 

The  most  crucial  Age  in  Indian  history  began  in  A.D.  998,  when 
the  Turkish  conqueror,  Mahmud,  captured  Ghazni;  it  ended  in  A.D. 
1292,  when  the  Khalji  Chief,  Jalal-ud-din,  proclaimed  himself ’the 
Sultan  of  Delhi.  It  can,  however,  be  conveniently  divided  into  two 
periods,  the  first  ending  in  A.D.  1193,  when  Mu‘izz-ud-din  Ghuri 
defeated  Prithviraja  Chahamana  of  Ajmer  in  the  Battle  of  Tarain 
or  Taraori  and  opened  the  gates  of  Madhya  Pradesh  to  the  foreign 
invader;  the  second  ending  in  1299. 

This  period,  in  my  opinion,  has  not  yet  been  studied  from  India’s 
point  of  view;  from  the  point  of  view  of  file  trials  she  passed 
through;  of  the  sufferings  she  underwent  when  foreign  elements 
forced  their  way  into  her  life-blood;  of  the  manner  in  which  she 
reacted  to  the  situation;  of  the  means  which  she  found  to  meet,  or 
to  mitigate,  the  dangers  that  confronted  her;  of  the  ways  in  which 
she  reconstructed,  achieved  and  fulfilled  herself. 

Such  a  study  is  difficult  for  two  reasons.  First,  the  chronicles 
written  by  the  proteges  of  the  invaders  or  their  successors  throw  a 
dubious  but  concentrated  light  on  the  narrow  sector  of  life  which 
their  patrons  dominated.  This  generally  leads  to  the  unconfessed 
impression  that  the  vastly  broad  sector,  which  lies  in  obscurity  for 
want  of  historical  material,  either  did  not  exist  or  does  not  matter 
as  much. 


Vll 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Secondly,  the  magnificence  of  Akbar’s  achievements  in  the  six¬ 
teenth  century,  by  an  illusory  retrospectivity  casts  a  reflected 
glamour  on  the  period  of  the  Sultanate.  Because  the  Mughal  Em¬ 
pire  was  an  experiment  in  a  national  monarchy  presided  over  by  a 
Muslim  monarch,  one  comes  to  assume,  by  an  easy  transition,  that 
the  Muslim-dominated  Sultanate  was  the  chrysalis  from  which  it 
sprang. 

Unless,  therefore,  the  period  is  viewed  from  a  right  perspective, 
its  true  picture  cannot  possibly  emerge;  nor  would  it  be  possible  to 
assess  the  factors  which,  coming  into  existence  during  this  period, 
affected  the  life  of  the  people  through  the  intervening  centuries,  and 
which  still  confront  it  with  unsolved  problems. 

II 

The  year  A.D.  1000  was  a  fateful  year  for  India.  In  that  year, 
Mahmud  of  Ghazni  first  invaded  it.  That  event,  in  my  opinion, 
divides  Ancient  from  Medieval  India. 

For  over  2000  years  before  this  event,  that  is,  from  before  the 
days  of  king  Janamejaya  Parikshita,  referred  to  in  the  Brdhmanas ,  the 
culture  of  the  dominant  classes,  developing  in  almost  unbroken  conti¬ 
nuity,  had  brought  large  sections  of  the  people  within  its  fold.  It 
was,  however,  disturbed  on  occasions,  for  instance,  by  the  raids  of 
Alexander;  by  the  influx  of  the  Bactrian  Greeks,  the  Kushanas 
and  the  Sakas;  by  the  invasion  of  the  Hunas;  by  the  Arab  incursions 
in  Sindh.  But  these  inroads  were  only  temporary  episodes;  the  vita¬ 
lity  of  the  culture  and  social  organization  found  it  easy  to  absorb 
most  of  the  alien  elements  which  were  left  behind  in  the  country 
after  they  were  closed. 

This  continuous  vitality  is  a  phenomenon,  without  appreciating 
which  it  is  difficult  to  study  the  epochs  of  Indian  history  in  conti¬ 
nuous  time.  Several  factors  have  maintained  it.  Of  them,  perhaps 
the  most  important  was  the  ‘Aryavarta-consciousness’  which  threw 
up  values  and  institutions  of  great  vigour  and  tenacity. 

It  was  based  on  the  faith  that  Bharatavarsha,  in  its  ideal  aspect 
often  referred  to  as  Aryavarta,  was  the  sacred  land  of  Dharma, 
‘the  high  road  to  Heaven  and  to  Salvation';  where  ‘men  were  nobler 
than  the  Gods  themselves;1  where  all  knowledge,  thought  and  wor¬ 
ship  were  rooted  in  the  Vedas,  revealed  by  the  Gods  themselves; 
where  the  Dharmasastras  prescribed  the  fundamental  canons  of  per¬ 
sonal  life  and  social  relations;  where  Chaturvarnya,  the  divinely- 


1.  Vishnu ,  II.  3,  4. 


vui 


FOREWORD 


ordained  fOur-fold  order  of  society,  embraced  all  social  groups; 
where,  whatever  the  dialect  of  the  people,  Sanskrit,  the  language  of 
the  Gods,  was  the  supreme  medium  of  high  expression.’ 

The  Dharmasastras — and  by  that  is  meant  not  only  the  Smritis 
beginning  with  the  Manu-smriti,  but  the  Mahabharata 2 — have  play¬ 
ed  a  very  big  role  in  the  life  of  the  country.  Particularly  Manu- 
smriti,  as  the  Dharmasdstra  of  divine  origin,  has  had  an  all-pervading 
influence  from  the  time  historical  memory  could  reach  back  to 
moulding  the  mind  and  the  life  of  men,  not  only  in  India  but  in  the 
India  beyond  the  Seas,  in  Burma,  Siam,  Annam,  Cambodia,  Java 
and  Bali. 

With  the  Mahabharata  and  the  R&mayana,  it  has  provided  a 
background  of  continuity  to  the  social  and  moral  life;  modified 
customary  laws  of  tribes  and  communities  in  different  stages  of 
civilization;  and  built  up  the  Collective  Unconscious  of  our  people, 
that  subconscious  source  of  integrative  vitality  which  keeps  a  people 
together,  leads  them  to  feel  and  react  as  one  in  the  face  of  certain 
circumstances,  and  provides  the  urge  to  collective  action  of  a  re¬ 
curring  character. 

Century  after  century,  the  system,  first  formulated  by  the  Manu- 
smriti ,  was  accepted  throughout  the  country,  never  by  force  of  arms, 
less  by  royal  fiats  than  the  sanction  implied  in  the  belief  that  ‘God 
gave  it  and  the  ancestors  obeyed  it’.  It  was  found  so  acceptable 
because  it  had  a  revealing  basis  of  reality:  of  a  frank  recognition 
of  the  temperamental  inequalities  of  man;  of  the  predominance  of 
hereditary  influences  over  environments;  of  the  need  for  a  synthetic 
framework  for  widely  differing  social  groups  in  a  vast  country  where 
culture  had  been  staggered  from  not  only  region  to  region,  but  often 
from  one  group  of  villages  to  another.  Its  fundamental  aim  was  to 
produce  a  synthetic  urge  towards  human  betterment,  which  treated 
economic,  social,  material,  and  ethical  and  spiritual  well-being  as 
indivisible;  an  aim  which  has  yet  to  be  improved  upon  by  any  other 
system. 

These  values  gave  continuity  to  the  way  of  life  of  even  those 
sections  who  did  not  accept  the  divine  origin  of  the  Vedas  or  Chdtur- 
varnya.  They  also  provided  homogeneity  to  widely  differing  com¬ 
munities  and  religious  cults  and  forms.  The  universal  urge  which 
they  provided  to  go  on  a  pilgrimage,  generation  after  generation,  to 
the  mountains,  rivers,  towns  of  ancient  fame,  and  holy  spots  and 
shrines  which  were  conceived  as  the  physical  manifestations  of  the 

2.  Sankara  and  Ramanuja  both  treat  Bhagavadglta  as  a  snuriti. 

a 

IX 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Land  of  Dharma,  also  kept  alive  an  emotional  awareness  of  unity 
and  sanctity. 

The  ‘Aryavarta-consciousness’  was  mainly  religio-cultural  in 
content.  Its  political  significance  which,  though  often  belied  in  prac¬ 
tice,  exercised  considerable  influence  with  the  kings  of  an  earlier 
age  in  North  India  when  they  faced  foreign  invasion;  it  is  sum¬ 
med  up  by  Medhatithi  thus:  “Aryavarta  was  so  called  because  the 
Ary  as  sprang  up  in  it  again  and  again.  Even  if  it  was  overrun  by  the 
mlechchhas,  they  could  never  abide  there  for  long”.3  The  tradition 
also  had  it  that  whenever  a  crisis  arose,  a  chakravartin,  a  world- 
emperor,  would  rise  in  the  land  and  re-establish  Dharma.  South 
India,  however,  which  accepted  the  religio-cultural  aspects  of 
‘Aryavarta-consciousness’  and  Manu’s  system,  knew  no  such  signi¬ 
ficance,  for  it  had  never  to  face  the  problem  of  the  mlechchhas  till 
the  fourteenth  century. 

The  consciousness  in  its  political  aspect  had  all  but  disappeared 
during  the  few  decades  which  preceded  A.D.  1000  on  account  of  the 
recurring  upheavals  in  North  India.  The  empire  of  Kanauj,  which 
had  stabilised  North  India  for  well-nigh  150  years  and  supported  the 
Shahi  kings  of  the  North-West,4  has  disintegrated.  Now  Raghu - 
kulabhuchakravarti,  ‘the  World-Emperor  of  Raghu ’s  race’,  was 
merely  a  symbol  of  a  vanished  greatness,  ruling  over  a  small  terri- 
tory  around  Kanauj  on  the  sufferance  of  his  erstwhile  feudatories. 
Some  of  them,  however,  like  the  Chandellas  of  Jejakabhukti,  the 
Kalachuris  of  Dahala  and  the  Paramaras  of  Malava  were  engaged 
in  struggling  to  found  an  empire  on  the  ruins  of  old  one,  but  with 

little  success. 

\ 

In  Eastern  India,  the  Palas,  the  Chandras,  the  Varmans  and  the 
Gangas  fought  each  other  with  fluctuating  success,  struggling  to  re¬ 
tain  whatever  they  had  or  to  filch  what  they  had  not. 

The  Rashtrakutas,  the  rivals  of  the  Pratlhara-Gur  j  aresvaras,  had 
faded  away;  their  empire,  which  for  well-nigh  two  centuries  had 
dominated  most  of  South  India,  had  also  been  dissolved.  The  Para¬ 
maras  of  Malava  and  the  Western  Chahikyas,  both  feudatories  of  the 
Rashtrakutas,  at  one  time  or  the  other,  were  locked  in  a  life  and  death 
struggle,  while  Rajaraja  Chola  (A-D.  985-1014),  who  ruled  over  the 
extreme  South,  was  just  emerging  as  a  powerful  and  wise  monarch. 

At  the  turn  Of  the  tenth  century,  therefore,  there  was  no  gene¬ 
rally  accepted  national  focus  in  the  country,  as  Kanauj  had  once 


3.  Medhatithi  on  Manu:  II,  22. 

4.  Munshi,  Imperial  Gurjaras,  p.  86. 

x 


FOREWORD 


been,  and  no  military  power  in  North  India  strong  enough  to  keep 
the  warring  kings  in  check,  or  to  co-ordinate  their  activities  against 
any  foreign  invader.  Thus,  when  Mahmud  began  his  raids,  India 
was  ill-equipped  for  successful  resistance. 

Ill 

After  the  Hunas  had  been  repulsed  in  the  sixth  century,  the 
country  had  been  free  from  any  serious  foreign  visitation  for  about 
two  centuries.  The  Arab  conquest  of  Sindh  in  the  eighth  century 
had  only  been  a  frontier  episode  and  the  Pratiharas  in  the  ninth 
century  appear  to  have  reclaimed  some  parts  which  had  been 
overrun  by  the  Arabs-  The  Indian  mind,  thus  lulled  into  self-com¬ 
placency,  was  indifferent  to,  if  not  unaware  of,  the  vast  shifts  of 
power  which  were  taking  place  across  the  frontier. 

When  the  Samanid  Princes,  Turks  recently  converted  to  Islam, 
had  grown  weak,  Alptigin,  a  slave  of  one  of  them,  established  him¬ 
self  at  Ghazni  on  the  borders  of  India  as  a  quasi-independent  chief¬ 
tain.  His  successor,  Sabuktigin  (A.D-  977-997),  when  he  was  safely 
entrenched  in  power,  began  nibbling  at  the  possessions  of  the  Shahi 
kings,  which  included  parts  of  Afghanistan,  North-West  Frontier 
Province  and  the  Punjab. 

On  Sabuktigln’s  death,  his  son  Mahmud,  with  swift  audacity, 
captured  Ghazni,  which  his  father  had  left  to  another  son.  He  was 
a  military  leader  of  the  highest  order,  gifted  with  a  rare  personality. 
Developing  a  marvellous  striking  power,  by  A.D-  1000,  he  extended 
his  sway  over  considerable  parts  of  Central  Asia,  Iran  and  Seistan, 
Then  he  turned  to  India,  giving  her  people  a  foretaste  of  total  war 
with  which  they  had  not  been  familiar  since  the  days  of  the  Hunas- 

The  Indian  kings,  all  of  whom  accepted,  at  any  rate  in  theory, 
the  law  of  the  Dharmasastras  as  inalienable,  waged  wars  according 
to  certain  humane  rules.  Whatever  the  provocation,  the  shrine,  the 
Brahmana  and  the  cow  were  sacrosanct  to  them.  War  being  a  special 
privilege  of  the  martial  classes,  harassment  of  the  civilian  popula¬ 
tion  during  military  operations  was  considered  a  serious  lapse  from 
the  code  of  honour.  The  high  regard  which  all  the  Kshatriyas  had 
for  the  chastity  of  women,  also  ruled  out  abduction  as  an  incident 
of  war. 

The  wars  in  Central  Asia,  on  the  other  hand,  were  grim  strug¬ 
gles  for  survival,  for  the  destruction  of  the  enemies  and  for  appro¬ 
priating  their  womenfolk.  No  code  circumscribed  the  destructive 
zeal  of  the  conqueror;  no  canon  restrained  the  ruthlessness  of  their 


xi 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


hordes-  When,  therefore,  Mahmud’s  armies  swept  over  North  India 
it  saw  torrents  of  barbarians  sweeping  across  its  rich  plains,  burn¬ 
ing,  looting,  indulging  in  indiscriminate  massacre;  raping  women, 
destroying  fair  cities,  burning  down  magnificent  shrines  enriched 
by  centuries  of  faith;  enforcing  an  alien  religion  at  the  point  of 
sword;  abducting  thousands,  forcing  them  into  unwilling  marriage 
or  concubinage;  capturing  hundreds  of  thousands  of  men,  women 
and  children,  to  be  sold  as  slaves  in  the  markets  of  Ghazni  and  other 
Central  Asian  markets. 

Delhi,  Kanaaj,  Jejakabhukti  sent  men  and  money  to  help  the 
Shahi  kings  to  defend  their  frontiers.  But  the  invader  swept  every¬ 
thing  before  him-  All  that  the  three  generations  of  the  Shahis, 
‘men  of  noble  sentiments  and  noble  bearings’,  who,  according  to  Al- 
Blrunl,  ‘in  their  grandeur  never  slackened  in  the  ardent  desire  of 
doing  that  which  is  good  and  rich’,  could  do  was,  like  heroes  of  frus¬ 
trated  destiny  that  they  were,  fight  and  die  bravely. 

Mahmud  annexed  the  Punjab,  thereby  opening  the  way  to  the 
hungry  men  from  the  steppes  of  Central  Asia  to  descend  upon  this 
rich  and  fertile  land  in  search  of  plunder.  Nothing  would  with¬ 
stand  the  Central  Asian  raiders  eager  to  plunder  and  destroy.  In  a 
few  years,  Thaneswar,  Mathura,  Kanauj  and  Prabhasa  Pattana  were 
smoking  ruins.  The  ruler  of  Kanauj  accepted  submission  on  abject 
terms.  The  raids  of  the  Turk  were,  however,  halted  in  the  east  by 
Vidyadhara  Chandella  at  Kalanjara  and  in  the  south-west,  where 
after  destroying  the  temple  of  Somanatha,  Mahmud  had  to  beat  a 
hasty  retreat  through  the  desert  of  Sindh  for  fear  of  the  federated 
armies  of  ‘Paramadeva’,  whom  I  would  identify  with  Bhoja  Para- 
mar  a  of  Dhara  (A.D.  1000-1055). 

In  spite  of  the  havoc  worked  by  the  raids  of  Mahmud,  life  re¬ 
turned  to  normal  as  soon  as  their  pressure  disappeared-  For  in¬ 
stance,  within  five  years  of  the  invasion,  in  the  course  of  which 
Mahmud  destroyed  the  temple  of  Somanatha,  Gujarat,  richer  and 
more  powerful  than  before,  had  not  only  rebuilt  the  temple  on  a 
more  magnificent  scale,  but  created  the  artistic  wonders  of  the  Dil- 
wara  temple.  About  the  same  time,  the  neighbouring  kingdom, 
which  included  Malwa  and  parts  of  Gujarat,  was  enjoying  great 
prosperity  associated  with  enthusiastic  pursuit  of  learning,  litera¬ 
ture  and  art. 


5.  Munshi,  Imperial  Gurjaras,  p.  139. 


Xll 


FOREWORD 


IV 

However,  the  destruction  and  the  humiliation  inflicted  by  Mah¬ 
mud’s  raids  shocked  India’s  sense  of  ancient  superiority,  bringing 
into  play  several  political,  social  and  psychological  factors.  With 
the  Yamlnls,  the  successors  of  Mahmud,  firmly  established  in  the 
Punjab,  the  ‘Aryavarta-consciousness’  lost  whatever  significance 
it  had.  The  belief  that  Chaturvarnya  was  a  divinely  appointed 
universal  order,  characteristic  of  the  land,  was  shaken;  for  now  a 
ruling  race  in  the  country  not  only  stood  outside  it,  but  held  it  in 
contempt  and  sought  its  destruction. 

Nationalism,  familiar  to  the  modern  mind,  is  a  non-religious 
group  sentiment.  It  is  associated  with  a  fierce  possessiveness  over 
one’s  own  land  however  vast  it  may  be,  entertained  by  a  people  who 
have  willed  themselves  into  a  quasi-organic  solidarity.  Naturally, 
the  Indian  kings  could  not  develop  it,  because  the  country  was  too 
vast  and  the  times  unfavourable  to  the  development  of  a  non-reli¬ 
gious  group  sentiment  of  this  nature-  Five  more  centuries  had  to 
elapse  before  nationalism  became  a  force  in  Europe  and  two  hundred 
more  years  had  to  pass  before  it  was  to  become  a  human  value  in 
Asia- 

i  The  storm  that  blew  in  the  wake  of  Mahmud’s  armies  was 
sudden  and  overwhelming.  It  came  before  any  of  the  feudatories  of 
Imperial  Kanauj  could  win  the  race  for  an  unchallenged  hegemony; 
when  it  blew  over  none  was  left  strong  enough  to  win  it.  The  kings 
of  South  India,  where  the  political  aspect  of  the  ‘Aryavarta-conscious- 
ness’  had  been  so  much  as  penetrated,  also  presented  too  persistent 
a  menace  to  enable  them  to  combine  against  a  foreign  enemy  from 
the  North-West.  In  the  result,  loyalties  came  to  be  confined  to  one’s 
own  region,  accelerating  the*  trend  to  social  and  political 
particularism. 

During  this  Age,  the  dvijas  had  long  ceased  to  be  a  compact, 
social  group  created  by  anuloma  marriages  and  a  common  education 
received  from  Brahmana  preceptors.  The  Brahman  as,  the  Kshatriyas 
and  the  Vaisyas  were  now  separate  castes  to  which  was  denied  the 
dynamic  fluidity  throughout  the  country  which  it  had  under  the 
earlier  social  order.  To  this  was  added  another  factor.  The  dynas¬ 
tic  pride,  always  a  great  factor  in  stiffening  the  morale  of  royal 
houses,  had  deteriorated  into  vaingloriousness  which  grew  in  pro¬ 
portion  as  the  kingdoms  shrunk  in  extent-  A  king,  instead  of 
being  the  only  source  of  power,  was  no  more  than  the  first  among 
the  equals,  the  head  of  inter-related  overlordships,  never  in  a  position 
to  overrule  the  wishes  of  his  feudal  lords- 

•  •'  e 

XI H 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


In  consequence,  the  loyalties  of  the  Kshatriyas  became  rooted 
in  the  region  over  which  they  and  their  king  held  feudal  sway. 
This  rendered  annexation,  the  only  possible  source  of  establishing 
the  core  of  an  empire,  extremely  difficult.  Even  after  a  smashing 
victory,  a  conqueror  sometimes  seems  to  have  found  it  expedient 
to  restore  the  vanquished  enemy  or  a  member  of  his  family  to  the 
throne  in  order  not  to  alienate  the  local  chieftains;  but  no  sooner 
was  his  back  turned,  than  they,  more  often  than  not,  declared 
independence. 

Under  these  conditions,  scarcely  any  king  could  leave  his  realm 
for  any  length  of  time  exposing  it  to  the  greed  of  his  neighbours. 
He  was  always  hard  put  to  save  his  own  kingdom  and,  on  accession, 
had  to  make  peace  even  with  a  foreign  invader  and  divert  his  at¬ 
tention  to  his  neighbour.  In  this  way,  social  stagnancy  and  regional 
consciousness  led  to  what  has  been  called  “sxnall-state-mindedness’, 
the  sure  forerunner  of  political  disintegration. 

V 

About  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  the  Turks,  then  in 
occupation  of  parts  of  Central  Asia,  were  forced  first  westwards  and 
then  eastwards  by  the  pressure  of  their  enemies.  In  A.D.  1175,  the 
Turkish  chief,  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad,  the  nephew  of  the  ferocious 
‘World-Burner’  of  Ghur,  invaded  India.  The  impact  of  the  invasion 
was  borne  by  three  powerful  princes:  Prithvlraja  Chahamana  of 
Ajmer,  Jayachandra  Gahadavala  of  Kanauj,  and  Mularaja  II, 
Chaulukya  of  Gujarat.  Each  one  of  them  was  powerful  enough  to 
defeat  the  invader  singly;  Mularaja  drove  him  back  in  1178;  Prithvl¬ 
raja,  in  A.D.  1191;  but  no  two  of  them  would  combine.  When  the 
brave  Prithvlraja  lost  the  second  Battle  of  Tarain  in  1192,  the  turn¬ 
ing  point  of  history,  came.  WThen  Jayachandra  Gahadavala,  next 
to  be  vanquished,  died  fighting,  the  Turkish  cavalry  swept  over  the 
plains  of  the  Ganga. 

In  A.D.  1206,  Qutb-ud-din  Tibak,  who  succeeded  Mu‘izz-din 
Muhammad,  established  the  Turkish  Sultanate  of  India  at  Lahore. 
It  was  transferred  later  to  Delhi.  The  Sultanate  was  foreign  in  per¬ 
sonnel  and  outlook,  for  “The  Forty”  as  the  leading  Turkish  chiefs, 
originally  the  slaves  of  Mu‘izz-ud-dln,  were  called,  owned  it  in  fee. 
Its  principal  concern  was  loot  and  conquest;  and  the  slogan  of  jehad, 
supported  by  the  ‘ Ulama ,  came  in  useful  to  maintain  the  fanatic  zeal 
of  the  army.  To  these  invaders  nothing  was  sacred.  The  descrip¬ 
tion  given  by  Padmanabha  in  Kahnadade  Prabandha  (c.  A.  D.  1456) 

xiv 


FOREWORD 


of  what  the  armies  of  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji  did,  would  equally  apply  to 
the  campaigns  of  the  Turks: 

“The  conquering  army  burnt  villages;  devastated  the  land, 
plundered  people’s  wealth,  took  Brahmans,  children  and 
women  of  all  castes  captive,  and  flogged  them  with  thongs  and 
raw  hide,  carried  a  moving  prison  with  it,  and  converted  the 
prisoners  into  obsequious  Turks.” 

In  the  days  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni,  in  the  words  of  ‘Utbi,  “the 
blood  of  the  infidels  flowed  copiously  and  apostasy  was  often  the 
only  way  of  survival.”  On  the  testimony  of  so  liberal  a  Muslim  of 
this  age  as  Amir  Khusrav,  “the  land  had  been  saturated  with  the 
water  of  the  sword  and  the  vapours  of  infidelity  (i.e.  Hindus)  had 
been  dispersed.”  Will  Durant,  in  his  Story  of  Civilization,  aptly 
says:  “The  Mohammedan  conquest  of  India  is  probably  the  bloodiest 
story  in  history.  It  is  a  discouraging  tale,  for  its  evident  moral  is 
that  civilization  is  a  precarious  thing,  whose  delicate  complex  of 
order  and  liberty,  culture  and  peace  may  at  any  time  be  overthrown 
by  barbarians  invading  from  without  or  multiplying  within”.  And 
neither  the  ferocity  nor  the  persistence  of  the  invader  could  lead 
the  Indians  to  develop  the  military  organisation  or  the  ruthlessness 
needed  to  match  the  opposing  savagery. 

The  conquests  so  exultantly  referred  to  by  the  court  chroniclers 
of  the  Sultanate  had  an  Indian  side  of  the  picture.  It  was  one 
of  ceaseless  resistance  offered  with  relentless  heroism;  of  men,  from 
boys  in  teens  to  men  with  one  foot  in  the  grave,  flinging  away 
their  lives  for  freedom;  of  warriors  defying  the  invaders  from  fort¬ 
resses  for  months,  sometimes  for  years,  in  one  case,  with  intermis¬ 
sion,  for  a  century;  of  women  in  thousands  courting  fire  to  save  their 
honour;  of  children  whose  bodies  were  flung  into  the  wells  by  their 
parents  so  that  they  might  escape  slavery;  of  fresh  heroes  springing 
up  to  take  the  place  of  the  dead  and  to  break  the  volume  and  mo¬ 
mentum  of  the  onrushing  tide  of  invasion. 

About  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  Mongols  had 
already  established  themselves  in  Afghanistan.  In  A.D.  1254,  they 
had  taken  Lahore;  in  A.D.  1255  they  had  entered  Sindh.  With  his 
retreat  to  the  original  homeland  thus  cut  off,  the  Turk,  compelled 
to  look  to  India  as  his  permanent  home,  clung  to  the  precariously 
held  kingdom  of  Delhi  with  tenacity.  However,  in  spite  of  military 
operations  conducted  for  a  century,  the  core  of  the  Sultanate  only 
comprised  the  central  military  base  of  Delhi  and  the  surrounding 
districts  within  a  radius  of  about  250  miles  of  it.  The  frontier  dis¬ 
tricts  were  no  better  than  garrison  outposts  from  which  the  Turkish 


xv 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


satraps  carried  on  raids  against  the  Indian  chiefs,  who  held  the  rural 
areas-  But  even  when  the  resistance  was  overcome,  the  satraps  had 
to  administer  the  conquered  areas  with  the  aid  of  hereditary  Indian 
chiefs  and  officers,  who  were  always  on  the  look  out  for  an  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  revolt.  Some  of  the  Indian  chiefs  carried  their  expedi¬ 
tions  to  the  walls  of  Delhi  and  even  across  the  Yamuna  into  the 
Doab.  From  the  Indian  point  of  view,  therefore,  the  territory  of 
the  Sultanate  in  the  thirteenth  century  was  only  an  arena  of  resist¬ 
ance  which  neither  wavered  nor  tired. 

VI 

This  resistance  was  nowhere  more  characteristically  symboli¬ 
sed  than  in  the  epic  heroism  associated  with  the  Chahamanas  of 
Ranthambhor-  From  A.D.  1192,  when  Prithvlraja  Chahamana  lost 
the  battle  of  Tarain,  till  A.D.  1301  when  his  descendant,  the  heroic 
Hammlradeva,  fell  fighting  in  the  battlefield  and  the  fortress  fell 
to  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji,  they  defied  the  Sultanate  year  after  year  and 
generation  after  generation.  And  so  did  the  Katehrs  who  were  no 
less  unyielding  in  their  resistance. 

The  Indian  kings,  steeped  in  their  tradition  of  tolerance,  could 
scarcely  envisage  the  danger  to  which  their  policies  towards  Islam 
exposed  them.  In  spite  of  what  was  happening  in  North  India,  Indian 
kings  permitted  foreigners  to  settle  freely  in  their  kingdoms  and 
granted  them  free  exercise  of  their  religious  practices.  Even  before 
the  Turkish  invasion,  some  sects  of  Islam  had  drifted  into  the  country 
and  their  religious  and  proselytising  activities  had  not  been  inter¬ 
fered  with.  Jayasimha  Siddharaja  of  Gujarat  (A.D.  1094-1143) 
punished  some  of  his  subjects  for  interfering  with  the  worship  of 
Muslims.  Proselytising  activities  were  freely  carried  out  in  the 
days  of  the  Yadavas  by  a  Sufi  teacher,  Mumin  ‘Arif,  who  settled 
near  Devagiri  in  the  South,  and  by  Jalal-ud-dln  Ganjrawan  (died 
in  A.D.  1254)  another  Sufi  from  Iran.  Sarangadeva  (A.D.  1294-1297) 
of  Gujarat  gave  a  grant  for  a  masjid  to  the  local  Muslim  community 
of  Prabhasa  Pattana  with  the  blessings  of  the  high-priest  of  Soma- 
natha  when,  for  decades,  the  Turks  had  been  destroying  thousands 
of  temples  in  Varanasi  and  other  sacred  places. 

Once  the  Turkish  Sultanate  was  installed  at  Delhi  and  Islam 
came  to  be  enthroned  in  political  power,  wherever  the  writ  of  the 
Sultans  ran,  the  proselytising  activities  of  Islam  became  active;  the 
Hindus  were  denied  the  right  to  public  worship  and  were  subjected 
to  civil  disabilities  and  other  indignities;  and  many  communities, 
particularly  in  the  lower  strata  of  society,  took  to  the  new  faith  in 


xvi 


FOREWORD 


order  to  escape  these  hardships-  This  led  to  the  emergence  of  a 
distinct  element  in  the  population  of  the  country,  termed  ‘Mussal- 
mans’.  This  community  comprised  the  Turkish  conquerors  and  their 
retainers;  the  foreign  mercenaries  pressed  into  their  service  from 
time  to  time;  the  divines,  scholars  and  adventurers  who  migrated 
to  India  from  foreign  lands;  the  men  taken  prisoners  in  war  or  for¬ 
ced  into  slavery;  the  converts  who  sought  the  new  faith  to  secure 
royal  favour  or  protection;  the  Hindu  women  captured  in  war  or  ab¬ 
ducted  and  their  progeny. 

This  element  in  the  population,  which  had  behind  it  the  politi¬ 
cal  and  military  support  of  the  Sultanate  and  its  governors,  slowly 
acquired  the  conquistador  spirit  of  the  Turks-  Ever  on  the  increase, 
it  began  to  look  down  upon  the  people  from  whom  most  of  its  mem¬ 
bers  had  come,  as  infidels  to  foe  despised  and  converted  or  killed, 
and  in  any  event  to  be  fought  and  overcome.  It  was  this  element 
that  in  opposition  to  the  ruling  Turkish  ‘Forty",  supported  the  Khal» 
jls,  who  were  not  considered  pure  Turks,  to  capture  the  Sultanate 
in  A.D.  1290. 

The  aggressive  attitude  of  this  new  element  in  the  population 
led  to  the  religious,  cultural  and  psychological  resistance  on  the  part 
of  the  people  of  the  country,  who,  in  contra-distinction  to  it,  came 
to  be  referred  to  as  ‘Hindus’-  The  Hindus  fought  the  conquistador 
spirit  of  the  Muslims  by  developing  a  challenging  superiority  com¬ 
plex.  They  made  compromises  with  the  rulers  when  compelled  to 
do  so;  they  served  them  when  they  could  not  help  doing  so.  But 
they  would  not  let  them  defile  the  sanctity  of  their  homes  or  castes, 
social  and  religious  observances  by  encouraging  indiscriminate  con¬ 
tact  with  the  Muslims. 

The  people  while  countering  the  invader  by  armed  resistance 
to  the  best  of  their  ability  succeeded  in  confining  his  authority 
wherever  he  had  acquired  it,  within  the  narrowest  limits.  They 
also  tried  to  protect  religion,  culture  and  social  order,  rebuilding 
on  the  old  foundations  wherever  they  could.  The  Dharmasastras  were 
given  a  higher  sanctity;  the  edge  of  social  ostracism  was  sharpened- 
Women  were  segregated  in  their  homes;  infant  marriages  became 
almost  universal.  Self-immolation  by  heroic  women  on  the  funeral 
pyre,  when  their  husbands  lost  their  life  in  battle,  became  the 
supreme  form  of  martyrdom,  which  kept  a  sense  of  religious  and 
cultural  superiority  at  white  heat.  Caste  divided  and  sub-divided, 
but  remained  unmixed.  Even  the  process  of  social  betterment 
through  which  lower  castes  were  progressively  raised  to  a  higher 
status  was  slowed  down  or  halted- 

xvii 

E— B. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


At  the  same  time,  the  conflicts  and  tensions,  bitter  and  persist¬ 
ent  though  they  were,  provided  areas  of  contact,  and  therefore  of 
adjustment.  The  slaves  captured  in  war  and  women  acquired  as 
wives  or  mistresses,  were  Muslims  only  in  name.  The  new  converts 
and  their  children  wore  Islam  more  as  an  official  badge,  rarely 
giving  up  all  the  inhibitions  and  practices  of  the  Hindus-  Even  the 
Sultan  or  his  satrap,  however  intolerant,  had  to  adjust  himself  to 
his  Hindu  feudal  chiefs  and  officials,  and,  in  spite  of  frequent  pro¬ 
tests  from  the  ‘Ulamti,  framed  his  policies  so  as  not  to  create  strong 
disaffection  among  them. 

Rebels  from  either  camps  sought  refuge  with  the  other.  There 
was  intercourse  between  the  two  communities  in  courts,  fairs  and 
festivals.  Hindu  artists,  musicians  and  dancers  thronged  the  courts 
and  the  camps  of  the  Sultans  and  their  governors  and  reaped  a  rich 
harvest.  Hindu  and  Muslim  saints,  not  unoften,  had  a  common  appeal 
to  both  the  communities,  and  the  sects  of  both  the  religions,  by  way 
of  action  and  re-action,  and  sometimes  by  challenge,  influenced  each 
other.  The  Mahanubhava  sect,  a  non-idolatrous  Krishna  cult, 
founded  by  Chakradharasvami  (died  in  A.D-  1272)  about  the  time 
the  first  Sufi  saints  settled  in  Aurangabad,  is  an  instance  in  point. 

The  Hindus  remained  in  the  spheres  of  trade,  commerce  and 
banking.  The  Muslims,  however  intolerant,  therefore,  had  to  treat 
the  Hindu  mercantile  community  with  consideration,  though  it  was 
inspired  by  seif-interest  and  often  grudging.  The  foreign  trade, 
on  which  the  Sultanate  depended,  was  mostly  in  the  hands  of  Hindus 
of  the  west  coast,  who  traded  with  Persia  and  Arabia.  The  extra¬ 
vagant  young  Muslims  also  found  it  impossible  to  indulge  in  a  life 
of  gaiety  without  the  money,  which  the  Hindu  banker  was  not 
unwilling  to  provide  in  order  to  secure  freedom  from  harassment  or 
indignity. 

These  areas  of  contact  would  have  hastened  far-reaching  ad¬ 
justments  had  not  the  perennial  streams  of  Muslim  adventurers  and 
divines  continued  to  flow  through  the  North-Western  passes-  To 
feed  their  rapacity  or  fanaticism  these  immigrants  kept  alive  viru¬ 
lent  antagonism  for  the  people  whom  they  had  come  to  exploit. 

Except  for  a  few  buildings  like  the  Qutb-minar,  there  is  no¬ 
thing  to  relieve  the  dreary  military  character  of  the  thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury  Sultanate.  It  made  no  contribution  to  the  sphere  of  culture,, 
except  a  little  in  the  field  of  historiography  and  Persian  literature- 
Some  of  the  Sultans,  it  appears,  encouraged  some  new  ideas  and 
modes  in  architecture,  paving  the  way  for  the  Indo-Saracenic  style 

xviii 


FOREWORD 


of  the  future.  They  also  made  some  crude  experiments  in  adminis¬ 
trative  policies  as  well  as  the  fiscal  revenue  and  currency  systems^ 
In  self-interest  they  also  began  to  build  a  line  of  defence  against  th£ 
Mongols  in  the  North-West,  halting  their  irresistible  march.  But  the 
harvest  of  whatever  little  they  sowed  was  to  be  gathered  in  the  next 
age  in  the  reigns  of  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji  and  Muhammad  bin  Tughluq. 

VII 

Even  within  the  areas  in  which  Turkish  armies  operated,  the 
India  of  the  age  belonged  to  the  heroes  of  resistance;  outside  this 
area  lay  considerable  parts  of  the  North  and  the  whole  of  the 
South — in  fact,  three-fourths  of  the  country,  where  India  followed  its 
unbroken  way  of  life,  where  the  Dharmasastras  were  honoured  and 
obeyed  and  where  Hinduism  flourished  unobstructed. 

Where  the  Indian  kings  ruled,  their  regional  pride,  exaggerated 
though  it  was,  had  its  compensatory  feature.  They  vied  with  each 
other  in  making  their  courts  brilliant  centres  of  art,  learning  and 
literature.  They  gave  generous  grants  to  the  poor  and  the  learned, 
built  beautiful  temples  and  lavished  patronage  on  poets.  People 
lived  within  the  regulated  order  which,  though  circumscribed  by 
ancient  customs,  was  in  no  way  oppressive. 

'4 

In  North  India,  girdling  the  area  of  military  resistance,  were  the 
old  kingdoms  of  Dahala,  ruled  by  the  Kalachuris  (11th  century  to 
1212);  Jejakabhukti,  ruled  by  the  Chandellas  (9th  century  to  1315); 
Malwa,  ruled  by  the  Paramaras  (10th  century  to  AD.  1305);  and 
Gujarat,  ruled  by  the  Chaulukyas  and  Vaghelas  (A.D.  940-1299),  the 
most  opulent  and  powerful  of  them  all- 

In  the  South,  the  Western  Chalukyas  (A.D.  973-1189),  the  Yada- 
vas  (A.D.  1185-1317),  the  Kakatiyas  (c.  A.D.  1050-1322),  the  Eastern 
Chalukyas  (A.D.  999-1271)  and  later,  Pan<Jyas  (A-D.  11th  to  14th 
centuries)  and  Hoysalas  (c.  A.D.  1106-1343)  ruled  over  flourishing 
kingdoms  and  in  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  Pandyan 
conqueror  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pan<Jya  established  hegemony  over 
several  of  them.  Some  of  these  kingdoms,  at  one  time  or  the  other, 
were  more  powerful  than  the  Sultanate  except  perhaps  during  the 
reign  of  Iltutmish  and  Balban.  If  the  prosperity  and  welfare  of  the 
people,  the  patronage  of  art  and  literature  provide  any  test,  most  of 
them  were  decidedly  great- 

But  the  most  important  of  them  in  extent  and  power — not  ex¬ 
cluding  the  Sultanate  at  its  best— and  the  most  brilliant  in  cultural 
achievements,  was  the  empire  of  the  Cholas  of  Tanjore  (A.D-  985- 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


1250),  When  North  India  was  being  raided  by  Mahmud,  Rajaraja 
Chola  (A.D.  985-1014),  one  of  the  greatest  rulers  in  Indian  history, 
was  laying  the  foundations  of  an  empire-  A  pious  man,  he  conquer¬ 
ed  far  and  wide,  set  up  an  efficient  administration  and  ruled  his 
people  wisely  and  well.  A  great  patron  of  art  and  literature,  he 
built  the  Brihadisvara  (or  Rajarajesvara)  temple  at  Tanjore,  the  most 
beautiful  of  Tamil  edifices  in  the  country.  His  empire  at  his  death  in¬ 
cluded  the  whole  of  South  India  up  to  the  Tungabhadra,  the  Maldives 
and  a  part  of  Ceylon,  with  Andhradesa  in  feudatory  alliance. 

Under  his  son,  Rajendra  Chola  Gangaikoi?$a  (AD-  1012-1044), 
the  empire  reached  its  zenith,  comprising,  besides  the  territories 
that  had  been  acquired  by  Rajaraja,  parts  of  what  is  at  present 
Madhya  Pradesh,  the  whole  of  Andhra,  Ceylon,  and  parts  of  Orissa, 
Bengal  and  Bihar.  The  Chola  Emperors  were  the  first  to  recognise 
the  value  of  naval  power.  Their  navy  controlled  the  Bay  of  Bengal, 
which  became  a  ‘Chola-Lake’,  and  won  a  colonial  empire  which 
embraced  Ceylon,  the  Nicobar  Islands,  the  Malay  Peninsula  and 
Sumatra.  Their  administrative  organisation  had  a  strong  centra¬ 
lised  machinery  and  an  efficient  system  of  audit.  They  constructed 
the  famous  anieuts  across  the  Kaveri  in  the  Tanjore  District;  had 
land  surveys  made  of  their  territories;  built  magnificent  temples; 
established  schools  of  Vedic  and  Sanskritic  learning.  Under  them 
literature  blossomed  and  art  flourished  and  the  south  contributed 
valuable  works  in  the  field  of  philosophy,  Dharmasastras,  ^aivism. 
dramaturgy,  music  and  dancing. 

During  this  period,  the  Hindu  kingdoms  of  Suvarpadvlpa, 
which  comprised  the  Malay  Peninsula,  Sumatra,  Java,  Bali,  Borneo, 
kingdom  of  the  &ailendras,  Pagan  and  Kambuja  in  South-East  Asia, 
formed  part  of  Dvlpantara-Bharata,  'India  beyond  the  Seas’.  They 
had  close  contacts  with  India,  and  South  India  and  Bengal  influenced 
them  considerably. 

Within  fifty  years  of  the  conquest  of  the  great  Sailendra  empire 
of  Malaya  by  the  Chola  conquerors,  the  royal  dynasty  re-established 
its  power  to  some  extent,  which  came  to  an  end  only  about  A.D.  1264. 
The  empire  of  Kambuja  (Cambodia)  reached  its  zenith  in  the  twelfth 
century,  when  Suryavarman  II  built  the  great  temple  of  Angkor 
Vat,  reckoned  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world.  At  the  end  of  the 
twelfth  century,  the  Hindu  kingdom  of  Champa  (Indo-China)  under 
Jayavarman  VIII,  extended  from  the  Bay  of  Bengal  on  one  side  to 
the  Sea  of  China  on  the  other;  it  continued  to  flourish  till  A.D.  1312 
when  the  Emperor  of  Annam  reduced  it  to  vassalage.  Java  also 
continued  to  be  a  powerful  Hindu  kingdom  till  the  fifteenth  century. 


xx 


FOREWORD 


When  overpowered  by  the  Muslims,  the  Hindu  rulers,  rather  than 
renounce  Hinduism,  migrated  with  a  large  number  of  people  to  the 
small  island  of  Bali,  which  had  already  been  colonised  by  the  Hindus. 
Hinduism  flourishes  in  Bali  even  now.  Several  massive  monuments 
like  Angkor  Thom  in  Kambuja  and  Barabu$ur  in  Java  attest  to  the 
grandiose  art  of  this  glorious  period  of  Dvipantara-Bharata. 

In  A.D.  1044,  the  Hindu  king,  Aniruddha,  ruling  from  Pagan  or 
Arimardanapura  in  Burma,  brought  the  whole  country,  excluding 
Tenasserim,  under  his  rule.  One  of  his  successors,  Nkrasimhapati, 
in  A.D.  1271,  defied  Kublai  Khan  for  many  years,  till  about  the  end 
of  the  thirteenth  century,  a  grandson  of  Kublai  Khan  marched  to 
Pagan  which  ‘perished  amidst  the  blood  and  flame  of  the  Tartar's 
terror’. 

As  a  result  of  the  resilience  of  the  social  order  as  had  been 
developed  under  the  influence  of  the  Dharmasastras,  most  of  the 
social  activities  were  in  the  hands  of  autonomous  groups  outside 
Hie  sphere  of  royal  authority.  The  king  waged  wars.  He  lost  bat¬ 
tles  or  died  fighting.  His  army  was  massacred.  But  the  villages, 
more  or  less  self-sufficient  economic  and  social  units,  continued  to 
lead  their  own  life;  the  local  panchayats  continued  to  dispense 
justice;  the  Brahmanas,  to  impart  education  and  direct  religious  rites 
and  duties;  the  Kshatriyas,  to  give  protection;  and  the  autonomous 
castes,  to  provide  social  security  and  to  safeguard  human  relations. 

During  this  age,  therefore,  in  spite  of  the  ravages  of  the  Turks, 
India  was  still  the  land  of  great  achievements. 

¥111 

By  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  Hinduism,  with  its  vigorous 
cults  inculcating  the  worship  of  Siva,  Sakti  and  Vishnu,  had  absorb¬ 
ed  Buddhism;  asserted  its  universal  supremacy;  re-interpreted  its 
popular  doctrines,  charging  them  with  high  philosophy,  and  thrown 
up  vast  movements  of  the  spirit. 

The  Brahmapas  continued  to  exercise  tremendous  influence  in 
the  mind  and  faith  of  the  people.  In  the  main  devoted  to  learning, 
rituals,  worship,  they  led  the  renaissance,  which  can  appropriately 
be  called  Puranic.  Sanskrit,  which  remained  their  passport  to  a 
semi-divine  status  and  their  instrument  of  unifying  the  country,  con¬ 
tinued  to  be  the  language  of  religion,  philosophy  and  sciences;  of  the 
courts  where  learning  was  lavishly  patronised;  of  the  Universities 
where  the  &astras  were  studied  and  re-interpreted.  The  Indian  kings 
of  the  period,  whatever  their  other  faults,  never  failed  to  promote 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


or  to  honour  learning.  But  by  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century, 
intellectual  expansion  of  North  India  halted  abruptly.  This  can  only 
be  traced  to  the  vast  destructions  of  the  Universities  and  centres  of 
learning  in  North  India  by  the  Turks. 

In  spite  of  the  destruction  of  some  great  shrines  and  Universi¬ 
ties  in  North  India,  literature  in  Sanskrit  flourished  in  most  parts 
of  India.  Whatever  of  it  has  come  down  to  us  includes  mahdkdvyas 
and  kavyas,  lyrical,  didactic,  satirical  and  historical  poems;  dramas 
of  different  varieties;  prose  romances  and  charnpus;  tales,  romantic 
and  didactic;  treatises  on  metrics,  poetics  and  dramaturgy,  on  poli¬ 
tics,  mathematics,  medicine,  astronomy,  architecture  and  philosophy. 

It  was  the  age  of  polymaths:  of  Kshemendra,  Bhoja  and  Hema- 
chandra.  Though  Kalidasa's  Raghuvmhsa  and  Meghaduta  and  Bapa's 
Kddambari  provided  the  model  for  many  of  the  creative  works,  they 
tended  to  be  learned,  rather  than  living.  The  fashion  of  the  time 
required  that  even  epics  should  be  so  composed  that  every  word  had 
a  double  or  treble  entendre .  For  instance,  every  verse  of  the 
Dvydsraya-mahdkdvya  of  Hemachandra  illustrates  rules  of  grammar 
as  also  the  history  of  the  Chaulukyas. 

Though  most  of  the  kavyas  were  second-rate,  Nawhadhtya  can 
stand  comparison  with  the  best  of  them.  Kalhapa's  Rdjatarangini  is 
the  best  work  on  history  in  Sanskrit.  The  greatest  creative  work 
of  the  period— -Jay adeva’s  Gfita-govinda—in  which  sound,  sense  and 
emotion  have  been  mingled  in  exquisite  harmony,  and  the  beauty 
of  words  is  invested  with  the  intensity  of  erotic  emotions,  is  a  unique 
poem  in  the  literature  of  the  world,  rare  and  exquisite,  though  op¬ 
pressively  scintillating. 


IX 

In  the  tenth  century  the  castes  were  comparatively  fluid  and 
reconversion  to  Hinduism  not  impossible.  But  in  this  age  the 
fundamental  values  of  Dharmasastras  were  readjusted  not  only  to 
restore  continuity  and  stability  to  the  social  order,  but  to  provide 
defensive  ramparts  in  order  to  present  a  solid  front  to  an  aggressive 
alien  culture  and  religion.  The  dynamic  outlook  of  Medhatithi  and 
Devala-smritij  therefore,  gave  place  to  a  conservative  outlook. 

During  this  period,  the  great  Dharmasastra  texts — Mitdkshard, 
Ddyabhdga,  Smriti-chandrikd  and  Apardrka  tika — reinterpreted  the 
regulatory  canons  of  life  laid  down  by  the  earlier  texts.  Their  autho¬ 
rity,  as  judicial  decisions  show,  held  good  till  yesterday  when  in 

xxii 


FOREWORD 


parts  it  was  superseded  by  the  amendments  of  the  Hindu  Code. 
Chaturvarnya ,  as  envisaged  by  these  texts,  was  the  ideal  pattern  for 
the  society  to  conform.  Lapses  might  be  many  and  varied,  but  pro¬ 
vision  was  made  to  condone  or  remedy  them  by  appropriate  rituals. 
These  law-texts,  universally  accepted  as  authoritative,  more  than  any 
single  factor,  helped  to  conserve  the  social  structure  and  the  pattern 
of  conduct  in  all  human  relations,  which  were  held  traditionally 
sacrosanct  from  the  days  of  Manu. 

XI 

Sanskrit  had  been  placed  on  a  pedestal  of  scholarship  and  sanc¬ 
tity,  assuming  a  more  learned  character.  Prakrit  and  Apabhrarhia 
had  receded  in  the  background.  Some  of  the  dialects  of  the  regions — 
desabhashds — thereupon  had  become  the  vehicles  of  the  living 
thought  and  emotions  of  the  people.  This  Age  saw  the  literary  acti¬ 
vities  in  these  dialects  which  laid  the  foundation  of  the  modern 
Indian  languages  and  their  literature,  including  Marathi,  Bengali, 
Tamil,  Kannada  and  Telugu,  as  also  Old  Gujarati,  sometimes  called 
the  Western  Rajasthani,  of  which  modern  Gujarati,  Jaipuri,  Mar- 
wari  and  Malvi  are  the  descendants. 

With  miraculous  adaptability  Brahmanas  and  non-Brahma $as 
also  carried  to  the  masses  the  vision  and  the  hope  of  the  Epics  and 
the  Puranas,  through  the  media  of  these  languages.  This  brought 
about  the  later  phase  of  the  Puranic  Renaissance,  which  kept  ancient 
ideals  and  traditions  through  the  desabhashds.  This  movement 
spread  over  many  parts  of  the  country.  To  the  poets  it  gave  fresh 
inspiration;  to  the  P&uramkas,  the  readers  of  the  Purar;as,  a  new 
vocation;  to  the  philosophers,  a  new  outlook;  to  the  village  sects, 
something  to  live  for.  It  made  the  glamour  of  the  past,  of  which 
the  people  were  already  proud,  live  again.  It  displaced  cumbrous 
ritual  and  abstruse  doctrine,  to  make  way  for  the  bhakti — -devotion — - 
associated  with  joy,  dance  and  prayer. 

Before  the  rise  of  Sankaracharya ,  the  Vaishgava  mystics  and 
saints,  known  as  Alvars  in  the  South,  had  invested  bhakti  with  the 
attributes  of  earthly  love.  When  the  Bhdgavata  Parana,  one  of  the 
literary  masterpieces  of  the  world,  recreated  Sri  Krishna  as  the 
supremely  lovable  child,  youth,  lover — God  Himself— Kftshnas^ 
tu  Bhagavdn  svayam ,  out  of  the  statesman,  World  Teacher  and 
a vatdra  of  the  Epic  and  the  earlier  Puranas,  it  was  accepted  as  the 
gospel  of  bhakti  throughout  the  country. 

During  this  period,  an  aspect  of  bhakti  also  received  a  new 
emphasis.  After  A.D.  1000,  Yajnunacharya  began  his  apostolic 

xxiii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


career  under  the  Chola  kings.  He  propagated  prapatti  “Surrender 
to  God”.  Ramanujacharya,  who  succeeded  him,  not  only  developed 
the  doctrine  by  providing  it  with  a  philosophic  background,  but 
raised  it  to  the  level  of  a  monotheistic  religion.  In  this  bhakti  school 
of  thought,  which  challenged  the  supremacy  of  the  Vedanta  of 
Sankara,  living  dedication  to  God  became  the  master  idea  giving  the 
powexdul  emotional  content  to  the  bhakti. 

When  Radha  came  to  be  associated  with  Sri  Krishna  in  the 
popular  imagination,  the  bhakti  movement  received  a  still  more 
powerful  impetus.  About  A.D.  1150,  Nimbarka  founded  a  new  school 
in  Andhradesa,  stressing  the  bhakti  both  of  Sri  Krishna  and  Radha, 
“We  worship”,  he  says,  “Radha,  the  daughter  of  Vrishabhanu,  the 
goddess  who  joyfully  adorns  the  left  lap  of  the  great  deity  Sri  Krish¬ 
na,  as  beautiful  as  Sri  Krishna  Himself,  surrounded  by  thousands  of 
damsels.  She  is  the  one  who  fulfils  all  desires”.  Madhva  in  Karnatak 
laid  the  foundation  of  a  yet  more  vigorous  Vaisbnava  cult. 

These  A  chary  as  were  not  merely  philosopher  saints.  They  were 
ardent  evangelists,  with  an  inspired  sense  of  their  mission.  They 
and  their  followers  travelled  from  one  place  of  pilgrimage  to  ano¬ 
ther;  worshipped  at  holy  places  or  well-known  shrines,  particularly 
those  associated  with  Sri  Krishna;  established  contacts,  composed 
philosophic  treatises,  held  discourses  and  made  disciples  who  wan¬ 
dered  from  countryside  to  countryside,  singing  the  praises  of  the 
Lord. 

The  concept  of  bhakti ,  to  which  shape  had  been  given  by  Sri 
Krishna  in  the  Bhagavad-gfita ,  and  by  the  early  founders  of  the 
Fancharatra  doctrines,  had  alreadly  contributed  a  vital  element  in 
the  Puranic  renaissance.  Later  romantic  and  emotional  elements 
were  added  to  it  by  the  devotional  songs  of  the  Alvars,  the  human 
appeal  of  the  Bhdgavata  and  the  glamour  of  the  Radha-Krishaja 
sports  of  Gita-govinda  setting  the  imagination  of  the  people  aglow 
Slowly,  it  penetrated,  though  often  unperceived,  into  the  dark  un¬ 
dergrowth  of  frustration  which  had  been  taking  possession  of  the 
Collective  Unconscious  of  the  people.  Ever  a  vibrant  force,  in  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years,  it  was  to  blaze  forth  as  the  Bhakti  Renais¬ 
sance  to  give  India  the  raptures  of  a  fresh  joy,  which  enabled  her 
to  save  her  soul. 


XI 

We  have  a  fairly  reliable  picture  of  the  economic  condition  of 
Gujarat  in  the  ample  materials  which  are  available.  Similar  condi¬ 
tions  are  likely  to  have  prevailed  in  some  other  parts  of  the  country 
where  the  Turkish  armies  did  not  operate.  The  evidence  shows  that 


xsiv 


FOREWORD 


the  soil  of  Gujarat  was  fertile;  its  people  adventurous,  hard-working 
and  well-behaved.  Agriculture  yielded  bountiful  harvests;  indus¬ 
tries  flourished;  internal  trade  and  maritime  commerce  was  brisk 
and  profitable.  In  general,  the  masses  in  the  country  lived  simply 
but  well,  drawing  sustenance  from  a  rich  soil.  Hie  middle  classes 
lived  in  comfort;  the  upper  classes  in  wealth,  plenty  and  pomp.  Im¬ 
portant  shrines  and  Universities  were  richly  endowed. 

By  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  the  textile  industry  of 
Gujarat  had  reached  its  high-water  mark;  Baroji  and  Kambayati, 
manufactured  in  Broach  and  Cambay  respectively,  are  referred  by 
Marco  Polo  and  Al-Newayri  as  the  outstanding  varieties  of  textile. 
It  was  also  famous  for  its  tanning  and  leather  industries,  “What 
more  shall  I  tell  you”,  writes  the  astonished  Marco  Polo,  “you  must 
know  in  every  truth  that  in  this  kingdom  are  made  the  best  and 
finest  leather  goods  in  the  world  and  the  most  costly,” 

No  less  important  were  its  industries  of  manufacturing  gur  and 
sugar,  and  the  building  industry.  Hie  flourishing  condition  of  the 
latter  is  evidenced  by  the  large  residential  quarters  in  the  cities  like 
Anahlllapataka.  Dholka,  Cambay  and  Broach;  by  the  magnificent 
temples  of  Somanatha,  Abu,  and  Moflhera;  by  the  forts,  the  rem¬ 
nant  of  one  of  which  can  still  be  seen  at  Dabhoi;  by  the  elaborate 
step-wells  of  the  period  which  still  survive.  The  use  of  iron  im¬ 
plements  of  extreme  fineness  is  also  indicated  by  the  exquisite 
stone  carvings. 

Trades  were  organised  into  guilds  with  a  department  of  the 
State  to  look  after  them.  Broach  and  Cambay,  the  two  ports  of 
Gujarat,  carried  on  a  large  international  trade.  Idrisi  speaks  of  the 
residents  of  Broach  as  being  rich  and  engaged  in  trade.  “They  freely 
enter  upon  speculations  and  distant  expeditions.  It  is  a  port  for 
vessels  coming  from  China  and  is  also  for  those  of  Sind.”  Spices, 
dyes,  leather  goods  and  textiles  formed  the  principal  items  of  ex¬ 
port;  and  so  were  locally  made  perfumes,  which  had  a  world  wide 
demand.  Imports  comprised  gold,  silver  and  other  commodities, 
particularly  horses,  of  which  10,000  are  recorded  as  passing  annual¬ 
ly  through  the  port  of  Cambay  alone.  Prabhasa  was  also  an  entre¬ 
pot  and  its  religious  importance  invested  it  with  great  prominence. 

Large  part  of  the  overseas  trade  of  Gujarat  was  controlled  by 
Indians,  though  merchants  of  Arabia  settled  in  different  parts  of  the 
land  had  also  a  share  in  it.  Jagadu,  a  merchant  of  international 
renown,  is  stated  to  have  traded  regularly  with  Persia  and  trans- 


XXV 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ported  goods  to  and  fro  in  his  ships.  A  brisk  trade  was  carried 
on  with  Sumatra  and  Java.  The  wealth  brought  from  the  latter 
country  has  passed  into  a  proverb:  “He  who  goes  to  Java  never  re¬ 
turns;  but  if  he  does,  he  brings  so  much  wealth  that  his  grand-chil¬ 
dren’s  grand-children  will  not  be  able  to  exhaust  if.”  Al-Idrisi  testi¬ 
fies  that  Indian  merchants  were  known  for  justice,  good  faith,  honesty 
and  fidelity  to  their  engagements.  Merchants  of  Lata  (South 
Gujarat)  received  special  encomium  from  Marco  Polo,  who  says:  “I 
assure  you  that  these  Brahmanas  are  among  the  best  and  most  trust¬ 
worthy  merchants  in  the  world;  for  nothing  on  earth  would  they 
tell  a  lie  and  all  that  they  say  is  true.” 

There  is  also  evidence,  though  not  so  complete,  of  the  condi¬ 
tions  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  Date  and  cocoanut  trees  grew 
at  Sandan  and  the  latter  were  found  in  abundance  at  Saymur. 
Magadha  was  rich  in  rice,  and  Kalihga  produced  its  best  varieties 
suitable  for  the  royal  kitchens.  Ginger  and  cinnamon  came  from 
the  Paotfya  kingdom;  camphor,  from  the  mountain  slopes  between 
Quilon  and  Madura;  cardamom  and  pepper,  from  Malabar.  Bengal 
produced  spikenard  and  other  spices,  ginger,  sugar  and  cotton.  The 
Malaya  hills  supplied  sandal- wood,  while  from  Kashmir  came 
yellow  sandal,  saffron  and  grapes.  Indigo  of  a  fine  quality  was  pro¬ 
duced  in  Quilon.  The  Chola-mafidala  abounded  in  ivory. 

The  textile  industry  also  flourished  in  Vahga,  Kalihga,  the 
Chola -mantfala  and  Multan.  Malwa  provided  large  quantities  of 
cotton  cloth;  Malabar  manufactured  “very  beautiful  and  delicate 
buckrams;”  Warangal,  fine  cotton  fabrics  and  carpets;  cotton  stuffs 
with  coloured  silk  threads  formed  part  of  the  products  of  Chola- 
mantfala.  The  temples  at  Bhuvanesvara,  Purl  and  Konarak  testify 
to  the  skill  of  the  ironsmiths  in  manufacturing  iron-beams  of  un¬ 
wrought  iron.  The  iron  pillar  at  Dhara  is  reputed  to  have  been  the 
highest  pillar  of  its  kind  in  the  world.  Palnad  in  South  India 
specialised  in  iron  manufactures  including  arms. 

Malabar  had  important  centres  of  pearl  fisheries.  Warangal  pro¬ 
duced  diamonds  of  large  size  in  abundance.  At  many  centres  in  the 
country,  articles  of  gold  and  silver  of  high  artistic  value  were  manu¬ 
factured,  and  the  art  of  jewellers  had  reached  a  high  degree  of 
specialised  skill. 

Malabar  also  had  international  centres  of  trade,  visited  by  ships 
from  the  Persian  Gulf,  the  Arabian  Sea  as  also  from  South  China. 


xxvi 


FOREWORD 


Its  imports  included  metals,  textiles,  fabrics,  frankincense,  etc. 
Spices,  precious  stones,  pearls,  cloths  of  silk  and  gold,  and  ivory 
figured  among  the  exports.  Horses  constituted  by  far  the  largest 
item  among  the  imports.  Chau  Ju-Kua  refers  to  the  Arabs  taking 
their  horses  to  Quilon  for  trade.  The  merchants  of  Quilon  and  the 
officials  of  the  Chola  government  employed  in  the  port  have  been 
praised  for  their  integrity  by  the  Jewish  traveller  Benjamin  of 
Tudela. 


XII 

The  pall  of  the  purdah  had  not  yet  descended  upon  the1  land. 
Men  and  women,  simply  dressed  but  richly  ornamented,  moved 
about  freely.  Fairs  and  feasts  were  held  in  plenty.  Flowers  were 
in  general  use  as  personal  ornaments.  Dance,  drama  and  music, 
vocal  and  instrumental,  were  very  popular.  So  was  wrestling  and 
duel.  Fights  between  birds  and  quails  were  often  staged  to  popu¬ 
lar  delight.  Large  temples,  built  by  kings  or  the  pious  rich  were 
community  centres  where  the  humbler  folk  gathered,  received  in¬ 
structions,  held  their  fairs  and  festivals;  where  dramatic  perfor¬ 
mances  were  held.  Apart  from  the  Sanskrit  dramas,  there  were 
also  entertainments  of  a  popular  variety.  Hemachandra  tells  us 
that  sometimes  during  such  entertainments  “even  the  sophisticated 
townsmen  were  impelled  to  laugh  like  villagers,  at  fat  men,  men 
with  projecting  teeth,  lame  men,  hunchbacks,  fiat-nosed  men,  men 
with  dishevelled  hair;  by  ash  coloured  men,  by  men  with  buttock- 
bells,  by  the  musicians  of  the  armpit  and  the  nose,  by  dancers  of 
the  ear  and  brow,  by  imitators  of  the  speech  of  other  people.” 

After  the  Classical  Age,  this  age  was  the  most  glorious  epoch 
of  Indian  art,  particularly  in  the  spheres  of  architecture  and  sculp¬ 
ture,  though  their  traditions  had  grown  up  in  the  earlier  period. 
This  was  India's  great  age  of  temple-building.  In  several  parts  of 
North  India,  remnants  of  some  of  the  magnificent  temples  of  the 
period  survive;  many  of  the  important  ones  in  the  South  are  still 
intact.  More  than  anything  else,  they  bear  eloquent  testimony  to 
the  faith  and  opulence  of  the  times;  to  the  high  degree  which  artis¬ 
tic  execution  had  attained  in  the  country;  above  all,  to  the  inspiring 
and  conditioning  factors  in  the  social  and  emotional  life  of  the 
people  which  nourished  such  a  great  art. 

At  the  close  of  the  age,  or  perhaps  a  decade  or  two  later,  when 
the  armies  of  the  Turkish  and  Khalji  Sultans  overran  the  country, 
the  creative  vitality  in  terms  of  plastic  art  came  to  an  end. 

xxvii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


These  remains  also  indicate  the  vigour  of  the  religious  move¬ 
ments  which  sustained  the  life  of  the  people.  Though  the  worship 
of  Vishpu  was  popular  among  the  well-to-do  and  the  intellectual 
classes,  the  worship  of  &iva  and  &akti?  more  than  tany  other  cult, 
exercised  the  most  active  influence  and  claimed  the  devotion  of  the 
bulk  of  the  people.  Most  of  the  great  temples  of  this  age,  which 
survive  to-day,  are  dedicated  to  Siva.  Perhaps  the  shrines  of  the 
twelve  jyotirlingas,  to  the  deity,  as  the  guardian  deity  of  the 
universe,  situated  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  began  to  com¬ 
mand  the  veneration  of  the  whole  country  during  this  period.  Any¬ 
way  two  of  them— the  one  of  Somanatha  at  Prabhasa,  and  the  other 
of  Mahakala  at  Ujjain— were  shrines  held  in  such  veneration  before 
Mahmud  of  Ghazni  invaded  the  country.  Temples  dedicated  to  Siva 
also  abounded  on  the  banks  of  most  of  the  rivers  and  in  villages;  for, 
he  was  the  god  whom  the  poor  universally  loved. 

■feiva  and  Parvatl,  with  their  colourful  family,  entered  into  the 
life  of  the  people  as  devoted  lovers,  as  affectionate  parents,  as  dread 
destroyers,  as  the  defenders  of  the  righteous.  As  the  destroyers  of 
the  demons  Tripura  and  Mahishasura,  they  were  not  only  the  powers 
who  supported  the  righteous  in  their  crusade  against  the  wicked,  but 
were  the  presiding  deities  of  conflict,  whether  of  attack  or  defence. 

Siva,  as  the  wielder  of  the  mighty  trident,  therefore,  had  an 
unchallenged  place  in  the  Indian  heart  not  only  in  these  three  cen¬ 
turies  but  in  the  preceding  and  the  succeeding  centuries  as  well. 
His  name  was  a  challenging  refrain  in  all  heroic  appeals.  From 
before  the  medieval  period,  the  warriors  generally  went  to  battle  , 
with  his  name  on  their  lips.  And  they  were  to  do  so  not  only 
throughout  the  Era  of  Resistance,  which  began  with  this  Age,  but 
even  till  1857,  when  Eani  Lakshmibai  of  Jhansi  and  her  heroic 
followers,  in  their  fight  against  the  British,  courted  martyrdom  with 
‘Kara  Kara  Mahadev’  on  their  lips. 

XIII 

My  thanks  are  due  to  Dr.  B.  C.  Majumdar,  the  General  Editor, 
and  Dr.  A.  D.  Pusalkar,  the  Assistant  Editor,  for  their  indefatigable 
and  conscientious  labours,  and  to  the  scholars  who  have  contributed 
the  different  sections  in  this  volume.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to 
the  Director-General  of  Archaeology,  New  Delhi;  Mr.  C.  W.  E. 
Cotton,  London;  Mr.  S.  Roerich,  Kalimpong;  Prof.  S  K.  Saraswati, 
Calcutta;  the  authorities  of  the  Archaeological  Department  of  Kash- 


xxviii 


FOREWORD 


mir,  Srinagar;  British  Museum,  London;  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art, 
U.S.A.;  Colombo  Museum;  Dacca  Museum,  East  Pakistan;  Indian 
Museum,  Calcutta;  Lucknow  Museum;  Madras  Museum;  Mus6e 
Guimet,  Paris;  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  U.S.A.;  Museum  Van 
Asiatische  Kunst,  Amsterdam;  Patna  Museum;  Raj pu tana  Museum, 
Ajmer;  Rajshahi  Museum,  East  Pakistan;  Shikar  Museum,  Rajpu- 
tana;  Worcester  Art  Museum,  U.S.A.;  Asiatic  Society,  Calcutta; 
and  Bharat  Kala  Bhavan,  Hindu  University,  Banaras,  who  have  sup¬ 
plied  photographs  for  the  different  illustrations  in  this  volume.  De¬ 
tails  of  the  materials  lent  by  them  are  given  in  a  separate  “Acknow¬ 
ledgments”  column.  I  am  specially  indebted  to  Messrs.  Associated 
Advertisers  &  Printers  Ltd.,  Bombay,  who  have  seen  the  volume 
through  the  press,  and  to  the  staff  of  the  Bhavan  and  the  Press  who 
looked  after  the  preparation  and  printing  of  this  volume  with  care 
and  zeal.  It  is  difficult  to  express  adequately  the  deep  debt  of 
gratitude  which  the  Bhavan  owes  to  Shri  G.D.  Birla,  the  Chair¬ 
man,  and  other  members  of  the  Board  of  the  Krishnarpan  Trust  who 
have  so  liberally  financed  the  preparation  of  this  series. 


XXIX 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


We  are  indebted  to  the  following  institutions  and  individuals  for  permission  to 
reproduce  illustrations  noted  against  each.  While  expressing  our  sincere  thanks 
for  such  courtesies,  we  should  add  that  reproduction  in  each  case  is  prohibited 
without  the  permission  of  the  authority  concerned,  the  copyright  being  reserved. 

1.  Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  New  Delhi:  Nos.  1-90,93,  101-106,  114-116, 
118,  121-124,  134-135. 

2.  Archaeological  Department  of  Kashmir,  Srinagar:  No.  123. 

3.  British  Museum,  London:  Nos.  100,  108,  117. 

4.  Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  U.S.A.:  No.  131. 

5.  Colombo  Museum:  No.  132. 

6.  Dacca  Museum,  East  Pakistan:  Nos.  92,  97. 

7.  Indian  Museum,  Calcutta:  Nos.  96,  111. 

8.  Lucknow  Museum:  No.  119. 

9.  Madras  Museum:  No.  129. 

10.  Musee  Guimet,  Paris:  No.  133. 

11.  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  U  S. A.:  Nos.  110,  126,  128. 

12.  Museum  Van  Asiatische  Kunst,  Amsterdam:  No.  127. 

13.  Patna  Museum:  No.  94. 

14.  Kajputana  Museum,  Ajmer:  No.  120. 

15.  Raj  shah  i  Museum,  East  Pakistan:  Nos.  98-99. 

16.  Shikar  Museum,  Rajputana:  No.  112. 

17.  Worcester  Art  Museum,  U.S.A.:  No.  107. 

18.  Asiatic  Society,  Calcutta:  Nos.  137,  138. 

19.  Bharat  Kala  Bhavan,  Hindu  University,  Banaras:  No.  136. 

20.  Mr.  C.  W.  E.  Cotton,  London:  No.  130. 

21.  Mr.  S.  Roerich,  Kalixnpong:  No.  140. 

22.  Prof.  S.  K.  Saraswati,  Calcutta:  Nos.  139,  142, 

Our  grateful  thanks  are  also  due  to  the  following  institutions  and  individuals 
for  helping  the  publication  by  supplying  the  photographs  for  the  illustrations  as 
under: 

1.  Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  Eastern  Circle,  Calcutta:  Nos.  70-73. 

2.  Office  of  the  Government  Epigraphist,  Ootacamund:  No.  100. 

3.  Prof.  N.  K.  Bose,  Calcutta:  Nos.  42-47,  49,  54-58,  123-124. 

4.  Prof.  S.  K.  Saraswati,  Calcutta:  Text  figures  Nos.  1-57,  Illustrations 

Nos.  1-14,  48,  50-53,  59-69,  74-89,  91-99,  101-122,  125-142. 

> 

We  are  further  indebted  to  Sri  A.  Ghosh,  Director  General  of  Archaeology  in 
India,  New  Delhi,  for  helping  the  publication  by  lending  the  block  for  No.  90. 


XXX 


CONTENTS 


Page 

Foreword  by  Dr.  K.  M.  Munshi  .  .  . .  .  .  . .  vii 

Acknowledgments  .  .  . .  .  .  . .  .  .  xxx 

List  oj  Maps  .  xlii 

Preface  by  the  General  Editor  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  xliii 

List  of  Illustrations  . .  . .  . ,  ....  li 

Abbreviations  . .  . .  . .  .  .  . .  . .  lv 

CHAPTER  I 
GHAZNAVID  INVASION 
By  B,  C.  Ganguly,  m.a.,  ph.d.  (London) 

Secretary  and  Curator ,  Victoria  Memorial  Hall,  Calcutta: 
formerly  Reader  in  History,  Dacca  University 

1 .  The  Rise  of  the  Ghaznavids  .  .  .  .  .  .  1 

2 .  Sabuktigln  .  .  . .  . .  .  .  .  .  2 

3 .  Sultan  Mahmud  . .  .  .  .  .  .  .  5 

CHAPTER  II 

NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  THE  ELEVENTH  AND 

TWELFTH  CENTURIES 

By  B.  C.  Ganguly 

I .  The  Palas  .  .  .  .  . .  .  .  .  .  .  .  24 

1 .  Mahipala  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  24 

2 .  Successors  of  Mahipala  .  .  . .  .  .  27 

3 .  Ramapala  . .  . .  .  .  . .  29 

4.  Successors  of  Ramapala  .  .  .  .  .  .  31 

II .  Bengal  after  the  Palas  .  .  .  .  . .  .  .  33 

1 .  The  Yadavas  of  Vahga  .  .  . .  . .  33 

2 .  The  Senas  of  Bengal  .  .  .  .  . .  35 

3 .  The  Royal  Family  of  Pattikera  .  .  .  .  41 

4.  The  Deva  Dynasty  of  Samatata  and  Vahga  . .  42 

III .  Assam  . .  .  .  . .  . .  . .  .  .  42 

IV .  Nepal  . .  .  .  .  .  . .  .  .  .  .  45 

V .  Bihar  .  .  . .  .  .  .  .  .  .  . .  47 

1 .  The  Karnataka  Dynasty  of  Mithila  .  .  .  .  47 

2 .  The  Guptas  of  Jayapura  .  .  .  .  . .  48 

3 .  The  Senas  of  Pith!  .  .  .  .  . .  . .  49 

4.  Khayaravala  Dynasty  of  Japila  .  .  .  .  49 

VI .  Kanauj  . .  .  .  . .  . .  . .  50 

1 .  The  Rashtrakutas  . .  .  .  . .  50 

2.  The  Gahadav alas  ..  ..  ..  ..  50 

VII .  The  Yaduvamsi  Kings  of  Bayana-Srlpatha  . .  55 

VIII .  The  Kachchhapaghatas  . .  ....  . .  56 

IX.  The  Chandellas  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  58 

X .  The  Kalachuris  .  .  .  .  . .  . .  . .  61 

1 .  The  Kalachuris  of  Tripurl  .  .  .  .  . .  61 

2 .  The  Kalachuris  of  Ratanpur .  64 

xxxi 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Page 

66 

66 


XI .  The  Paramaras 

1 .  The  Paramaras  of  Malava 

2.  Minor  Branches  of  the  Paramaras  in  Rajput  ana 


(i)  Mt.  Abu  (ii)  Vagada,  .  .  .  .  .  .  72 

(iii)  Jalor,  (iv)  Bhinmal  .  .  .  .  .  .  73 

XII.  The  Chaulukyas  of  Gujarat  .  .  ..  ..  74 

XIII .  The  Chahamanas  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  81 

1 .  The  Chahamanas  of  Sakambharl  .  .  .  .  81 

2  .  The  Chahamanas  of  Ranastamfohapura  .  83 

3 .  The  Chahamanas  of  Na$ol  , .  .  .  .  .  86 

4.  The  Chahamanas  of  Jabalipura  (Jalor)  .  .  87 

5.  The  Chahamanas  of  Satyapura  (Sachor)  and 

Deva^a  .  .  . .  .  .  .  .  88 

XIV .  The  Guhilas  of  Mewar  «  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  89 

XV.  The  Punjab  under  the  Yamlnl  Dynasty  .  .  .  .  92 

XVI.  Kashmir  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  97 

1 .  First  Lohara  Dynasty  .  .  .  .  .  .  97 

2 .  Second  Lohara  Dynasty  .  .  .  .  .  .  99 

3.  Advent  of  the  Muslim  Rule  .  .  .  .  101 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  AGE  OF  PRITHVlRAJA  III 
By  D.  C.  Ganguly 

The  Age  of  Prithviraja  III  .  .  .  .  .  .  104 

CHAPTER  IV 

THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 
By  Paramatma  Saran,  m.a.,  ph.d.  (London), 

Reader  in  History ,  University  of  Delhi 

and 

R.  C.  MaJUMDAR,  M.A.,  PH.D.,  F.A.S.,  F.A.S.B., 

Professor  of  Ancient  Indian  History  and  Culture, 


Nagpur  University 

1.  The  Muslim  States  in  the  East  ..  ..  116 

2.  The  Ghurids  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  117 

3.  Qutb-ud-din  Aibak’s  Conquests  ..  ..  118 

4.  Ikhtiyar«ud~dm  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khalji  122 

5.  End  of  the  Ghuri  Dynasty  ..  ..  ..  124 

8.  Causes  of  the  Collapse  of  Hindu  Rule  ..  125 


CHAPTER  ¥ 

THE  MAMLtJK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 
By  A.  B,  M,  Habibttllah,  m.a.,  ph.d.  (London), 

Professor  of  Islamic  History  and  Culture,  University 

of  Dacca  (Pakistan) 

1.  Qutb-ud-dln  Aibak  and  Iltutmish  ..  ..  ..  130 

H .  Weak  Successors  of  Iltutmish  . .  .  .  .  .  136 

III .  Internal  Disorder  . .  .  .  .  .  .  .  140 

xxxii 


CONTENTS 


IV. 

Mongol  Raids 

Page 

142 

V. 

Revival  of  Hindu  Power 

144 

VI. 

Baiba n  Restores  the  Authority  of  Sultanate 

148 

VII. 

The  End  of  Balban’s  Dynasty 

158 

CHAPTER  ¥1 

LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 


By  B.  C.  Ganguly 

1 .  Taila  II  (A.D.  973-997)  . .  -  .  .  .  .  161 

2.  Satyasraya  (A.D.  997-C.1008)  ..  ..  164 

3.  Viliam  adity  a  V  (c.  A.D,  1008-1014)  ..  ..  166 

4.  Jayasiihha  II  (A.D.  1015-1043)  ..  ..  166 

5.  Somesvara  I  (A.D.  1043-1068)  ..  ..  167 

6.  Some&vara  II  (A.D.  1068-1076)  ..  ..  173 

7.  Vikramaditya  VI  (A.D.  1076-1126)  . .  174 

8.  Somesvara  III  (A.D.  1126-1138)  ..  ..  177 

9.  Jagadekamalla  (A.D.  1138-1151)  and  Taila  III 

(A.D.  1151-1156)  .  178 

10.  The  Kalachuri  Usurpation  (A.D.  1156-1181).  179 

11.  Somesvara  IV  (A.D.  1181-c.  1189),  the  last 

Chalukya  ruler  . .  . .  . .  .  .  182 


APPENDIX 
THE  gILAHARAS 
By  R.  C.  Majukdar 

The  Silaharas  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  184 

CHAPTER  VII 

THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGHU 
By  D.  C.  Ganguly 

1 .  Bhillama  V  . .  . .  . .  . .  .  •  185 

2.  Jaitugi  ..  ..  ..  ..  187 

3 .  Singh  ana  . .  . .  .  .  . .  . .  188 

4.  Krishna  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  192 

5.  Mahadeva  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  193 

6 .  Ramaehandra  . .  •  •  . .  . .  194 

7.  ^ahkaradeva  and  Harapaladeva  ..  ..  196 


CHAPTER  VIII 

DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 
X-III  By  D.  C.  Ganguly 
IV-VHX  By  D.  C.  Sircar,  m.a.,  ph.d.. 

Government  Epigraphist  /or  India,  Ootacamund 

I,  The  Kakatlyas  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  •  198 

II .  The  Eastern  Chalukyas  . .  203 

III.  The  Eastern  Ganges  ..  ./  ..  ..  205 


S,Ef— C 


xxxiii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Page 


IV.  The  Somavamsis  .  .  .  .  209 

V.  The  Nagas  or  Chhindakas  . .  .  .  .  .  214 

VI.  The  Cholas  or  Telugu  Chotfas  .  .  . .  . .  219 

VII.  The  Rashtrakutas  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  221 

VIII.  The  Tailapavaihsls  .  .  '  .  .  .  .  .  .  223 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  HOYSALAS 

By  t  ie  late  Dewan  Bahadur  S*  Krishvaswamc  Aiyangar,  M.A.,  I’H.  D., 

Retired  Professor  of  Indian  History  and  Archaeology , 

University  of  Madras 

and 

R.  C.  Majumdar 

1 .  Origin  of  the  Hoysalas 

2.  Early  Kings 

3.  Bittiga  or  Vishnuvardhana 

4.  B allala  XI,  the  first  independent  king 

5 .  Narasimha  II  and  the  Hoysala  Empire 
6  .  Fall  of  the  Hoysalas 

CHAPTER  X 

THE  CHOLAS 

By  R.  Sathianathaier,  m.a.,  l.t., 

Professor  of  History  and  Politics,  Annamalai  University 


I.  Political  History  . .  .  . .  234 

1 .  Rajaraja  the  Great  (A.D.  985-1014)  . .  234 

2.  Rajendra  I,  Gangaikon^a  Chola  (A.D.  1012-1044).  236 

3.  Rajadhiraja  I,  (A.D.  1018-1052)  and  Rajendra 

II  (A.D.  1052-1064)  240 

4.  Virarajendra  I  (A.D.  1063-1070)  and  Adhi- 

rajendra  (A.D.  1068-70)  . .  . .  .  .  241 

5.  Kulottunga  I  (A.D.  1070-1120)  .  .  242 

6.  Vikrama  Choja  (A.D.  1118-1135)  and  Kulot¬ 
tunga  II  (A.D.  1133-1150)  245 

7.  Rajaraja  II  (A.D.  1146-1173)  and  Rajadhiraja 

II  (A.D.  1163-1179)  245 

8.  Kulottunga  III  (A.D.  1178-1216)  . .  .  .  246 

9.  Rajaraja  HI  (A.D.  1216-1246)  and  Rajendra  III 

(A.D.  1246-79) .  247 

10.  Kop-Peruhjinga  . .  .  .  .  .  248 

II .  Political  Organisation  ...  .  .  .  .  249 

1 .  Central  Government  . .  . .  249 

2.  Local  Self-Government:  the  Mahasabha  and 

the  Variyam  . .  .  .  . .  252 

3.  Functions  of  the  Mahasabha:  Fiscal,  Judicial 

and  Ministrant  . .  253 


226 

227 

228 

230 

231 

232 


xxxiv 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XI 


Page 


THE  LATER  PANDYAS 
By  R.  Sathianathaier 

1.  Interval  between  the  First  and  the  Second 

Empire  .  256 

2 .  Maravarman  Sundara  Pan^ya  . .  .  .  256 , 

3 .  Jatavarman  Sundara  Parujya  I  ...  . .  257 

4 .  Maravarman  Kulasekhara  Pan^ya  .  .  .  .  259 

CHAPTER  XII 


CEYLON 

By  D.  C.  Sircar,  m.a.,  ph.d. 


Ceylon 


261 


CHAPTER  Xin 


POLITICAL  THEORY  AND  ADMINISTRATIVE 

ORGANISATION 


By  U.  N.  Ghoshal,  m.a„  ph.d., 

Formerly  Professor  of  History, 
Presidency  College,  Calcutta 

I .  Political  Theory 

II.  Administrative  Organisation — North  India 

1 .  The  Kalaehuris 

2 .  The  Chandellas 

3 .  The  Paramaras 

4.  The  Gahadavalas 

5 .  The  Senas 

6 .  The  Chahamanas 

III.  Administrative  Organisation — South  India 

1 .  The  Chalukyas 

2 .  The  Chojas 

3 .  The  Yadavas 

4.  The  Hoysalas 

5 .  The  Pan^yas 

CHAPTER  XIV 

LAW  AND  LEGAL  INSTITUTIONS 
By  U.  N.  Ghoshal 

I .  North  India 

II.  South  India 


269 

274 

274 

275 

275 

276 

276 

277 

278 
278 
281 
282 

283 

284 


287 

290 


XXXV 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


CHAPTER  XV 

LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


Page 


A.  Sanskrit 

By  M.  A.  Mehendale,  m.a.,  ph.d. 

Reader  in  Sanskrit ,  Deccan  College  Post-graduate 
and  Research  Institute ,  Poona 

and 

A.  D.  PlJSALKER,  M.A.,  LL.B.,  PH.D., 


Assistant  Director  and  Head  of  the  Department  of 
Ancient  Indian  Culture,  Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan 


1. 

Introduction 

•  • 

297 

2. 

Belles-Lettres 

•  • 

298 

I. 

Kavya 

•  • 

298 

(A)  Mahakavya 

•  « 

298 

(B)  Shorter  Poems 

•  • 

302 

(C)  Historical  Poems 

•  • 

306 

II. 

Drama 

•  • 

309 

(A)  Legendary  Plays 

•  • 

309 

(B)  Court  Comedies 

«  • 

310 

(C)  Erotic  and  Farcical  Plays 

•  • 

311 

(D)  Prakarapas  and  Semi-historical  Plays 

311 

(E)  Allegorical  Drama 

•  • 

312 

(F)  Irregular  Drama 

•  • 

312 

III. 

Prose  Romances  and  Champus 

•  • 

312 

IV. 

Story  Literature 

•  • 

313 

(A)  The  Bjihatkatha  and  its  Later 

Versions. 

313 

(B)  Romantic  Tales 

•  • 

314 

(C)  Didactic  Tales 

•  « 

315 

(D)  Fables 

•  • 

316 

3. 

Scientific  Literature 

•  • 

317 

I. 

Lexicography 

•  • 

317 

II. 

Grammar 

•  • 

319 

III. 

Poetics  and  Dramaturgy 

•  • 

321 

(1)  Poetics  . 

•  • 

321 

(2)  Dramaturgy 

•  • 

325 

IV. 

Metrics  (By  H.  D.  Velankar,  M.A.,  Jt. 

Director, 

Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan,  Bombay) 

•  • 

325 

V. 

Politics  and  Practical  Life 

•  • 

327 

VI. 

Medicine 

•  • 

328 

VII. 

Mathematics  and  Astronomy 

•  • 

328 

vra. 

Music 

•  • 

329 

IX. 

Ancillary  Sciences 

• 

329 

4. 

Religious  and  Philosophical  Literature  . . 

•  • 

330 

I. 

PurSijas 

•  • 

330 

II. 

Dharmaiastra:  Commentaries,  Nibandhas 

and 

Ritual  Literature 

•  • 

330 

III. 

Philosophy 

•  • 

336 

5. 

General  Review  . .  . . 

•  • 

337 

xxxvi 


CONTENTS 


Page 


B.  Sanskritic 
I.  PALI 

By  M.  A.  Mehendale 

1 .  Language  .  339 

2.  Non-canonical  Literature .  340 

II  THE  JAIN  MAHARASHTRI  AND  OTHER  PRAKRITS 

By  M.  A.  Mehendale 

1 .  Narrative  .  344 

2.  Stotras  and  Didactic  Works  348 

3 .  Grammars  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  348 

4 .  Language  .  34  7 

III.  APABHRAM&A 
By  M.  A.  Mehendale 

1 .  Literature  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  348 

2 .  Language  . .  .  .  . .  . .  . .  350 


IV.  MARATHI 

By  R.  G,  Harshe,  b.a.  (Tilak),  d.litt.  (Paris), 

Formerly  Registrar,  Deccan  College 
Post-graduate  and  Research  Institute ,  Poona 

Marathi  . .  . .  . .  .  .  . .  . .  351 

V .  BENGALI 

By  S.  K.  Chatter ji,  m.a.  (Cal.),  d.litt.  (London), 

President,  Legislative  Council,  West  Bengal;  Emeritus 
Professor  of  Comparative  Philology,  University 

of  Calcutta 

1 .  Language  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  357 

2 .  Literature  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  358 

C.  Dravidian 

By  K.  R.  Srinivasa  Iyenoar,  m.a.,  d.litt., 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  English, 


Andhra  University 
I.  TAMIL 

1.  Poetry  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  361 

2 .  §aiva  Siddhanta  Literature  . .  . .  . .  . .  365 

II.  KANNADA 

1 .  Virasaiva  Literature  . .  .  367 

2.  Jain  Writers  ..  ..  ..  ..  ..  370 

m.  TELUGU 

1 .  The  Origin  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  372 

2 .  Deli  and  Margi  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  373 

3 .  Telugu  Mahabharatam  . .  . .  . .  . .  374 

4 .  The  Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Centuries  . .  . .  376 

5.  The  Thirteenth  Century  .  377 


xxxvii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR 


a™ 


?IRE 


Page 

D.  Nishdda  and  Kirdta 
By  S.'K.  Ohatterji 

Nishada  and  Kirata  . .  . .  . .  .  .  377 

APPENDIX 
(B)  *Sanskritic 
VI  GUJARATI 


By  II.  C.  Bhayani  m.a.,  ph.d., 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Gujarati , 
Bharatiya  Vidya  Bhavan »  Bombay 

1 .  Language  . .  . .  . .  , ,  . .  . .  389 

2.  Literature  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  391 

CHAPTER  XVI 

RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


(A)  GENERAL  REVIEW 
By  R.  C.  Majumdar 

General  Review  . .  . .  . ,  . .  . .  398 


I. 


XL 


(B)  BUDDHISM 
By  N.  N.  Das  Gupta,  m.a.. 

Lecturer  in  Ancient  Indian  History  and  Culture , 
University  of  Calcutta 


m. 


.  Doctrinal  Changes 

•  •  •  •  •  • 

404 

1.  Tantrik  Buddhism 

*  •  9  9  •  • 

404 

2.  Vajra-yana 

•  •  9  9  9  9 

404 

3 .  Kalaeh&kra-yana 

*  •  •  •  •  • 

412 

4.  Sahaja-yana 

«  «  a  •  •  • 

413 

.  Sphere  of  Influence 

«  •  •  *  9  9 

414 

1 .  Pila  Kingdom  (Bengal  and  Bihar) 

415 

2.  Kashmir 

*  »  ,  9  *>  •  • 

419 

3.  Madhyadeia 

•  •  9«  C  9 

421 

4.  South  India 

9  9  9  9  9  9 

424 

.  The  Last  Phase 

•  •  »  9  .99 

425 

(C)  JAINISM 

By  H.  L.  Jaih,  m.a.,  ll.b..  d.  liti\. 


Director,  Prakrit  Jain  Institute,  Muzaffarpur 


I. 

Jainism  in  Gujarat 

9  9 

427 

H. 

Jainism  in  the  Deccan  and  South  India 

9  9 

429 

in. 

Ascetic  Organisations  and  Succession  Lists 

*  *  . 

431 

IV. 

Literature 

(D)  VAISHNAVISM 
v  By  D.  C.  Sircar 

9  9 

434 

i. 

North  India  (First  paragraph  by  Dr.  R.  C.  Majum- 

dar)  . 

435 

n. 

Srivaishgavas 

436 

1 .  Yamun§charya 

437 

2 .  R&manuja 

3 .  Ramanuja’s  Followers 

437 

438 

4.  Nimbarka  ..  . 

440 

5 .  Madhva  or  Anandatirtha 

441 

•  •• 


XXXVIU 


3*3 


CONTENTS 


Page 

(E)  SA1V1SM 

By  T.  M.  P.  Mahadevan,  m.a.,  ph.d., 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Philosophy, 

University  of  Madras 

I .  Royal  Patrons  of  &aivism  . .  . .  . .  442 

II .  Vlrasaivism  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  445 

III .  &aiva~Siddhanta  . .  . .  . .  . .  450 

IV .  Sivadv&ita  . ,  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  455 

V.  Kapala  and  Kalamukha  sects  (By  E.  C.  Majumdar).  458 

(F)  GENERAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PHILOSOPHY 
By  U.  C.  Bhattachabjee.  m.a.. 

Formerly  Professor  of  Philosophy,  Presidency  College , 

Calcutta 

I.  Impact  of  other  Civilizations— the  Theistic  Urge.  459 

II.  Ramanuja  (eleventh-twelfth  century  AD.)  . .  480 

III .  Other  Vaishnava  Commentators  of  Vedanta  . .  461 

(i)  Nimbarka  (twelfth  century  A.D.)  . .  . .  461 

(ii)  Madhva  (thirteenth  century  AD.)  .  .  . .  461 

(Hi)  Vallabha  ,  ..  ..  .  462 

.  Non- V aishnava  Yedantists  . .  . '.  . .  462 

.  The  Other  Systems  . .  . .  . .  . .  463 

.  Later  Syncretism  . .  . .  . .  . ,  465 

(G)  ISLAM 

By  M,  W.  Mieza.  m.a.,  ph.d.  (london). 

Professor  and  Head  of  the  Department  of  Arabic, 

Lucknow  University 

Islam  . .  . .  . .  . .  •  •  .  •  467 

CHAPTER  XVH 

SOCIAL  CONDITION 
By  U.  N.  Ghoshal 

1 .  Social  Divisions  .  . .  . .  . .  . .  4 74 

2 .  Marriage  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  478 

3 .  The  Position  of  Women  . .  . .  . .  481 

4.  Food  and  Drink  ..  ..  ..  ..  484 

5 .  Dress  and  Toilette  . .  .  486 

6.  Standard  of  living  ..  .  487 

7 .  Popular  and  Royal  Amusements  . .  . .  488 

8.  Popular  Beliefs  and  Superstitions  ..  ..  492 

9.  Manners  and  Customs  .  493 

10.  General  Estimate  of  Character  ..  ..  496 

11 .  Hindu-Muslim  Relations  (By  R.  C.  Majumdar)  497 

12.  Muslim  Society  in  India  (By  M.  W.  Mirza)  . .  503 

xxxix 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Page 

CHAPTER  XVIII 

EDUCATION 
By  U.  N.  Ghoskal 

I .  Primary  and  Higher  Education  .  .  .  .  . .  508 

II.  Private  and  Public  Endowments  for  Promotion  of 

Learning  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  510 

CHAPTER  XIX 

ECONOMIC  CONDITION 

By  U.  N.  Ghoskal 

I.  Hie  Village  and  the  City  . .  . .  . .  . .  515 

II .  Agriculture,  Industry  and  Trade  . .  . .  516 

III.  The  Organisation  of  Industry  and  Trade  . .  . .  524 

CHAPTER  XX 

ABT 

I.  ARCHITECTURE 
By  S.  K.  Sabaswati,  m.a., 

Reader  in  Ancient  Indian  History  and  Culture, 

University  of  Calcutta 

1 .  Formation  of  the  Traditional  Temple  Styles  . .  530 

2 .  Nagara  style  . .  . .  . .  . .  534 

A.  Orissa  . .  . .  . .  .  .  .  .  535 

B.  Central  India  . .  . .  . .  . .  557 

C.  Rajpuiana  . .  .  .  .  .  . .  576 

D.  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar  .  .  .  .  583 

E.  Deccan  . .  .  . .  .  .  .  .  597 

F.  Sindhu-GahgS  Valleys  .  .  . .  .  .  604 

3 .  Dravi<Ja  Style  . .  . .  . .  .  .  609 

4.  ChaJukyan  Style  . .  . .  . .  . .  622 

5.  Exotic  Types  ..  ...  ..  ..  ..  634 

IL  SCULPTURE 

* 

By  Nihab  Ranjan  Ray,  m.a.,  b.  lett.  &  phil.  (leyben), 

Bagiswari  Professor  of  Indian  Art  and  Culture , 

University  of  Calcutta 

1 .  General  Review  . .  . .  . .  . .  640 

A.  Growth  of  Regional  Schools  •. .  . .  640 

B.  Mediaeval  Trend  . .  . .  641 

C.  Cult-images  and  Canonisation  .  .  .  .  642 

D.  Non-iconic  Figure  Sculptures  . .  644 

2 .  Eastern  India  . .  . .  . .  646 

A.  Bihar  and  Bengal  . .  . .  . .  646 

B.  Orissa  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  650 

3 .  Gahga-YamunS  Valley  . .  .  .  655 

4 .  Central  India  . .  656 

5.  Vindhya  and  Madhya  Pradesh  659 

xl 


CONTENTS 


6. 

Raj  pu  tana 

Page 

660 

7. 

Gujarat 

662 

8. 

Punjab  Hill  States 

663 

9. 

Kashmir,  Nepal  and  Tibet 

665 

10. 

Deccan 

668 

11. 

South  India 

669 

12. 

General  Conclusions 

674 

1. 

XXL  PAINTING 

By  Nihab  Ranjan  Ray 

The  “Mediaeval”  Factor 

•  • 

676 

2. 

Ell  or  a  (c.  A.D.  750-800) 

•  • 

680 

3. 

South  India  (c.  A.D.  1100-1300) 

«  « 

684 

4. 

Western  India  (c.  A.D.  1100-1300) 

•  « 

687 

5. 

Eastern  India  (Bengal,  Bihar),  Nepal  and  Tibet 

690 

Text  Figures  . .  . 

•  • 

700 

CHAPTER  XXI 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 


By  R.  0.  Majumbar 


1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8. 


Decline  and  Fail  of  the  &aiiendra  Empire 
Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Kambuja  Empire 
Fall  of  Champa 
Java 
Bali 
Burma 
Siam 

Culture  and  Civilisation 

(1)  Religion 

(2)  Social  and  Economic  Condition 

(3)  Literature 

(4)  Art 

1 .  Kambuja 

2 .  Other  Colonies 


List  of  Bibliographies 
General  Bibliography 
Genealogy 
Chronology 
Index 

Maps  and  Plates 


730 

736 

742 

749 

753 

755 

758 

762 

762 

765 

767 

769 

769 

772 


775 

776 
845 
@68 
880 

at  end 


xli 


LIST  OF  MAPS 


1 .  India  in  A.D .  1236 . 

2.  South  India,  A-D.  1000 ‘1800, 


.  •"  *"  ■  ■  -n.- ~ ~ 

xlli 


•  Deleted- 


PREFACE 

By  Dr.  R.  C.  MajumdaR 
General  Editor 

This  volume  covers  the  period,  roughly  speaking,  from  A.D.  1000 
to  1300.  But  there  has  been  a  slight  departure  from  these  limiting 
dates  both  at  the  beginning  as  well  as  at  the  end.  In  the  First  Chapter 
the  rise  of  the  Ghaznavids  has  been  traced  from  the  very  beginning 
in  the  latter  half  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.  In  Chapter  V  the  history 
of  the  Delhi  Sultanate  is  brought  to  a  close  with  the  accession  of 
Sultan  Jalal-ud-dln  Flruz  Shah  in  A IX  1290.  In  both  the  cases  the 
departure  has  been  made  with  a  view  to  giving  a  complete  account 
of  the  Ghaznavids  in  this  volume  and  of  the  Khaljls  in  the  next. 
For  a  similar  reason  the  history  of  some  Hindu  ruling  dynasties  has 
been  brought  down  to  the  fourteenth  century  A.D.  when  they  were 
incorporated  in  the  Delhi  Sultanate.  The  most  notable  instances 
are  the  Yadavas  of  Devagiri,  the  Kakatiyas  of  Warangal,  and  the 
Hoysalas  and  the  Paodyas  of  South  India.  But  only  a  very  brief 
outline  is  given  in  this  volume  of  their  history  after  A.D.  1300.  More 
detailed  account  will  be  given  in  the  next  volume  in  connection  with 
their  Muslim  conquerors.  In  some  cases  all  controversial  issues 
have  been  omitted  in  this  volume  and  reserved  for  the  next.  For 
instance,  the  current  and  generally  accepted  views  of  the  date  of  the 
first  invasion  of  Devagiri  by  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khaljl  and  the  name  of 
the  crown-prince  who  opposed  him  have  been  stated,  but  different 
views  on  both  these  points  will  be  discussed  fully  with  reference  to 
authorities  in  the  next  volume. 

This  volume  deals  with  the  transition  period  that  marks,  the 
end  of  independent  Hindu  rule  and  the  beginning  of  the  dominance 
of  Turkish  tribes  over  a  large  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  India.  Such 
dominance  of  foreign  peoples,  even  from  the  same  region  in  Central 
Asia,  was  no  new  thing  in  Indian  history.  Successive  waves  of  Tur¬ 
kish  hordes  submerged  a  great  portion  of  Northern  India  during 
the  period  that  intervened  between  the  fall  of  the  Maurya  and  the 
rise  of  the  Gupta  Empire.  And  all  these,  like  the  later  Turkish 
invaders,  came  to  stay  in  this  country..  Nevertheless,  they  did  hot 
mark  any  turning-point  in  the  history  of  India,  nor  any  sudden  break 
in  the  continuity  of  her  history  and  culture.  For  they  slowly  and 
silently  merged  themselves  into  the  population  of  the  country,  and 
became  one  with  them  in  all  respects  without  leaving  any  trace  of 
their  separate  entity.  This  was,  however,  not  the  case  with  the 

xliii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR 


Mi 


PIRE 


later  invaders.  They  not  only  kept  severely  aloof,  and  formed  a 
distinct  unit,  politically,  socially  and  culturally,  but  drew  into  its 
vortex  a  considerable  number  of  indigenous  people  to  swell  their 
ranks.  The  result  was  the  emergence  of  a  new  element  of  consi¬ 
derable  power  and  magnitude,  having  hardly  anything  in  common 
with  the  old,  excepting  the  land  which  they  adopted  as  their  own. 

This  was  solely  due  to  the  religious  faith,  Islam,  professed  by 
these  peoples,  which  fundamentally  differed  from  the  religion  they 
found  in  India.  Al-Birum,  who  flourished  at  the  very  beginning  of 
the  period  under  review,  tersely,  but  very  correctly,  observed:  “The 
Hindus  entirely  differ  from  us  in  every  respect.  We  believe  in  noth¬ 
ing  in  which  they  believe,  and  vice-versa  ”  This  radical  difference 
in  religion  and  social  usages  and  customs  operated  as  an  almost  in¬ 
surmountable  barrier  between  the  two  which  even  nine  hundred 
years*  residence  as  close  neighbours  failed  to  break  down.  Hence¬ 
forth  this  difference  constitutes  the  underlying  thread  which  wove 
the  Indian  history  into  an  altogether  new  pattern. 

The  intrusion  of  Islam  and  its  existence  as  a  separate  unit  in 
India  introduced,  for  the  first  time,  the  generic  name  Hindu.  The 
alien  Muslim  conquerors  used  this  name,  along  with  Kafir  (infidels), 
to  denote  the  conquered  peoples  of  India  as  a  separate  unit  distinct 
from  them.  It  bore  the  same  connotation  as  the  term  ‘non-Muham- 
madan’  used  in  the  Indian  constitution  during  the  last  days  of  Bri¬ 
tish  rule.  The  use  of  the  term  Hindu  in  a  narrower  sense,  to  denote 
the  followers  or  orthodox  Brahmanical  faith,  belongs  to  a  later  date. 

The  efforts  of  the  Muslim  Turks  to  obtain  a  permanent  footing 
in  India  and  the  resistance  which  the  Hindus  offered,  or  failed  to 
offer,  to  avoid  this  great  catastrophe,  forms  the  principal  subject- 
matter  of  this  volume  in  so  far  at  least  as  Northern  India  is  con¬ 
cerned. 

The  first  Muslim  invasion,  ending  in  the  conquest  of  Sindh,  was 
merely  a  passing  phase,  which  hardly  affected  the  history  of  India. 
The  triumphant  progress,  which  marked  the  career  of  Islam  in  other 
regions  ©f  the  world,  was  checked  by  the  powerful  rulers  of  India 
at  this  frontier  state  for  more  than  four  hundred  years,  and  even 
then  the  Arab  rule  in  Sindh  was  more  nominal  than  real.  But  the 
advance  of  the  Turks  from  Ghazni,  with  which  this  volume  opens, 
led  to  a  very  different  result.  They  had  their  base  much  nearer  to 
India  and  were  led  by  two  distinguished  generals  of  considerably 
more  than  average  military  skill  and  ability.  On  the  other  hand, 
India  lacked  any  powerfully  organised  empire  like  that  of  the  Pra- 
tiharas  and  the  Rashtrakutas.  The  Shahi  rulers,  who  guarded  the 
frontier  of  India,  offered  heroic  resistance  to  the  foreign  invaders, 

xiiv 


PREFACE 


and  were  loyally  supported  by  the  Indians  from  the  interior.  But 
nothing  availed  against  the  repeated  and  stubborn  onslaughts  of 
Sabuktigln  and  Mahmud.  The  resistance  collapsed,  and  then  the 
horrors  of  barbarian  invasions,  fired  with  the  fanatic  zeal  for  demo¬ 
lishing  idols  and  temples,  born  of  the  crusading  spirit  of  Islam,  were 
let  loose  on  the  fair  plains  and  cities  of  Hindusthan.  It  is  not  possi¬ 
ble  to  recount  fully  the  sad  tales  of  those  dark  and  evil  days,  as  we 
have  no  record  from  the  side  of  the  Indians;  but  the  picture  depicted 
by  the  victors  themselves  enables  us  to  get  a  faint  echo  of  the  great 
tragedy  which  befell  India  during  the  first  quarter  of  the  eleventh 
century  A.D.  It  was  a  tragedy  big  with  future  consequences.  Not 
only  was  India  drained  of  enormoi*  wealth  and  man-power,  but, 
what  was  far  worse,  the  Muslims  obtained  a  permanent  footing  in 
the  Punjab  which  commanded  the  highway  to  her  interior. 

But  a  still  more  sublime  tragedy  was  the  comparative  indiffer¬ 
ence  of  the  Indian  chiefs  to  this  growing  menace  and  the  fancied 
security  in  which  they  chose  to  repose  during  the  period  interven¬ 
ing  between  the  death  of  Mahmud  and  the  next  invasion  by  the 
Ghurls.  Some  Indian  kings  defeated  the  Muslims,  and  checked 
their  further  aggressive  campaigns.  One  of  them  even  claims  to 
have  exterminated  the  Mlechchhas  (Muslims)  so  that  Aryavarta 
again  became  true  to  its  name,  i.e.  abode  of  the  Ary  as.  But  this 
rare  evidence  of  a  sense  of  national  consciousness  makes  it  all  the 
more  a  matter  of  surprise,  that  instead  of  uttering  such  vain  boast 
the  Indian  chiefs  should  not  have  taken  concerted  action  in  remo¬ 
ving  the  thorn  in  their  flesh  by  driving  the  Turkish  conquerors  out 
of  India.  Innumerable  opportunities  offered  themselves  to  render 
this  task  a  comparatively  easy  one.  The  kingdom  of  Ghazni  passed 
through  critical  days  and  was  overtaken  by  many  dangers,  both  in¬ 
ternal  and  external,  till  the  nemesis  overtook  it,  and  its  beautiful 
capital  city,  built  on  the  ruins  and  plunder  of  India,  perished  in 
flames.  But  the  powerful  Indian  chiefs,  far  from  taking  advantage 
of  any  such  opportunity  during  the  long  period  of  a  century  and  a 
half,  were  more  intent  upon  aggrandising  themselves  at  the  cost  of 
their  neighbours  than  turning  their  whole-hearted  attention  to  the 
great  national  task  of  freeing  the  Punjab  from  the  yoke  of  the 
foreigners  of  an  alien  faith. 

An  attempt  has  been  made  to  delineate  the  essential  features 
of  the  political  history  of  India  during  this  eventful  period  on  the 
basis  of  reliable  data.  But  our  sources  of  information  are  scanty, 
and  the  picture  is  necessarily  incomplete.  Enough  remains,  how¬ 
ever,  to  make  this  history  a  painful  reading  to  every  Hindu.  In¬ 
stances  are  not  wanting  that  when  a  Hindu  state  was  invaded  by 

xlv 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Muslims,  a  neighbouring  Hindu  ruler  seized  the  opportunity  to  in¬ 
vade  it  from  the  rear.  It  may  appear  ungracious  to  emphasise  this 
humiliating  and  degrading  aspect  of  Hindu  character,  but  no  nation 
can  hope  to  survive  if  it  seeks  to  avoid  truth  or  fears  to  face  it,  and 
fails  to  learn  the  lessons  of  history.  A  genuine  endeavour  has  been 
made  to  tell  the  unvarnished  ®truth  of  the  past,  and  to  point  to  the 
morals  that  history  teaches  us,  though  it  may  appear  unpalatable 
to  some.  The  haze  of  glory  in  which  Prithviraja  lives  in  Indian  me¬ 
mory  is  considerably  dimmed,  if  one  realizes  the  effect  of  his  failure 
to  take  full  advantage  of  his  great  victory  at  Tarain  for  removing  the 
imminent  danger  which  involved  him  and  his  country  in  a  common 
nun  within  a  year.  But  it  is  the  noble,  though  somewhat  painful, 
task  of  history  to  demolish  the  false  in  order  to  enthrone  the  true. 

On  account  of  the  vast  size  of  India,  its  history  cannot  always 
be  brought  within  one  general  category.  The  same  period  that  saw 
the  debacle  of  North  India  before  the  hammering  blows  of  the  Ghaz- 
navids,  witnessed  the  rise  of  a  great  power  in  full  glory  in  the 
South.  The  Chojas  established  a  vast  empire  that  stretched  along 
the  eastern  coast  of  India  from  the  banks  of  the  Gahga  to  Cape 
Comorin,  and  even  beyond  to  Ceylon.  But  they  did  more  than  this. 
They  fitted  out  a  naval  expedition  that  crossed  the  Bay  of  Bengal 
and  laid  lew  the  mighty  empire  of  the  Sailendras  in  Malay  Penin¬ 
sula  and  Indonesia.  Such  an  oversea  campaign  by  an  Indian  ruler 
against  a  powerful  foe  is  an  achievement  of  outstanding  importance, 
with  immense  possibilities  for  the  future,  but  unfortunately  it  re¬ 
mains  a  unique  event,  almost  a  passing  episode  in  the  history  of 
India,  that  has  left  no  trail  behind.  It  adds  one  more  to  the  num¬ 
ber  of  puzzles  or  insoluble  riddles  of  Indian  history. 

It  appears  to  us  as  passing  strange  that  India,  south  of  the  Yin- 
dhyast  seems  to  have  lived  in  a  world  apart  from  the  rest  of  the 
country.  Undisturbed  by  the  ominous  tidings  of  Muslim  aggres¬ 
sion,  the  ruling  powers  in  the  Deccan  and  South  India  were  as 
busy  as  before  with  their  petty  domestic  quarrels  and  dissensions,  and 
military  campaigns  of  aggrandisement  against  one  another.  During 
the  hundred  years  that  kept  the  Muslims  fully  engaged  in  conso¬ 
lidating  their  power  in  the  North,  the  South  went  on  in  fancied 
security,  as  if  nothing  had  occurred  to  disturb  its  equanimity  or 
threaten  the  continuity  of  its  history  and  culture.  So  little  was  the* 
Muslim  danger  thought  of  even  in  the  region  immediately  to  the 
south  of  the  Yindhyas  that  the  powerful  Yadava  rulers  of  the 
Deccan  attacked  from  the  south  the  Chaulukyas  of  Gujarat  at  the 
very  moment  when  they  were  engaged  in  a  life  and  death  struggle 
with  the  Muslim  invaders  from  the  North.  Such  incidents  give  a 
rude  shock  to  the  idea  of  fundamental  unity  of  India. 

xh'i 


PREFACE 


But  the  fact  has  to  be  clearly  recognised  that  India  south  of  the 
Vindhyas  was  under  Hindu  rule  during  the  thirteenth  century. 
Even  in  North  India,  during  the  same  century,  there  were  powerful 
kingdoms,  not  yet  subjected  to  Muslim  rule  or  still  fighting  for 
their  independence.  As  has  been  clearly  shown  in  Chapter  V,  even 
in  that  part  of  India  which  acknowledged  the  Muslim  rule  there  was 
continual  defiance  and  heroic  resistance  by  large  or  small  bands 
of  Hindus  in  many  quarters,  so  that  successive  Muslim  rulers  haoj 
to  send  well-equipped  military  expeditions,  again  and  again,  against 
the  self-same  region,  though  the  patriotic  Musiim  chroniclers  cons¬ 
trued  every  one  of  them  as  a  decisive  victory  against  the  infidels.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  the  Muslim  authority  in  Northern  India,  almost 
throughout  the  thirteenth  century,  was  tantamount  to  a  military 
occupation  of  a  large  number  of  important  centres  without  any 
effective  occupation,  far  less  a  systematic  administration,  of  the 
country  at  large. 

In  view  of  all  this,  we  feel  justified  in  including  the  history  of 
the  Mamluk  or  Slave  Dynasty  in  this  volume,  rather  than  rele¬ 
gating  it,  in  conformity  with  the  normal  convention  of  the  histo¬ 
rians  of  India,  to  the  next  volume  which  deals  with  the  Muslim 
period  of  Indian  history.  Even  the  long-standing  usage  and  practice 
can  hardly  make  the  epithet  Muslim  appropriate  to  a  period  of 
Indian  history  in  which  the  Muslims  had  no  hold  over  more  than 
half  of  India,  and  exercised  a  very  .limited  political  authority  over 
only  a  part,  however  large,  of  the  rest  of  the  country. 

The  period  covered  by  this  volume  is  marked  by  the  unsuccess¬ 
ful  efforts  of  the  early  Turkish  invaders  in  North  India,  of  the 
Chalukyas  in  the  Deccan,  and  of  the  Chojas  in  South  India,  as  well 
as  of  individual  rulers  both  in  the  north  and  in  the  south,  to  found 
an  empire  in  India.  Hence  the  title  ‘Struggle  for  Empire’  has  been 
adopted  for  this  volume.  It  closes  with  the  accession  of  the  Khal- 
jis  to  power.  Though  the  new  dynasty  was  a  short-lived  one,  it 
was  destined  to  establish  the  first  all-India  Muslim  empire  on  the 
ruins  of  the  Hindu  kingdoms,  and  usher  in  a  new  era  in  Indian 
history  in  which  the  Muslims  played  the  dominant  role  for  more 
than  four  hundred  years.  That  era  had  its  own  glory  and  triumph, 
in  full  measure,  as  will  be  described  in  the  next  two  volumes. 

The  three  centuries  dealt  with  in  this  volume  witnessed  not 
only  the  gradual  decay  of  the  political  authority  of  the  Hindus,  but 
also  a  definite  set-back  in  the  progress  of  their  culture.  Except  in 
the  domain  of  art,  particularly  the  temple  architecture,  we  find  a 
steady  process  of  decline  and  decadence,  which  had  already  set  in 
in  the  preceding  period,  in  almost  all  spheres  of  cultural  activity. 

xlvii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


The  process  was  perhaps  accelerated  by  the  intrusion  of  Islam  as 
a  new  element.  The  effect  of  the  impact  of  aggressive  Islam  on 
Hindu  religion  and  society  cannot  be  clearly  perceived  during  the 
period  under  review;  at  least  our  sources  of  information  do  not  in¬ 
dicate  that  any  great  change  took  place  in  Hindu  society  and  reli¬ 
gion.  Nevertheless,  the  destruction  of  tenciples  and  other  seats  of 
culture,  and  the  proselytising  activities  of  the  Muslims,  of  which  we 
have  clear  evidence,  must  have  had  their  repercussion  on  the  minds 
of  the  Hindus,  and  henceforth  their  main  energy  was  directed  to 
conserve  rather  than  to  create.  But,  on  the  whole,  the  picture  of 
Hindu  civilization  given  in  this  volume  represents  its  final  phase 
before  it  came  into  close  contact  with,  or  was  affected  by,  Islam. 

The  progress  of  temple  architecture  is  an  index  of  the  effect 
of  aggressive  Islam  on  Indian  culture.  Trie  period  under  review 
witnessed  the  most  brilliant  epoch  in  the  development  of  this  art. 
But,  as  will  be  shown  in  Chapter  XX,  so  far  as  extant  monuments 
indicate,  this  art  flourished  mostly  in  those  regions  which  were  at 
a  safe  distance  from  centres  of  Muslim  power,  viz.,  in  India  south 
of  the  Vindhyas,  and  in  Orissa  and  territories  ruled  over  by  the 
Chandellas  and  Chauiukyas  who  resisted  the  Muslim  invasion  till 
the  end  of  the  period  under  review.  It  is  not  merely  an  accident 
that  the  rich  valleys  of  die  Sindhu,  the  Gangs  and  the  Yamuna, 
dominated  by  die  Muslims,  have  nothing  to  show  that  could  bear 
any  comparison  with  the  temples  built  in  the  regions  just  men¬ 
tioned.  The  temples  that  existed  there  were  ruthlessly  destroyed, 
and  the  Hindus  evidendy  did  not  feel  inclined  to  build  new  temples 
which  they  were  unable  to  protect.  The  obvious  inference,  which 
holds  equally  true  for  succeeding  centuries,  may  be  stated  in  the 
form  of  a  general  statement  that  the  progress  of  temple  architecture 
was  in  inverse  ratio  to  the  establishment  of  effective  Muslim  autho¬ 
rity  in  any  particular  region  in  India. 

Although  the  period  dealt  with  in  this  volume  is,  generally 
speaking,  one  of  decline  and  decadence,  still  it  serves  a  very  useful 
purpose  in  the  study  of  Indian  history.  It  holds  out  before  us  a 
complete  picture  of  Indian  culture  and  civilization  just  before  it 
came  into  contact  with  Islam.  If  we  compare  it  with  the  culture 
of  the  Hindus  before  die  impact  of  Western  influence  gave  it  a  new 
character,  we  can  form  a  reasonable  idea  of  the  extent  to  which  it 
has  been  influenced  by  Islam.  Such  a  comparison  alone  would 
enable  us  to  answer  the  question  whether  there  is  any  such  thing 
in  present-day  India  which  we  may  regard  as  ‘Hindu’  culture,  or 
the  present  culture  should  more  properly  be  called  an  ‘Indian’  cul¬ 
ture  which  is  neither  Hindu  nor  Muslim,  but  a  composite  of  both. 


xlviii 


PREFACE 


The  Muslims,  generally,  are  under  no  illusion  in  this  respect,  and 
they  speak  of  Islamic  culture  in  India  as  a  distinct  entity,  separate 
from  Hindu  culture.  It  is  for  the  Hindus  to  judge,  in  a  dispassionate 
manner,  free  from  prejudice  or  conventions  engendered  by 
recent  politics,  how  far  the  main  aspects  of  Hindu  culture,  viz .  reli¬ 
gion  and  philosophy,  social  conditions,  art,  language  and  literature, 
law  and  legal  institutions  etc.,  as  described  in  this  volume,  were  left 
intact  at  the  end  of  the  Muslim  rule.  Of  course,  additions  or  altera¬ 
tions  in  non-essential  features,  and  among  restricted  groups  of  peo¬ 
ples  or  in  limited  localities,  should  be  regarded  as  negligible  fac¬ 
tors  when  we  think  broadly  of  Hindu  culture  in  India  as  a  whole. 
The  result  of  such  a  comparison  is  of  great  value  in  determining 
whether  the  Hindu  culture,  such  as  it  was  towards  the  end  of  the 
thirteenth  century  A.D.,  continued  substantially  in  the  same  form, 
with  normal  evolutions,  till  it  came  under  the  influence  of  Western 
civilization,  or  lost  itself  by  the  impact  of  Islam  into  an  all-embrac¬ 
ing  Indian  culture.  From  this  point  of  view  the  present  volume  is 
bound  to  be  of  absorbing  interest  to  every  student  of  Indian  history. 

For  reasons,  already  explained  in  the  Preface  of  Volume  IV 
(p.  xxxvii),  the  Chapter  on  Art  in  this  volume  contains  the  survey 
of  the  whole  period  from  A.D.  750  to  1300.  As  this  period  is  the 
most  important  so  far  as  the  temple  architecture  is  concerned,  the 
subject  has  been  treated  at  some  length  with  the  result  that  this 
volume  has  been  much  bigger  in  size  than  any  of  the  preceding  ones. 
The  Muslim  architecture  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  has  not 
been  included  in  this  chapter  as  it  ■will  be  more  convenient  to  treat 
the  Muslim  art  from  the  very  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  Sultanate 
in  the  next  volume. 

The  policy  and  the  principles  of  editing  referred  to  in  the  pre¬ 
ceding  volumes  remain  unchanged.  I  am  grateful  to  the  contribu¬ 
tors  for  their  sincere  co-operation.  I  have  to  record,  with  deep 
regret,  that  one  of  our  most  valued  contributors,  Prof.  H.  D.  Bhatta- 
charyya,  passed  away  while  this  volume  was  in  the  press.  His  pro¬ 
found  knowledge  of  Indian  philosophy  and  religion  is  evident  in  the 
sections  which  he  has  contributed  to  the  different  volumes  of  this 
history.  His  death  has  left  a  void  in  Indian  scholarship  which  will 
be  difficult  to  fill  up.  Death  has  also  snatched  away  another  eminent 
scholar,  Dr.  I.  J.  S.  Taraporewala.  He  contributed  the  section  on 
the  Parsis  in  the  preceding  volume  and  promised  to  continue  their 
history  in  the  subsequent  volumes.  He  was  a  great  scholar  in  Com¬ 
parative  Philology  and  his  death  is  a  distinct  loss  to  Indian  scholar¬ 
ship.  I  take  this  opportunity  to  place  on  record  my  deep  sorrow 

xlix 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


at  the  death  of  these  two  scholars  and  my  appreciation  of  the  great 
services  rendered  by  them  to  the  cause  of  Indian  history. 

My  esteemed  colleague  Dr.  A.  D.  Pusalker,  who  has  been  work¬ 
ing  as  Assistant  Editor  since  the  conception  of  the  plan  of  this  His¬ 
tory,  has  intimated  his  desire  to  retire  after  the  publication  of  this 
volume.  I  take  this  opportunity  of  placing  on  record  my  deep  obli¬ 
gations  to  him  for  the  valuable  assistance  which  he  has  rendered 
to  me  in  preparing  the  first  five  volumes  of  this  series.  His  indus¬ 
try,  scholarship,  honesty,  and  amiable  temper  have  not  only  been 
of  inestimable  value  but  rendered  our  close  association  in  this  work 
a  source  of  great  pleasure  to  me.  On  behalf  of  the  Bharatiya  Vidya 
Bhavan  and  on  my  own  behalf  I  offer  my  most  cordial  thanks  to 
him,  and  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that  whatever  success  The 
History  and  Culture  of  the  Indian  People  has  attained  is,  to  a  large 
extent,  due  to  his  valued  co-operation. 

In  conclusion  I  beg  to  thank  the  editors  of  the  various  journals 
for  their  appreciative  reviews  of  the  preceding  volumes.  I  also  ex¬ 
press  my  gratitude  to  those  who  have  helped  us  by  lending  photos 
and  blocks  for  illustration.  Reference  has  been  made  in  details 
separately  under  ‘acknowledgments*. 


I 


1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

8, 
9. 

10. 

11. 

12. 


57. 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 

(1)  TEXT  FIGURES  (Pages  700-729) 

Bhu  vanes  vara,  Rajarani  temple:  Plan. 

Bhuvanesvara,  Lihgaraja  temple:  Plan. 

Nurpur  fort,  Temple:  Plan. 

Khajuraho,  Devi  Jagadamba  temple:  Plan, 

Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  temple:  Plan. 

Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  temple:  Section. 

Khajuraho,  Brahma  temple:  Plan. 

Khajuraho,  Mjitafig  Mahadeo  temple:  Rian. 

Chandrehe,  Circular  temple:  Plan. 

Ranlpur  Jharial,  Circular  Yogini  temple:  Plan. 

Khajuraho,  Chauhshat  Yogini  temple:  Plan. 

Dilwara  Vimala’s  temple:  Plan. 

Villesvara,  5§iva  temple:  Plan. 

Villesvara,  ^iva  temple:  Elevation. 

Suirapada,  Sun  temple:  Elevation. 

Miani,  Ganapati  and  Mahadeva  temples:  Plan  &  Elevation. 
Sunak,  Nllakantha  Mahadeva  teihpfe:  Elevation. 

Kasara,  Triple-shrined  temple:  Plan. 

Mothers,  Sun  temple:  Plan. 

GhumU,  Navalakha  temple:  Plan. 

Sejakpur,  Naval&kha  temple:  Plan. 

Somanathapattana :  Somalia tha  temple:  Plan. 

Gimar,  Triple-shrined  temple:  Plan. 

Aihole,  Temple  No.  9:  Elevation. 

Pattadakal:  Papanatha  temple:  Plan. 

Ambarnatha,  Siva  temple:  Plan. 

Balsane,  Temple  No.  1:  Plan. 

Balsane,  Temple  No.  1:  Elevation. 

Patna,  Mahesvara  temple:  Plan. 

S-innar,  Gorges  vare  temple:  Plan. 

Udayapura,  Nilakanthesvara  temple:  Plan. 

Kahchipuram,  Kailasnatha  temple:  Plan. 

Kahchipuram,  Kailasnatha  temple:  Section. 

Kahchipuram,  Vaikuntha  Perumal  temple:  Plan. 
Kahchipuram,  Vaikuntha  Perumal  temple:  Elevation. 
Kahchipuram,  Vaikuntha  Perumal  temple:  Section. 
Pa$$adakal,  Virupaksha  temple:  Plan  and  Elevation. 

Tanjore,  Brihadisvara  temple:  Plan. 

Tan j ore,  Brihadisvara  temple:  Elevation. 

Kukkanur,  Kallesvara  temple:  Plan. 

Kakkanur,  Kallesvara  temple:  Elevation. 

Lakkundi,  Jain  temple:  Plan. 

Chauddad  am  pur,  Muktesvara  temple:  Elevation. 

Haven,  Siddhe§vara  temple:  Elevation. 

Lakkundi,  Kaslvisvesvara  temple:  Plan, 

Ittagi,  Mahadeva  temple:  Plan. 

Kuruvatti,  Mailikarjuna  Temple:  Plan. 

Kuruvatti,  MaUikarjuna  Temple:  Elevation. 

Gadag,  Somesvara  temple:  Plan. 

Pambal,  Dodda  Basappa  temple:  Plan. 

Somnathpur,  Kesava  temple:  Plan. 

Belur,  Gnenna  Kesava  temple:  Plan. 

Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  temple:  Plan. 

Martand*  Sun  temple:  Plan. 

Mirtand,  Sun  temple:  Section. 

Avantipura,  Avantlivara  temple:  Elevation, 

Paharpur,  Great  temple:  Plan, 


1! 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR 


PDRE 


Plate  Fig. 

I. 

n. 

m. 

IV. 


v. 


VI. 


vn. 


vm. 


DC. 


X. 

XI. 

xn. 

xra. 

XIV. 

XV. 

XVI. 

xm 

xvm. 

XDC. 

XX. 

XXI. 

xxn. 

xxm. 


XXIV. 

XXV. 

XXVI. 
XXVII. 
XXVffi. 

XXIX. 

XXX. 

XXXI. 


(2)  PLATES  (At  the  end) 

I.  Architecture 
Description 

1.  Bhuvanesvara,  6atrUghnesvara  Temple:  View  from  front. 

2.  Bhuvanesvara,  Old  Temple  by  Vinausarovara. 

3.  Bhuvanesvara,  Parasurames vara  Temple:  General  View. 

4.  Bhuvanesvara,  Muktesvara  Temple:  General  View. 

5.  Bhuvanesvara,  Muktesvara  Temple:  Torana. 

6.  Bhuvanesvara,  Muktesvara  Temple:  Bko. 

7.  Bhuvanesvara,  Siddhesvara,  Temple:  General  View. 

8.  Bhuvanesvara,  Brahmesvara  Temple:  General  View. 

9.  Bhuvanesvara,  Rajaram  Temple:  General  View. 

10.  Bhuvanesvara,  Rajaraju  Temple:  Detail  of  Sikhara. 

11.  Bhuvanesvara,  Lihgaraja  Temple:  General  View. 

12.  Bhuvanesvara,  Lihgaraja  Temple:  Detail  of  Sikhara. 

13.  Bhuvanesvara,  Ananta-Vasudeva  Temple:  General  View. 

14.  Konarak,  Sun  Temple:  View  from  front. 

15.  Konarak,  Sun  Temple:  Side  View. 

18.  Konarak,  Sun  Temple:  Gaja-Simha. 

17.  Konarak,  Sun  Temple:  Chariot  Wheel. 

18.  Bhuvanesvara,  Vaital  deul. 

19.  Yagesvara,  Navadurga  Temple. 

20.  Gwalior,  Teli-ka-mandir. 

21.  Baroli,  Sikhara  Temple. 

22.  Amarkantak,  Pataissvara  Temple. 

23.  Khajuraho,  Vam&na  Temple. 

24.  Khajuraho,  Adinatha  Temple. 

25.  Khajuraho,  Kunwar  Math  Temple. 

28.  Khajuraho,  Ramachandra  or  Chaturbhuja  Temple. 

27.  Khajuraho,  Devi  Jagadamba  Temple. 

28.  Khajuraho,  Visvanatha  Temple. 

29.  Khajuraho,  Parsvanatha  Temple. 

30.  Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  Temple. 

31.  Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  Temple:  Detail  of  Sikhara. 

32.  Chandrehe,  Circular  Temple. 

33.  Khajuraho,  Ghantai  Temple. 

34.  Osia,  Temple  No.  1. 

35.  Osia,  Temple  No.  7. 

36.  Kumbharia,  Neminatha  Temple. 

37.  Kumbharia,  Parsvanatha  Temple,  Interior. 

38.  Dilwara,  Tejahpaia’s  Temple:  Interior. 

39.  Dilwara,  Vimala’s  Temple:  Cloister. 

40.  Dilwara,  Tejahpaia’s  Temple:  Side  ChapeL 

41.  Dilwara,  Tejahpala’s  Temple:  Ceiling. 

42.  Pindara,  Temple  of  Gop  type. 

43.  Gop,  Old  Temple. 

44.  Kalsar,  Temple  of  Gop  type. 

45.  Harshadmata,  Temple  of  Gop  type. 

46.  Rhoda,  Sikhara  Temple. 

47.  Pashthar,  Sikhara  Temple. 

48.  Wadhwan,  Ranik  Devi  Temple. 

49.  Ghumli,  Sikhara  Temple. 

50.  Sunak,  NBakantha  Mahadeva  Temple. 

51.  Vadnagar,  Kirti-ToravM. 

52.  Khandoma,  Hingolji  Mata  Temple. 

53.  A  soda,  Jaisalnatha  Mahadeva  Temple. 

54.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple:  General  View. 

55.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple:  Detail  of  side  view. 

56.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple:  Detail  of  sabha-man^apa. 

57.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple:  Shrine  on  steps  of  the  tank. 

58.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple:  Ceiling  of  mandapa. 

59.  Mahakutesvara,  Sangamesvara  Temple. 

60.  Pattadaka!,  Papanatha  Temple. 

61.  Alampur  Visva-Brahma  Temple. 

62.  Balsane,  Temple  No.  1. 

63.  Udayapura,  Nilakanthesvara  Temple:  Detail  of  wall. 

lii 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS 


XXXII. 

XXXIII. 

XXXIV. 

XXXV. 

XXXVI. 
XXXVII. 
XXXVIII. 
XXXIX. 
XL. 
XU. 
XLH. 
XLHL 
XL TV. 


64.  Siftnar,  Gondesvara  Temple.  General  View. 

65.  Samal,  Galiesvara  Temple. 

66.  Ratanwa^i,  Amritesvara  Temple. 

67.  Udayapura,  Nilakanthesvara  Temple. 

68.  Udayapura,  Nilakanthesvara  Temple:  Detail  of  Sikhara. 

69.  Bajaura  (Kulu),  Makadeva  Temple. 

70.  Barakar,  Temple  No.  IV. 

71.  Sat  Deuliya,  jlikhara  Temple. 

72.  Bahulara,  Siddhesvara  Temple. 

73  Sunderbuns,  Jatar  deul. 

74.  Mamallapuram,  Shore  Temple. 

75.  KMchlpuram,  Kailasanatha  Temple. 

76.  Pattadakal,  Mallikarjuna  Temple. 

77.  EUora,  Kailasa  Temple:  Elephants. 

78.  Ellora,  Kailasa  Temple:  General  View, 

79.  Ellora,  Kailasa  Temple:  Vimdna. 

80.  Tan  j  ore,  Brihadlsvara  Temple. 

81.  Ittagi,  Mahadeva  Temple:  General  View. 

82.  Ittagi,  Mahadeva  Temple:  Detail. 

83.  Lakkundi,  Kasivisvesvara  Temple:  Door  Jamb. 

84.  Gadag,  Somesvara  Temple, 

85.  Dambal,  Dodda  Basappa  Temple. 

8@.  Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  Temple:  Plinth  details. 

87.  Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  Temple:  Plinth  details. 

88.  Somnsthpur,  Kesava  Temple. 

89.  Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  Temple. 

90  Paharpur.  Great  Temple. 

91.  Prambanan  (Java),  Cnandi  Loro  Jcnggrang, 


II.  Sculpture 

XLV.  92.  Ujani,  Buddha  (Dacca  Museum )  East  Pakistan. 

93.  Nalanda,  Avalokitesvara. 

94.  Kurklhar,  Tara  (Patna  Museum). 

XLVI.  95.  Kantabenia,  Parsvanatha. 

96.  North  Bengal,  Kartikeya  (Indian  Museum,  Calcutta). 

S7.  Sankarbandha,  Dancing  tliva  (Dacca  Museum,  East  Pakistan). 

98.  Chapra,  Surya  (Rajshahi  Museum,  East  Pakistan). 

99.  Deopara,  Gahga  (Rajshahi  Museum,  East  Pakistan), 

100.  Jayanagar,  Devi  (British  Museum.  London). 

XL VII .  101.  Bhuvanesvara,  Parasuramesvara  Temple:  Stone  grille. 

102.  Bhuvanesvara,  Old  Temple:  §iva. 

XLVni.  103.  Bhuvanesvara,  Rajaran!  Temple:  Vanma. 

104.  Bhuvanesvara,  Lihgaraja  Temple:  Teacher. 

XLIX,  105.  Konarak,  Sun  Temple:  Nayika. 

106.  Bhuvanesvara,  Lihgaraja  Temple:  Wall  decoration. 

L.  107.  Uttar  Pradesh,  Navagraha  slab  (Worcester  Art  Museum,  U.S.A.) 

108.  Uttar  Pradesh,  Twelve-armed  Goddess  (British  Museum,  London). 

109.  Nokhas,  Rukmini. 

LI.  110.  Uttar  Pradesh,  Head  of  a  female  figure  (Museum  of  Fine  Arts 
Boston,  U.S.A.). 

111.  Khajuraho,  Lady  writing  letter  (Indian  Museum,  Calcutta). 

Lil.  112.  Harshagiri,  Dancers  and  Musicians  (Shikar  Museum,  Rajasthan). 

113.  Central  India,  A  ChedI  head. 

114 .  Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  Temple:  J&hgha  sculptures. 

T.TTT  115.  Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  Temple:  Jdngha  sculpture. 

116.  Khajuraho,  Ardhardirisvara. 

117.  Dhara,  Vidya  Dev!  (British  Museum,  London). 

UV.  118.  Dilwara,  Tejahpala's  Temple:  Part  of  ceiling. 

119.  Mahoba,  Sirhliar.ada  Lokesvara  (Lucknow  Museum). 

120.  Harshagiri  Lihgodbhava  Murti  ( Raj pu tana  Museum,  Ajmer), 

LV.  121.  Dilwara,  Tejahpala’s  Temple:  Part  of  a  ceiling. 

122.  Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  Temple:  Lakshmi-Narayana. 

LVI.  123.  Modhera,  Sim  Temple:  Pillar  sculptures. 

124.  Temple  sculpture. 

125.  Avantipura,  Avantlsvam!  Temple:  Sculpture. 

128.  Nepal,  Padmapani  (Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston,  U.S.A.). 

liii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR 


PIRE 


Ml 


LVH.  127.  South  India,  6iva  Na^araja  (Museum  van  Asiatische  Kunst, 
Amsterdam). 

128.  South  India,  Dev!  (Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston  U.S.A.). 

129.  South  India,  &iva  Nataraja, 

LV3U.  130.  South  India,  &aiva  devotee  (C,  W.  E.  Cotton  collection,  U.KL). 

131.  South  India,  Parvati  (Cleveland  Museum  of  Art,  U.S.A.). 

132.  South  India,  Sunda ramurtis vaml  (Colombo  Museum). 

133.  South  India,  Siva  Vlnadhara  (Mus6e  Guimet,  Paris). 

* 

HI.  Painting 

liX.  134.  Ehora,  Kailasa  Temple:  Ceiling  painting. 

135.  Tanjore,  B|‘ihad)ivara  Temple:  Painting  on  wall. 

LX.  138.  Painting  in  a  MS.  of  Ganfavyuha,  c.  11th  century  A.D.  (Callection 
S.  Bfoerich*  Kalimpong). 

137.  Vasudhara:  Painting  m  Vredenburg  .MS.  of  Ashfaadhasnkd 
Praj^Ap&ramiM. 

LXL  138.  Tara:  Painting  in,  a  MS.  of  Ashfesahasrika  Prajnapdramitd  copied 
In  year  4  of  Kamapala  (Collection  Bharat  Kala  Bh&van,  Hindu 
University,  Ban&ras). 

139,  Maha&i  Tara:  Painting  in  a  MS,  of  Ashfasdhasrik^  Pmfmp$ramiia 
copied  in  N.  S.  191 /A.D.  1071  (Collection  Asiatic  Society,  Calcutta, 
jNo.  A.  15). 

LXU.  140.  Buddha:  Painting'  in  a  MS.  of  Ashlasahasrikd  Prajmpdramitd 
copied  at  Naianda  in  year  8  of  Mahipala  I  (Collection  Asiatic 
Society,  Calcutta,  Mo.  G.  4713). 

141.  Nativity  of  Buddha:  Painting  in  above  MS. 

142.  Tara:  Painting  in  a  MS.  of  Ashtasghaarika  Prajniparamit^:  e.  11th 
century  A.D,  (Collection  S.  X*  Saraswati,  Calcutta). 


Hr 


ABBREVIATIONS 


AAI. 

AANG, 

AAWI. 

Abh. 

ABIA. 

ABORI. 

AG. 


AIOC,  (also 
PAIOC). 
Apar. 

Ap.-p. 

AR. 

ARSIE. 

ABC. 

ASI. 

ASS. 

ASWI. 

AUS. 

BDCRI. 


BEFEO. 

BG. 

Bh.  List. 

BI. 

BISM  Quarterly. 
Br.  LA. 


Briggs. 

B.S. 

BSOS. 

BBS. 

BV. 

CAKD. 


Art  and  Architecture  of  India,  by  Benjamin  Row¬ 
land,  Londdn ,  1953 . 

Architectural  Antiquities  of  Northern  Gujarat , 
by  James  Burgess .  London ,  1903 . 

Architectural  Antiquities  of  Western  India j  by 
Henry  Cousens .  London ,  1926 . 

AhhidMna-chintmnani  of  Hemachandra . 

Annual  Bibliography  of  Indian  Archaeology , 
Leyden . 

Annals  of  the  Bhandarkar  Oriental  Research 
Institute ,  Poona . 

Archaeology  of  Gujarat  (including  Kathiawar), 
by  H.  D.  Sarikalia.  Bombay,  1941. 

All-India  Oriental  Conference,  Proceedings  and 
Transactions  of. 

Apardrka. 

Aparajita-Pariprichchha  (MS,  in  S.  K.  Roy 
Collection). 

RaskprakutCLS  and  their  Times,  by  A.  S.  Altekar . 
Poona,  1934. 

Annual  Report  on  South  Indian  Epigraphy . 

Archaeological  Survey  of  India ,  Reports  by  Sir 
Alexander  Cunningham. 

Archaeological  Survey  of  India  (Annual  Report). 

Ananddsrama  Sanskrit  Series ,  Poona . 

Archaeological  Survey  of  Western  India . 

Allahabad  University  Studies. 

Bulletin  of  the  Deccan  College  Postgraduate  and 
Research  Institute,  Poona. 

Bulletin  de  V£cole  Frangaise  d’Bxtreme  Orient, 
Hanoi . 

Bombay  Gazetteer. 

A  list  of  Inscriptions  of  Northern  India,  by  D.  R. 
Bhandarkar  (Appendix  to  El,  XIX-XXIII). 

Bibliotheca  Indica ,  Calcutta , 

Bharat  Itihas  Sarnshodhak  Mandal  Quarterly, 
Poona . 

Indian  Architecture,  Buddhist  and  Hindu,  by 
Percy  Brown.  2nd  Ed.  Bombay ,  1949. 

Ta’nkh-i-Firishta,  Eng.  trans .  by  J.  Briggs. 

Bengali  Samvat. 

Bulletin  of  the  School  of  Oriental  (and  African) 
Studies,  London. 

Bombay  Sanskrit  (and  Prakrit)  Series ,  Bombay 
(and  Poona). 

Bharatiya  Vidyd,  Bombay. 

Chalukyan  Architecture  of  the  Kanarese  Dis¬ 
tricts ,  by  Henry  Coupons.  Calcutta ,  1926. 

lv 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


CHI. 

Ch.  SS. 
CII. 

COS. 

CP. 

Cult.  Her. 
CW. 


DHNI, 

DLj  Series. 

DUS. 

EC. 

EHD. 

EHI. 

El. 

EIM. 

EISMS. 

EZ. 

FAS. 


GIL. 

GOS. 

GSPP. 

HAL. 

HAS. 

HER. 

HCSL. 

HIEA. 


HIED. 

HIIA. 

HIL. 


HI3I. 


Cambridge  History  of  India ,  Vol.  Ill ,  Ed.  by 
Wolseley  Haig.  Cambridge ,  1928. 
Chowkhamba  Sanskrit  Series ,  Banaras. 

Corpus  Inscriptionum  Indicarum. 

Calcutta  Oriental  Series,  Calcutta. 

Copper-Plate. 

Cultural  Hexita.ge  of  India .  Published  by  Rama- 
krishna  Mission  Institute  of  Culture,  Calcutta. 
Collected  Works  of  R.  G.  Bhandarkar,  Published 
by  Bhandarkar  Oriental  Research  Institute, 
Poona . 

Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India,  by  H.  C.  Ray. 

2  vols.  Calcutta,  1931,  1936 . 

Seth  Devchand  Lalbhai  Jaina  Pustakoddhara 
Series ,  Bombay . 

Dacca  University  Studies . 

Epigraphia  Carnatica . 

Early  History  of  the  Deccan,  by  R.  G.  Bhandar¬ 
kar. .  3rd  Ed.  Calcutta,  1928. 

Early  History  of  India,  by  V .  A.  Smith.  4th  Ed. 

Oxford,  1924. 

Epigraphia  Indica. 

Epigraphia  Indo-Moslemica. 

Eastern  Indian  School  of  Mediaeval  Sculpture, 
by  R.  D.  Banerji.  Delhi,  1933. 

Epigraphia  Zylanica. 

History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon,  by  V .  A. 

Smith.  2nd  Ed.  Oxford,  1930. 

Geschichte  der  Indischen  Liter  atur,  by  M. 

Winternitz.  3  vols .  Leipzig,  1905,  1909 ,  1920. 
Gaekwad’s  Oriental  Series,  Baroda. 

Gujarati  Sahitya  Parishad  Patrika,  Bombay. 
History  of  Alankara  Literature,  by  P.  V.  Kane. 
Bombay,  1923. 

Hyderabad  Archaeological  Series. 

History  of  Bengal,  Vol.  I,  Ed .  by  R.  C.  Majumdar. 
Dacca,  1943. 

History  of  Classical  Sanskrit  Literature,  by  M. 

Krishnamachariar .  Madras,  1937. 

History  of  Indian  and  Eastern  Architecture,  by 
J.  Fergus  son.  2nd  Ed.  Revised  by  J.  Burgess 
and  R.  P .  Spiers.  London,  1910. 

History  of  India  as  told  by  its  own  Historians. 

Trans,  by  H .  M.  Elliot  and  J.  Dowson. 

History  of  Indian  and  Indonesian  Art,  by  A.  K. 

Coomaraswamy.  London,  1927 . 

History  of  Indian  Literature,  by  M.  Winternitz. 
Eng.  tram,  by  Mrs.  S.  Ketkar.  Calcutta  Uni • 
versify. 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India,  by  R. 
Sewell .  Ed.  by  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar. 
Madras ,  1932 . 

Ivi 


ABBREVIATIONS 


Hodivala 

HOS. 

HPL. 

HSI, 

HSL. 

HSP. 

HTB. 


IA. 

IB. 

IC. 

ICPB. 

IHQ. 

IMP. 


IND. 


ISGDP. 

IT. 

JA. 

JAHRS. 

JAOS. 

JAS. 

JASB. 

JASS. 

JBBRAS. 

JBORS. 

JBRS. 

JBTS. 

JDL. 

JGIS. 

JGRS. 

JIH. 

JISOA. 

JKHRS. 

JOR. 


Studies  in  Indo-Muslim  History ,  by  S.  H.  Hodi¬ 
vala.  Bombay,  1939. 

Harvard  Oriental  Series. 

History  of  Pali  Literature ,  by  B.  C.  Law .  2  vols. 
London,  1933. 

History  of  South  India,  by  K.  A.  Nilakanta  Sastri. 
Madras ,  1955. 

History  of  Sanskrit  Literature. 

History  of  Sanskrit  Poetics. 

Buddhist  Records  of  the  Western  World.  Trans¬ 
lated  from  the  Chinese  of  Hiuen  Tsang ,  by 
Samuel  Beal.  London,  1906. 

Indian  Antiquary ,  Bombay . 

Inscriptions  of  Bengal,  Vol.  Ill,  by  N.  G.  Majum- 
dar.  Rajshahi,  1929. 

Indian  Culture,  Calcutta. 

List  of  Inscriptions  in  the  Central  Provinces  and 
Berar,  by  Hiralal.  2nd  Ed.  Nagpur,  1932. 

Indian  Historical  Quarterly,  Calcutta. 

A  Topographical  List  of  the  Inscriptions  of  the 
Madras  Presidency,  by  V.  Rangacharya.  3  vols . 
Madras,  1919 . 

A  collection  of  the  Inscriptions  on  copper-plates 
and  stones  in  the  Nellore  District,  by  A  Butter- 
worth  and  V.  Chetty.  3  vols.  Madras,  1905. 

Isanasiva-guru-deva-paddhati  of  Isdnasivaguru- 
deva  Misra. 

Indian  Thought,  Benares . 

Journal  Asiatique,  Paris. 

Journal  of  the  Andhra  Historical  Research 
Society,  Rajahmundry. 

Journal  of  the  American  Oriental  Society. 

Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society,  Calcutta. 

Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Calcutta. 

Jain  Atmananda  Sabha  Series,  Bhavnagar. 

Journal  of  the  Bombay  Branch  of  the  Royal  Asia¬ 
tic  Society,  Bombay. 

Journal  of  the  Bihar  and  Orissa  Research  Society, 
Patna. 

Journal  of  the  Bihar  Research  Society,  Patna. 

Journal  of  the  Buddhist  Text  Society . 

Journal  of  the  Department  of  Letters,  University 
of  Calcutta. 

Journal  of  the  Greater  India  Society,  Calcutta. 

Journal  of  the  Gujarat  Research  Society,  Bombay. 

Journal  of  Indian  History. 

Journal  of  the  Indian  Society  of  Oriental  Art,  Cal¬ 
cutta. 

Journal  of  the  Kalinga  Historical  Research 
Society,  Balangir. 

Journal  of  Oriental  Research,  Madras . 

lvii 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


JPASB, 

JPTS. 

JRAS. 

JRASB,  L. 

JSML, 

JUB. 

Kashi  SS. 

K.E. 

KHDS. 

KHT. 

KIS. 

KL. 

KM. 

KRT. 

KSS. 

MAR. 


MASJB. 


MASI. 

Mhvs. 

M.S. 

MTD. 

NGGW. 

NIA. 


NIB. 

NPP. 

NS. 

NSP. 

NUJ. 

OHBJ. 

OS.. 

PAIOC, 

(also  AIOC.) 

pine. 

PRASI,  WC. 

PTS. 

Pud.  Ins. 


Journal  and  Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of 
Bengal,  Calcutta . 

Journal  of  the  Pali  Text  Society . 

Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland ,  London . 

Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal, 
Letters,  Calcutta. 

Journal  of  the  Saraswati  Mahal  Library,  Tanjore. 

Journal  of  the  University  of  Bombay,  Bombay. 

Kashi  Sanskrit  Series,  Banaras. 

Kalachuri  Era. 

History  of  Dharmasastra,  by  P.  V.  Kane.  4  vols. 
Poona ,  1930-53. 

Hindu  Temple ,  by  Stella  Kramrisch.  2  vols.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1946. 

Indian  Sculpture,  by  Stella  Kramrisch.  Calcutta, 
1933. 

List  of  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India,  by  F. 
Kielhorn  (Appendix  to  El,  VI1-VIII). 

Kdvyamdla,  NSP,  Bombay. 

Rdjatarangini  of  Kalhana.  Ed.  and  trans.  by  M.  A. 
Stein. 

Kathdsariisdgara  of  Somadeva ,  NSP,  Bombay. 

Annual  Report  of  the  Mysore  Archaeological 
Department. 

Memoirs  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  Cal¬ 
cutta. 

Memoirs  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  India. 

Mahavamsa* 

Maharashtra  Sdrasvata  fin  Mardfhi)  by  V.  L. 
Bhave. 

Mediaeval  Temples  of  the  Dakhan,  by  Henry 
Cousens.  Calcutta,  1931. 

Nachrichten  Gottingischer  Gesellschaft  der  Wis - 
senschaften. 

New  Indian  Antiquary,  Bombay. 

New  Imperial  Series, 

Ndgari  Pracharirm  Patrikd  (in  Hindi),  Banaras. 

New  Series. 

Nirnaya  Sugar  a  Press,  Bombay. 

Nagpur  University  Journal,  Nagpur. 

Orissa  Historical  Research  Journal,  Bhubanes¬ 
war. 

Old  Series. 

Proceedings  and  Transactions  of  the  All-India 
Oriental  Conference. 

Proceedings  of  the  Indian  History  Congress. 

Progress  Report  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of 
India,  Western  Circle . 

Pali  Text  Society ,  London. 

Inscriptions  of  the  Pudukkottai  State,  1929. 

h mi 


ABBREVIATIONS 


PWSBTS. 

QJMS. 

SBE. 

SBH. 

SC. 

SI. 

SII. 

SIS. 

SJS. 

Somnath 

SP. 

SR. 

SS. 

SSG. 

SSP. 

TA. 

THK. 

TN. 

TSS. 

Vaij. 

Vij. 

VJV. 

VRS. 

VS. 

V.S. 

WZKM 


Yaj. 

ZDMG. 


Princess  of  Wales  Saraswati  Bhavana  Text 
Series,  Banaras. 

Quarterly  Journal  of  the  Mythic  Society ,  Banga¬ 
lore . 

Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  Oxford. 

Sacred  Books  of  the  Hindus,  Allahabad. 
Smriti-chandrikd  of  Devannabhafta.  Mysore,  1914. 
S  tone-inscription . 

South  Indian  Inscriptions. 

Sino-Indian  Studies,  Calcutta. 

Singhi  Jain  Series. 

Somnath  and  other  Mediaeval  temples  of  Kathia- 
wad,  by  Henry  Cousens.  Calcutta,  1931. 
Sanskrit  Poetics. 

Silpa-ratna  of  Kumara . 

Sanskrit  Series. 

Systems  of  Sanskrit  Grammar,  by  S.  K.  Belval- 
kar.  Poona,  1915. 

Sanskrit  Sahitya  Parishad,  Calcutta. 
Tabaqdt-i-Akbari  of  Nizam-ud-din  Ahmad. 
History  of  Kanauj,  by  R.  S.  Tripathi.  Benares, 
1937. 

Tabaqat-i-Nasiri  of  Minhdj-ud-din  bin  Sirdj. 
Trivandrum  Sanskrit  Series. 

VaijayanU  of  Yadavaprakdsa. 

Vijnanesvara. 

Vividha-jndna-vistara  (in  Marathi),  Bombay. 
Varendra  Research  Society. 

Vaishnavism,  Saivism  and  Minor  Religious  Sys¬ 
tems,  by  R.  G.  Bhandarkar. 

Vikrama  Samvat. 

Wiener  Zeitschrift  fur  die  Kunde  des  Morgen - 
landes. 

Ydjnavalkya. 

Zeitschrift  der  Deutschen  Morgenldndischen 
Gesellschaft. 


lix 


' 


CHAPTER  I 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 

1.  THE  RISE  OF  THE  GHAZNAVIDS 

It  has  been  shown  in  the  preceding  volume  that  the  conquest  of 
Sindh  by  the  Arabs  was  merely  a  passing  episode  in  the  history  of 
Islam.  The  Arabs  established  one  or  more  principalities  in  this  re* 
gion  at  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  A.D.  and  maintained  a 
precarious  hold  over  them  for  nearly  three  hundred  years.  But 
Islam,  v/hich  had  conquered  a  large  part  of  the  world  from  the 
Pyrenees  to  the  borders  of  China,  had  not  extended  much  beyond 
the  Sindhu,  and  had  an  uncertain  footing  even  in  the  valley  of  that 
river.  But  what  even  the  mighty  ‘Abbasid  Caliphs  failed  to  achieve 
was  accomplished  by  petty  Turkish  dynasties  that  arose  from  the 
ruins  of  their  empire.  In  order  to  understand  this  properly  it  is 
necessary  to  pass  in  rapid  review  the  great  political  changes  that 
took  place  in  the  eastern  regions  of  the  Caliphate  since  the  beginning 
of  the  ninth  century  A.D. 

The  powerful  ‘Abbasid  Caliphate,  founded  in  A.D.  749,  began  to 
show  signs  of  decline  even  before  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of 
the  ninth  century  A.D.  Tahir,  the  trusted  general  of  al-Ma‘mun 
(A.D.  813-833),  was  rewarded  in  820  with  the  governorship  of 
Khurasan,  which  comprised  all  the  territories  east  of  Baghdad.  He, 
however,  soon  assumed  independence  for  all  practical  purposes,  and 
his  successors  extended  their  dominion  to  the  frontiers  of  India. 

In  A.D.  872  the  Tahirids  were  superseded  by  a  new  dynasty 
founded  by  Ya‘qub  ibn-Layth  al-Saffar  who  started  life  as  a  copper¬ 
smith  in  Sijistan.  His  conduct  as  the  head  of  a  band  of  brigands 
attracted  the  attention  of  the  local  governor  who  placed  him  in 
command  of  his  troops.  Saffar  succeeded  his  patron  as  governor 
and  soon  ruled  over  almost  the  whole  of  Persia.  He  also  conquered 
Kabul,  Zabul  and  Sindh  as  already  mentioned  above.1 

Towards  the  close  of  the  ninth  century  A.D.  the  Samanids  of 
Transoxiana  rose  into  importance.  They  were  descended  from  Sa- 
man,  a  Zoroastrian  noble  of  Balkh,  and  in  A.D.  903  seized  Khurasan 
from  the  Saffarids.  During  the  reign  of  Nasr  II  (A.D.  913-43)  the 
Samanid  empire  embraced  Sijistan,  Karman,  Jurjan,  Tabaristan, 
Transoxiana,  and  Khurasan.  Though  nominally  vassals  of  the 
‘Abbasids,  the  Samanid  rulers  were  virtually  independent.  The 


1 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Samanids  finally  brought  the  whole  of  Transoxiana  under  Muslim 
rule,  and  their  capital  Bukhara,  together  with  the  city  of  Samarqand, 
rivalled  and  sometimes  almost  eclipsed  Baghdad,  the  renowned 
capital  city  of  the  Caliphs,  as  centres  of  learning  and  culture. 

The  mighty  kingdom  of  the  Samanids  experienced  the  usual 
fate.  In  the  last  decade  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.  two  Turkish 
families  divided  it  between  themselves.  The  Ilak  Khans  of  Turkis- 
tan,  who  captured  Bukhara  in  990  and  nine  years  later  gave  the  final 
blow  to  the  Samanids,  became  masters  of  all  their  territories  lying 
to  the  north  of  the  Oxus.  The  portion  of  the  Samanid  kingdom  lying 
to  the  south  of  that  river  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Yaminl 
dynasty,  better  known  to  the  modern  students  of  history  as  the 
Ghaznavids.  As  it  was  the  rulers  of  this  dynasty  that  repeatedly 
invaded  India  and  paved  the  way  for  the  final  Muslim  conquest  of 
the  country,  their  history  requires  a  fuller  treatment. 

2.  SABUKTIGIN 

The  Yaminl  dynasty  claimed  descent  from  Yazdijurd-i-Shahryar, 
the  last  of  the  Persian  monarchs.  During  the  Caliphate  of  ‘Usman 
Yazdijurd-i-Shahryar  lost  his  life  at  the  hands  of  his  enemies  in  a 
water-mill  in  the  vicinity  of  the  town  of  Marv.  The  family  of  the 
deceased  fled  to  Turkistan  and  settled  in  the  district  of  Nakhistan. 
They  intermarried  with  the  people  of  that  country,  and  after  two  or 
three  generations  the  descendants  passed  as  Turks.  While  residing 
there,  Sabuktigin,  the  founder  of  the  Yamlni  dynasty  in  Ghazni, 
then  only  twelve  years  old,  was  taken  prisoner  by  a  neighbouring 
tribe.  He  was  sold  as  a  slave  to  a  merchant  named  Nasr,  the  Haji, 
who  after  three  or  more  years’  time  brought  him  to  Bukhara.  There 
he  was  purchased  by  Alptigin,  the  Lord  Chamberlain  of  the  Samanid 
ruler  of  Khurasan,  who  took  a  fancy  to  him.  Sabuktigin  accompani¬ 
ed  his  new  master  to  Tukharistan  and  Khurasan  of  which  places  the 
latter  was  governor.  Subsequently  Alptigin  quarrelled  with  the 
Samanids  and  left  Tukharistan.  He  seized  Zabulistan  together  with 
its  capital  Ghazni  from  the  Amir  Abu  Bakr  Lawik  in  c.  A.D.  963, 
and  there  established  an  independent  kingdom.  He  raised  Sabukti¬ 
gin  to  the  position  of  a  general.  According  to  an  authority  quoted 
by  Firishta2  Sabuktigin  was  engaged  in  frequent  wars  with  the 
Indians  and  defeated  them  during  the  fifteen  years’  rule  of  Alptigin. 
But  as  the  latter  did  not  rule  for  more  than  a  year,  the  statement 
about  frequent  raids  into  India  by  Sabuktigin  can  only  refer  to  the 
interval  between  the  death  of  Alptigin  and  his  own  accession  to  the 
throne  which  really  cover  a  period  of  15  years.  Dr.  Nazim  says 
that  Alptigin  conquered  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Kabul,3  but  quotes 


2 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


no  authority.  It  may  be  presumed  from  subsequent  events  that  the 
Shahi  kingdom  did  not  suffer  any  material  loss  before  the  reign  of 
Sabuktigln. 

Alptigln  died  in  A.D.  963,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Is-haq. 
After  the  death  of  Is-haq,  in  A.D.  966,  Balkatigln,  the  commander 
of  the  Turkish  troops,  succeeded  to  the  throne.  Sabuktigin,  who 
had  married  the  daughter  of  Alptigln,  served  both  Is-haq  and 
Balkatigln.  When  the  reign  of  Balkatigln  came  to  an  end  in 
A.D.  972,  Pirai,4  a  slave  of  Alptigln,  succeeded  to  the  throne.  Pirai 
was  a  cruel  king.  So  the  people  invited  Abu  ‘All  Lawlk,  son  of 
Abu  Bakr  Lawlk,  to  invade  Ghazni.  The  Shahis  of  India,  whose 
kingdom  extended  up  to  the  Hindu  Kush,  and  who  looked  with  dis¬ 
favour  upon  the  establishment  of  a  powerful  Muslim  kingdom  just 
on  the  border  of  their  own,  made  a  common  cause  with  Abu  ‘All 
Lawlk  against  Pirai.  The  Shahi  king,  who  in  all  probability  was 
Jayapala,  sent  his  son  with  an  army  to  assist  his  ally  in  the  invasion 
of  Ghazni.  When  the  allied  forces  reached  near  Charkh,  a  place  on 
the  east  bank  of  the  Lohgar  river  on  one  of  the  routes  from  Kabul 
to  Ghazni,  they  were  suddenly  attacked  by  Sabuktigln  who  killed 
a  large  number  of  them  and  took  many  prisoners  to  Ghazni  together 
with  ten  elephants.  This  victory  greatly  enhanced  his  prestige. 
Misdeeds  of  Pirai  brought  about  his  downfall  in  A.D. 977,  and  Sabuk¬ 
tigin  was  raised  to  power.  Sabuktigin’s  accession  received  approv¬ 
al  from  the  Samanid  king  Nuh  II  of  Bukhara.  Sabuktigln  obviously 
enjoyed  an  independent  political  status,  though  perhaps  he  nominal¬ 
ly  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  Samanids.5 

Shortly  after  his  accession  Sabuktigln  added  to  his  kingdom 
Bust,  Dawar,  Qusdar,  Bamlyan,  Tukharistan,  and  Ghur.  He  also  led 
frequent  expeditions  against  the  kingdom  of  the  Shahis  of  Udabhan- 
da,  which,  as  has  already  been  noted,  extended  as  far  as  the  Kabul 
Valley.  ’Utbl  regards  these  military  campaigns  as  holy  wars  for 
the  propagation  of  Islam.  Sabuktigin  plundered  forts  on  the  tops  of 
hills  in  the  outlying  provinces  of  the  Shahi  kingdom,  captured  many 
cities,  and  acquired  immense  wealth.  The  Shahi  Jayapala  obviously 
could^not  ignore  these  incidents.  He  organised  his  forces,  which 
included  huge  elephants,  and  set  out  to  punish  Sabuktigin.  At  some 
place  between  Lamghan  and  Ghazni  he  met  with  Sabuktigln  and 
his  young  son  Mahmud.  The  battle  between  the  two  armies  con¬ 
tinued  for  several  days.6  According  to  Muslim  chroniclers  the  Hindu 
army  was  rapidly  gaining  ground,  and  so  Sabuktigln  took  recourse 
to  unchivalrous  means.  There  was  near  Jayapala’s  camp  a  lofty 
mountain,  called  the  ‘Ukba  Ghuzak,  in  one  of  whose  ravines  there 
was  a  fountain  of  water.  There  was  a  popular  superstition  that  if  it 


3 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


was  contaminated  with  any  filth,  “black  clouds  collected,  whirlwinds 
arose,  the  summits  of  the  mountains  became  black,  rain  fell,  and  the 
neighbourhood  was  filled  with  cold  blasts,  until  red  death  superven¬ 
ed.”  At  the  instance  of  Sabuktigln  his  men  secretly  threw  dirty 
substance  into  the  fountain  and  the  dreadful  consequences  followed. 
There  were  hail  storms,  blast,  and  thunder;  black  vapour  collected 
around  the  Hindu  army  impeding  their  progress,  and  many  of  them 
perished  in  the  cold.  Jayapala  saved  himself  by  concluding  an 
ignominious  treaty  with  the  Amir.  But  as  soon  as  he  safely  reached 
his  own  country  he  repudiated  the  treaty.  Enraged  at  this  trea¬ 
cherous  conduct  of  the  Shahi  king,  Sabuktigln  forthwith  led  an  army 
against  him.  After  a  strenuous  fight  Sabuktigln  defeated  his  enemy, 
and  succeeded  in  establishing  his  authority  as  far  as  the  city  of 
Lamghan,  which  was  famous  for  its  immense  wealth  and  strong  forti¬ 
fication.  Jayapala  decided  to  make  a  determined  effort  to  re-establish 
his  control  of  it,  and  collected  an  army  consisting  of  more  than 
one  hundred  thousand  troops.  Firishta  states  that  the  Rajas  of 
Delhi,  Ajmer,  Kalanjara,  and  many  other  neighbouring  countries 
supplied  contingents  to  help  the  Shahi  king  on  this  occasion.  This 
statement  of  Firishta  is  very  important,  as  a  confederacy  of  Indian 
rulers,  united  in  opposition  to  foreign  invasion,  is  a  rare  event  in 
Indian  history.  If  Firishta’s  statement  could  be  accepted  as  true,  it 
would  go  a  long  way  in  absolving  the  Indian  rulers  of  the  charge 
commonly  levelled  against  them  that  they  could  not  unite  even  in 
the  face  of  a  common  danger  threatening  the  safety  of  their  mother¬ 
land.  Unfortunately,  we  have  no  independent  testimony  corroborat¬ 
ing  Firishta’s  statement,  and,  meagre  as  it  is,  it  does  not  enable  us 
to  identify  the  rulers  who  joined  Jayapala  in  defending  their  mother¬ 
land  against  the  onrush  of  Islam.  The  three  capital  cities  mentioned 
by  Firishta  seem  to  suggest  that  the  Tomaras,  Chahamanas  and  the 
Chandellas  sent  troops  to  the  aid  of  Jayapala.  Even  though  we  do 
not  know  the  names  of  any  of  the  “many  other  neighbouring  coun¬ 
tries”  which  joined  the  holy  war  against  Islam,  it  is  legitimate  to 
conclude  from  Firishta’s  statement  that  Northern  India  was  fully 
aware  of  the  grave  peril  caused  by  the  menace  of  Islam,  and  her 
people  gave  practical  evidence  of  their  love  for  their  country  and 
religion  by  willingly  offering  to  sacrifice  their  lives  in  the  bleak  hills 
of  far  distant  Afghanistan  which  was  almost  a  terra  incognita  to* 
them. 

On  receiving  news  of  the  advance  of  the  Hindu  army  Sabuktigln 
stationed  his  troops  in  a  strategic  position  on  a  lofty  hill  near 
Lamghan.  Having  made  a  general  survey  of  the  countless  forces 
of  Jayapala  from  his  post,  he  divided  his  soldiers  into  batches  of  five 
hundred  men,  and  sent  them  in  succession  to  attack  a  particular  point 


4 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


of  the  enemy  line.  Soon  a  confusion  arose  in  the  Hindu  camp,  and 
then  all  these  detached  squadrons  made  a  united  attack.  There 
followed  a  close  fight  in  which  only  swords  could  be  used,  and  Hindus 
were  killed  in  large  numbers.  After  a  short  resistance  the  Hindu 
army  fled  in  utter  confusion  leaving  behind  their  property,  arms, 
provisions,  elephants,  and  horses.  This  is  the  account  handed  down  to 
us  by  the  Muslim  historians,  and  we  have  no  means  to  check  it  by 
comparing  it  with  the  version  of  the  other  side.  Sabuktigin  annexed 
the  whole  of  the  territory  between  Lamghan  and  Peshawar  and  in¬ 
troduced  Islam  among  the  people  of  this  region  who  were  probabty 
followers  of  Buddhism. 

During  the  reign  of  the  Samanid  king  Nuh  II,  son  of  Mansur, 
Abu  ‘Ali-i-Sunjur,  governor  of  a  part  of  Khurasan,  revolted.  Nuh  II 
succeeded  in  putting  down  the  revolt  with  the  help  of  Sabuktigin  and 
the  latter’s  son  Mahmud.  In  recognition  of  this  service  the  Samanid 
king  conferred  the  title  Nasir-ud-din  wa’d-Daulah  on  Sabuktigin  and 
Saifu’d-Daulah  on  Mahmud.  Mahmud  was  made  the  captain-general 
of  the  forces  of  Khurasan,  and  his  headquarters  were  fixed  at 
Nishapur.  In  A.D.  995  Abu  ‘All-i-Suujur  made  a  fresh  attempt  to 
capture  Nishapur,  but  Sabuktigin  and  Mahmud  succeeded  in  repuls¬ 
ing  the  attack. 

Sabuktigin  died  on  the  Balkh  frontier  in  A.D.  997  at  the  age  of 
fifty-six.  He  was  a  king  of  great  valour,  and  ruled  his  kingdom  with 
equity  and  moderation.  He  left  behind  him  four  sons,  Mahmud, 
Isma‘il,  Nasr,  and  Yusuf.  Before  his  death  he  was  prevailed  upon 
by  Ismafil,  who  was  living  with  him,  to  nominate  him  as  his  successor. 
Isma'il  declared  himself  king,  and  lavished  wealth  upon  the  soldiers 
to  gain  their  support  against  his  brother  Mahmud.  Hearing  of  this 
news  of  Isma'il’s  assumption  of  the  royal  power,  following  the 
death  of  his  father,  Mahmud  wrote  a  letter  to  him  proposing  that 
he  should  give  up  his  claim  to  the  throne  as  he  was  inexperienced  in 
the  art  of  government,  and  that  he  could  be  given  charge  of  the 
administration  of  the  provinces  of  Balkh  and  Khurasan  if  he  so 
desired.  Isma'il  rejected  the  proposal  and  advanced  towards  Ghazni, 
but  was  defeated  by  Mahmud.  He  was  subsequently  taken  prisoner 
and  was  kept  in  confinement  till  his  death.  He  ruled  only  for  seven 
months. 

3.  SULTAN  MAHMUD 

Mahmud  ascended  the  throne  of  Ghazni  in  A.D.  998.  He  was 
born  in  A.D.  971,  and  in  his  youth  received  education  in  sacred  lite¬ 
rature  and  in  the  art  of  warfare  and  government.  It  has  already  been 
mentioned  that  he  fought  under  his  father  against  Jayapala  and 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Abu  £Ali-i-Sunjur.  After  his  accession  Mahmud  consolidated  his 
position  in  Herat,  Balkh,  and  Bust,  and  was  engaged  in  a  conflict  with 
the  Samanid  king  £Abd-ul-Malik  and  his  associates  in  order  to  re¬ 
establish  his  authority  over  Khurasan.  He  achieved  his  end  by  de¬ 
feating  his  enemies  in  two  successive  engagements,  and  in  A.D.  999 
was  recognised  as  the  sovereign  of  all  these  countries  by  the  Caliph 
al-Qadir  Billah,  who  sent  him  a  robe  of  investment  and  conferred  on 
him  the  titles  of  Yamln-ud-Daulah  and  Amm-ul-Millah.  Mahmud  is 
said  to  have  made  a  vow  to  lead  an  expedition  against  India  every 
year,  and  there  is  a  general  consensus  of  opinion  that  he  had  no  less 
than  twelve  such  expeditions  to  his  credit.  But  the  actual  number  is 
difficult  to  determine  on  account  of  the  conflicting  evidence  of  the 
different  authorities. 

In  A.D.  1000  he  led  the  first  expedition  against  India,  and  seized 
some  fortresses,  which  seem  to  have  been  situated  in  the  neighbour¬ 
hood  of  Peshawar.  In  the  following  year  Mahmud  again  advanced 
with  an  army  consisting  of  15,000  picked  cavalry,  men,  and  officers, 
and  encamped  in  the  outskirt  of  the  city  of  Peshawar.  On  receipt 
of  this  news  Jayapala  marched  with  12,000  horsemen,  30,000  foot 
soldiers,  and  300  elephants  to  resist  the  invader,  and  pitched  his  camp 
near  that  city.  He  avoided  taking  direct  action  for  some  time  await¬ 
ing  the  arrival  of  more  troops  from  the  tribal  area.  Mahmud  realised 
the  situation  and  attacked  the  enemy  without  further  delay.  The 
cavalry  and  elephant  forces  of  Jayapala,  amidst  beat  of  drums,  plung¬ 
ed  themselves  into  the  thick  of  the  battle,  but  before  noon  the  Hindus 
were  routed  and  5,000  of  them  lost  their  lives.  Jayapala  was  captur¬ 
ed  together  with  his  sons  and  grandsons,  and  they  were  detained  at 
a  place  known  as  Mirand.  Mahmud  obtained  a  huge  booty,  and  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  conquering  the  province  around  Peshawar,  which  was 
larger  and  more  fertile  than  Khurasan.  He  next  advanced  on  Wai- 
hind,  which  is  to  be  identified  with  Udabhanda,  the  capital  of  the 
Shahis,  and  pitched  his  tent  near  that  city.  At  his  approach  the 
Hindus  retreated  to  the  passes  in  the  neighbouring  hills  and  the 
forests  and  jungles.  While  they  were  devising  plans  for  an  effective 
resistance,  Mahmud  despatched  an  army  against  them,  and  dispersed 
them  with  a  great  deal  of  slaughter.  He  released  Jayapala  on  his  pro¬ 
mise  to  pay  250,000  dinars  and  to  deliver  25  elephants,  and  detained  a 
son  and  a  grandson  of  his  as  hostages  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  condi¬ 
tions  of  the  treaty.  After  Jayapala’s  return  to  his  own  kingdom  his 
son  Anandapala,  who  was  at  that  time  residing  somewhere  to  the  east 
of  the  Sindhu,  sent  the  stipulated  sum  of  money  and  elephants  to 
Mahmud,  and  secured  the  release  of  the  Shahi  princes.  But  Jayapala, 
having  suffered  three  successive  defeats  at  the  hands  of  the  Muslims, 
considered  himself  unworthy  of  the  throne  and  burnt  himself  on  a 


6 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


funeral  pyre,  which  he  is  said  to  have  kindled  with  his  own  hands. 
Anandapala  succeeded  him  shortly  after  A.D.  1001. 

Mahmud  devoted  the  greater  part  of  A.D.  1002  and  A.D.  1003  to 
the  war  in  Sistan  and  during  these  two  years  India  enjoyed  a  respite 
from  his  attacks. 

In  A.D.  1004  Mahmud  renewed  his  invasion  of  India.  He  passed 
through  Walishtan,  modern  Sibi,  in  Baluchistan,  crossed  the  Sindhu 
near  Multan,  and  reached  Bhatiya.  The  city  was  surrounded  by  a 
wall  of  unusual  height  and  a  moat  of  great  depth  and  breadth.  It 
possessed  enormous  riches  and  was  well-equipped  with  armaments 
and  troops.  The  place  has  been  variously  identified  with  Bhera 
under  the  Salt  Range,  Uch,  and  Bhatinda,  but  none  of  these  identi¬ 
fications  can  be  regarded  as  certain.  It  was  at  this  time  ruled  by 
Baji  Ray.  Firishta  says  that  Baji  Ray,  who  was  a  vassal  under 
Anandapala,  antagonised  the  latter  by  refusing  to  pay  him  tribute. 
He  is  said  to  have  also  enraged  Mahmud  by  his  hostile  activities 
against  the  Muslim  governors,  whom  the  latter  appointed  to  rule  his 
Indian  possessions.  But  these  informations  are  not  supplied  by  the 
early  authorities.  Baji  Ray  was  a  brave  general.  He  came  out  of 
the  walls  of  the  city  with  his  elephant  forces  and  took  the  aggressive. 
The  battle  continued  for  three  days  and  nights.  The  Muslims  lost 
heavily  and  were  on  the  verge  of  defeat,  when,  on  the  fourth  day, 
the  Sultan  made  a  last  desperate  attack,  and  succeeded  in  capturing 
some  elephants  which  were  defending  the  centre  of  Baji  Ray’s  forces. 
Baji  Ray  resisted  at  every  point,  but  by  the  evening  was  forced  to 
withdraw  into  the  fort.  Mahmud  forthwith  occupied  the  gates  of 
the  city,  filled  up  the  moat,  and  widened  the  entrances.  When  Baji 
Ray  realised  that  the  city  could  not  be  defended  any  longer,  he  fled 
to  a  forest  on  the  bank  of  the  Sindhu,  and  took  refuge  on  the  top  of 
a  hill  with  a  few  of  his  followers.  As  soon  as  Mahmud  learnt  of  the 
enemy’s  flight,  he  sent  off  a  contingent  in  hot  pursuit.  Baji  Ray  was 
soon  taken  by  surprise,  and  surrounded  by  the  Muslim  army.  As 
there  was  no  way  out  of  this  impasse  left  for  him,  he  put  an  end  to 
his  life  by  plunging  his  dagger  into  his  heart,  and  his  attendants  fell 
fighting  bravely  with  the  enemy.  Mahmud  took  Bhatiya  easily  by 
storm,  and  pillaged  the  city.  All  the  wealth  there,  together  with 
hundred  and  twenty  elephants,  fell  into  his  hands.  He  stayed  there 
for  some  time,  making  arrangements  for  the  permanent  annexation 
of  the  country  and  for  conversion  of  the  Hindus  to  Islam  with  the 
help  of  some  competent  teachers.  He  started  for  Ghazni  in  A.D. 
1005  during  the  rainy  season.  As  the  rivers  of  the  Punjab  were  full 
and  surging  at  that  time,  he  lost  almost  all  his  booty  while  crossing 
them.  His  passage  was  also  obstructed  from  time  to  time  by  his 
enemies  in  the  mountainous  country. 


7 


I 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

In  A.D.  1005-6  Mahmud  resolved  to  lead  an  expedition  gainst 
Multan  to  punish  its  ruler  Abu-’l-Fath  Daud  for  his  heretical  acti¬ 
vities.  Daud’s  grandfather  Shaikh  Hamid  Lodi  had  entered  into 
a  friendly  relation  with  Sabuktigln,  and  the  alliance  between  the 
two  families  was  maintained  for  some  time.  But  Daud’s  acceptance 
of  the  doctrine  of  the  Isma‘ili  sect  made  him  hostile  to  Mahmud,  who 
was  a  zealous  defender  of  the  Islamic  faith.  Mahmud,  as  he  marched 
towards  Multan,  found  the  Sindhu  in  a  flooded  condition  after  the 
rain,  making  it  difficult  for  his  cavalry  to  cross  it.  So  he  requested 
Anandapala  to  allow  him  a  passage  through  his  kingdom.  Ananda¬ 
pala,  who  was  an  ally  of  Daud,  refused  to  comply  with  the  request. 
This  led  to  a  battle  near  Peshawar  in  which  Mahmud  severely  defeat¬ 
ed  Anandapala  who  fled  to  the  Kashmir  hills.  The  Sultan  now  found 
an  easy  route  to  Multan  through  the  Shahi  kingdom.  Daud  lost  all 
courage  to  meet  the  Sultan  when  he  heard  that  a  powerful  king  like 
Anandapala  had  failed  to  cope  with  him.  The  Sultan  reached  Multan 
without  encountering  an  opposition,  besieged  the  city  for  seven 
days,  and  forced  the  defenders  to  capitulate.  The  people  who  had 
endured  extreme  hardship,  were  forced  to  pay  20,000,000  dirhams. 
Daud  was,  however,  allowed  to  rule  over  the  kingdom  on  his  pro¬ 
mise  to  pay  an  annual  tribute  of  20,000  golden  dirhams,  and  to 
follow  the  tenets  of  Islam. 

About  this  time  the  Sultan  received  news  of  the  invasion  of  the 
northern  part  of  his  kingdom  by  the  Turks  under  their  leader  Ilak 
Khan.  He  left  Sukhapala,  grandson  of  Jayapala,  who  was  formerly 
converted  to  Islam  under  the  name  of  Nawasa  Shah,  to  look  after  the 
affairs  of  Hindustan,  and  himself  rushed  to  Khurasan  to  meet  the 
invader.  When  he  was  engaged  in  fighting  with  Ilak  Khan,  Nawasa 
Shah  declared  independence,  dismissed  all  the  Muslim  officers,  re¬ 
nounced  Islam,  and  made  an  alliance  with  the  Indian  chiefs.  After 
the  termination  of  his  battle  with  the  Turks  in  A.D.  1007  the  Sultan 
marched  to  India  to  punish  the  rebel.  Nawasa  Shah  fled  to  the  hills, 
but  was  captured.  The  Sultan  took  possession  of  his  treasures, 
amounting  to  400,000  dirhams,  and  after  settling  affairs  in  Hindustan 
returned  to  Ghazni. 

In  the  following  year  (A.D.  1008)  Mahmud  led  an  army  against 
Anandapala  to  punish  him  for  his  conduct  during  the  invasion  of 
Multan.  Mahmud  was  opposed  on  the  bank  of  a  river  near  Waihind 
(Udabhanda)  by  Brahmapala,  son  of  Anandapala.  The  Shahi  army 
was  well  equipped  with  white  swords,  blue  spears,  yellow  coats  of 
mail,  and  huge  elephants.  According  to  Firishta  many  Rajas  of 
Hindustan  despatched,  on  the  appeal  of  Anandapala,  big  contingents 
to  his  aid,  as  they  did,  about  thirty  years  earlier,  during  the  reign  of 


8 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


his  father,  on  a  similar  occasion.  The  Khokars  or  the  Gakkhars  of 
the  Punjab  also  joined  the  Shahis  in  full  strength.  The  contending 
parties  did  not  engage  in  any  struggle  for  forty  days.  Mahmud  did  not 
think  it  wise  to  take  the  offensive,  and  wanted  his  enemies  to  attack 
his  entrenchments.  He  engaged  six  thousand  archers  to  incite  them 
to  make  the  first  move,  and  his  plan  met  with  success.  The  Kho¬ 
kars,  30,000  in  number,  with  various  weapons  advanced  swiftly 
against  the  enemy  line  and  made  a  vigorous  attack  on  it.  In  the  dread¬ 
ful  battle  that  ensued  5,000  Muslims  lost  their  lives  within  a  short 
space  of  time,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  Sultan  was  on  the  point  of  losing 
the  battle  with  disastrous  consequences.  But  suddenly  the  battle 
took  a  different  course,  when  a  number  of  the  Sultan’s  personal 
guards  attacked  the  rear  of  the  invading  Hindu  army.  There  was 
confusion  and  the  Hindus  fled  in  panic.  Firishta  says  that  an  unto¬ 
ward  incident  led  to  the  final  defeat  of  the  Hindus  on  this  occasion. 
The  elephant,  which  carried  the  leader  of  the  Hindu  army,  i.e.  Anan- 
dapala,  was  struck  by  arrows  showered  by  the  enemies,  got  out  of 
control,  and  fled  from  the  battlefield  with  its  riders.  This  was  taken 
as  the  signal  for  flight  by  the  Hindu  army,  which  then  deserted  the 
battlefield  in  confusion.  The  same  authority  relates  that  ‘Abdullah 
Ta’i  with  6*000  horses  and  Arsalan  Jazib  with  10,000  soldiers  pursued 
the  Hindus  and  killed  20,000  of  them.  The  Sultan  himself  joined  in 
the  pursuit,  and  followed  the  remainder  of  the  fleeing  Hindu  army  up 
to  Bhimnagar,  also  known  as  Nagarkot,  modern  Kot  Kangra.  The 
fort  of  Bhimnagar  was  built  on  the  top  of  a  steep  and  lofty  hill  sur¬ 
rounded  by  deep  water.  Great  riches,  presented  by  neighbouring 
chiefs  and  devotees  from  different  parts  of  India  during  successive 
generations,  had  been  accumulated  there.  Such  an  immense  quantity 
of  gold,  silver,  precious  stones,  and  pearls  was  not  to  be  found  in  the 
treasury  of  any  king  in  India.  The  Sultan  besieged  the  fort  and  made 
a  vigorous  onslaught  with  his  archers.  The  Hindus  inside  the  fort 
lost  heart  at  the  sight  of  the  vast  host  of  Muslims  spreading  over  the 
spurs  of  the  hills.  After  three  days’  resistance  they  surrendered  and 
threw  open  the  gates  of  the  citadel.  The  Sultan  entered  it  without 
any  opposition,  and  seized  control  of  the  treasury  which  consisted  of 
70,000,000  royal  dirhams ,  gold  and  silver  ingots,  7,00,400  mans  in 
weight,  jewelleries,  and  precious  stones.  Among  the  booty  were 
superfine,  soft,  and  embroidered  cloths  and  garments,  a  house  of 
white  silver,  30  yards  in  length  and  15  yards  in  breadth,  parts  of  which 
could  be  disjoined  at  will,  a  canopy  made  of  fine  linen,  40  yards  in 
length  and  20  yards  in  breadth,  provided  with  two  golden  and  two 
silver  poles,  and  a  very  costly  throne.  The  Sultan  himself  took 
charge  of  the  jewels  and  placed  his  two  chamberlains  Altuntash  and 
Asightigin  in  charge  of  the  gold,  silver  and  other  valuables.  He 


9 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

appointed  one  of  his  reliable  officers  to  take  charge  of  the  fort,  and 
returned  to  Ghazni  carrying  the  booty  and  the  treasure  on  the  backs 
of  camels.  He  could  not  keep  Nagarkot  under  his  control  for  any 
length  of  time.  But  on  this  occasion  he  succeeded  in  annexing  all 
the  territories  to  the  west  of  Sindhu  including  the  Shahi  capital 
Udabhanda.  On  reaching  Ghazni  he  held  an  exhibition  of  the  jewels, 
pearls,  rubies,  emeralds,  diamonds  and  other  articles,  secured  from 
Nagarkot,  in  the  court-yard  of  the  royal  palace.  Even  ambassadors 
from  Turkistan  and  other  foreign  countries  came  to  see  this  fabulous 
wealth  which  he  had  acquired. 

In  A.D.  1009  Mahmud  led  an  army  against  Narayan,  situated  in 
the  heart  of  Hind.  The  place  is  identified  by  Cunningham  with 
Narayanpur,  in  the  old  Alwar  State,  Rajputana.  The  king  of  Narayan 
fought  bravely  in  defence  of  his  country,  but  was  defeated.  The 
Sultan  broke  the  idols  and  returned  to  Ghazni  with  his  booty,  the 
captured  elephants  and  horses.  In  the  following  year  Mahmud 
invaded  the  small  country  of  Ghur,  situated  between  Ghazni  and 
Herat,  took  its  ruler  Muhammad  bin  Surl  prisoner,  and  placed  on  its 
throne  the  latter’s  brother  Abu-‘Ali. 

In  the  latter  part  of  A.D.  1010  Mahmud  had  to  lead  an  expedition 
against  Multan  to  bring  it  finally  into  a  state  of  subjugation.  Daud, 
the  ruler  of  the  country,  had  turned  hostile  again,  and  the  Isma‘Ili 
sect  was  increasing  in  popularity.  The  Sultan  killed  a  large  number 
of  the  heretics,  took  Daud  prisoner,  and  re-established  his  authority 
over  that  country. 

These  successive  victories  of  Mahmud  made  Anandapala  realise 
the  futility  of  carrying  on  further  wars  against  him.  He  entered 
into  a  treaty  with  the  Sultan  agreeing  to  send  him  annually  50  big 
elephants,  laden  with  valuables,  and  accompanied  by  2,000  men  for 
service  at  the  court  of  Ghazni.  The  Sultan  on  his  part  promised  not 
to  lead  any  more  invasion  against  the  Shahi  kingdom.  Both  parties 
strictly  observed  the  conditions  of  the  treaty  till  Anandap ala’s  death. 
The  relations  between  the  two  kingdoms  became  so  cordial  during 
this  period  that  the  caravans  moving  between  Khurasan  and  Hind 
enjoyed  full  security. 

Mahmud  received  information  that  Thaneswar  possessed  ele¬ 
phants  of  Ceylon  breed,  which  were  very  useful  for  military  purposes. 
There  was  also  an  idol  in  a  temple  there,  which  was  held  in  high 
veneration  by  the  people  of  Hindustan.  In  A.D.  1011  Mahmud  start¬ 
ed  with  his  army  from  Ghazni  with  a  view  to  plundering  that  city. 
Anandapala,  in  accordance  with  the  treaty  he  had  concluded,  allow¬ 
ed  Mahmud  a  safe  passage  through  his  kingdom,  though  the  latter 
rejected  his  fervent  appeal  to  spare  the  sacred  city  of  Thaneswar 


10 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


from  plunder  in  return  for  adequate  compensation.  The  Sultan,  in 
course  of  his  march,  reached  the  bank  of  a  river,  where  he  was 
opposed  by  a  Raja  named  Rama,  the  chief  of  Dera,  who  was  also 
anxious  to  save  the  sacred  city  from  pillage.  The  river,  which  is 
identified  by  some  with  the  Sutlej ,  flowed  swiftly  through  a  mountain 
pass.  Its  banks  were  precipitous  and  its  bottom  was  full  of  large 
stones.  Rama,  together  with  his  elephants,  cavalry,  and  infantry, 
took  up  his  position  in  the  ravines.  At  the  Sultan’s  command  two 
contingents  of  the  Muslim  army  forded  the  river  at  two  points  and 
attacked  the  enemy  on  both  sides.  While  the  battle  was  in  progress 
a  third  contingent  marched  up  the  stream,  crossed  the  river,  and  at¬ 
tacked  the  vital  position  of  the  enemy.  The  fight  continued  fiercely 
till  evening,  when  the  Hindus  fled  from  the  battlefield  leaving  their 
elephants  behind.  After  gaining  complete  victory  over  his  enemies, 
the  Sultan  resumed  his  march.  On  receipt  of  the  news  of  Mahmud’s 
advance,  the  Raja  of  Delhi,  in  whose  kingdom  Thaneswar  was  situat¬ 
ed,  sent  messengers  to  other  chiefs  of  Hindustan  requesting  them  to 
join  him  in  defence  of  the  sacred  city.  It  was  emphasised  that  if  the 
invader  was  not  checked  at  Thaneswar,  the  whole  of  Hindustan  would 
be  overwhelmed  by  the  Muslims.  But  before  the  Hindus  could  rally 
their  forces,  Mahmud  reached  Thaneswar,  plundered  the  city,  and 
broke  a  large  number  of  idols,  sparing  the  principal  one,  which  was 
carried  to  Ghazni  and  placed  in  a  public  square  for  defilement.7  He 
intended  next  to  invade  Delhi,  but  had  to  abandon  this  project  as  he 
could  not  rely  fully  on  the  co-operation  of  Anandapala.  So  he 
marched  back  to  Ghazni,  and  on  his  way  received  due  hospitality 
from  the  Shahi  chief. 

After  the  death  of  Anandapala  (c.  A.D.  1012)  Mahmud  renewed 
his  hostility  against  the  Shahis,  whose  capital  at  this  time  was  Nan- 
dana,  in  the  Salt  Range.  In  the  winter  of  A.D.  1013  Mahmud  advan¬ 
ced  with  his  army  towards  Nandana  to  crush  the  power  of  Trilocha- 
napala,  son  and  successor  of  Anandapala.  As  soon  as  he  reached  the 
border  of  Hind  his  passage  was  blocked  by  a  heavy  fall  of  snow.  The 
roads,  passes,  and  valleys  were  all  lost  under  the  snow  drifts.  He  had 
to  wait  there  until  spring,  securing  additional  supplies  and  army  from 
the  neighbouring  provinces.  After  two  months’  troublesome 
journey  over  the  hills  and  dales,  and  across  torrential  and  deep 
rivers,  the  Sultan  reached  the  vicinity  of  Nandana.  He  now  divided 
his  cavalry  into  three  groups  placing  Amir  Nasr,  Arsalan  Jazib,  and 
Abu  ‘Abdulla  Muhammad  in  charge  of  each  of  them.  The  central 
part  of  the  army  was  placed  under  the  leadership  of  Altuntash. 
Trilochanapala,  who  was  not  prepared  for  this  sudden  invasion,  put 
the  whole  of  his  army  under  the  command  of  his  son  Bhimapala, 
and  sent  invitations  to  his  vassals  to  join  him  with  their  forces. 


11 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Bhimapala  posted  himself  together  with  his  forces  behind  large 
blocks  of  stone  in  a  narrow  mountain  pass,  barring  the  entrance  with 
elephants  and  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the  vassals.  On  learning  the 
design  of  the  enemies,  Mahmud  all  on  a  sudden  attacked  them  in  that 
position  with  his  Dailamite  warriors  and  Afghan  spearmen.  The 
battle  continued  without  a  break  for  several  days.  But  the  Sultan 
could  not  dislodge  the  Shahis  from  their  strategic  position.  At  this 
time  Tunga,  the  general  of  the  Lohara  king  Samgramaraja  of  Kash¬ 
mir,  who  was  sent  with  an  army  to  help  Trilochanapala,  suffered  a 
defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Sultan  for  his  injudicious  movement.  As 
soon  as  reinforcements  came,  Bhimapala  left  the  pass  and  came  out 
into  the  plain  to  give  battle  against  the  Muslims.  The  elephant 
forces  under  him  made  a  violent , attack  on  the  enemies,  but  were 
repulsed  by  the  showers  of  arrows.  Abu  ‘Abdullah  Muhammad, 
while  fighting  bravely  in  the  midst  of  the  enemies,  received  many 
wounds  in  his  head  and  body,  but  was  rescued  by  the  Sultan’s  per¬ 
sonal  guard.  An  all-round  battle  continued  for  some  time,  and 
though  the  Shahis  fought  bravely  and  contested  every  inch  of  ground, 
they  were  ultimately  routed.  A  large  number  of  them  lost  their 
lives  on  the  slopes  of  the  hills  and  in  the  valleys  and  ravines,  and 
a  host  of  elephants,  which  protected  their  defence  lines,  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Muslims.  Bhimapala,  along  with  his  father,  withdrew 
to  the  valley  of  Kashmir,  leaving  a  strong  garrison  behind  for  the 
defence  of  the  capital.  The  Sultan  readily  marched  to  the  capital 
and  besieged  its  fort.  Having  failed  to  capture  it  by  ordinary  means, 
he  ran  mines  under  the  walls  and  forced  the  defenders  to  sur¬ 
render.  He  then  entered  into  the  fort  without  opposition,  seized  the 
treasure  and  other  valuable  articles,  and  appointed  Sarugh  as  its 
Superintendent.  The  western  and  central  portions  of  the  Shahi  king¬ 
dom  were  annexed  to  the  Empire  of  Ghazni. 

From  Nandana  Mahmud  marched  towards  the  Kashmir  valley 
where  Trilochanapala  had  rallied  his  surviving  forces.  Trilochana¬ 
pala  resisted  him  but,  when  he  was  defeated,  he  fled  to  the  Eastern 
Punjab,  probably  Sirhind,  Mahmud  plundered  the  Kashmir  valley, 
took  many  prisoners,  converted  some  to  Islam,  and  returned  to 
Ghazni  with  a  large  amount  of  booty.  On  this  occasion  he  carried 
with  him  such  a  large  number  of  Indians  as  prisoners  that  they  were 
sold  as  slaves  at  a  very  cheap  price  in  Ghazni.  Men,  who  occupied 
high  positions  in  India,  were  seen  to  serve  the  shopkeepers  there  as 
slaves. 

In  A.D.  1015  Mahmud  came  back  to  the  Kashmir  valley  in  order 
to  put  down  some  refractory  chiefs,  and  also  to  capture  some  forts 
which  he  could  not  conquer  on  the  previous  occasion.  The  hill-fort 
of  Lohkot,  modern  Loharin,  on  the  southern  slopes  of  the  central 


12 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


Pir  Pantsal,  was  his  first  objective.  The  fort  was  famous  for  its 
invincibility.  The  Sultan  made  a  fruitless  effort  to  capture  it  before 
the  end  of  the  summer  season.  The  situation  became  worse  for  the 
Muslim  army  when,  as  winter  approached,  there  was  a  heavy  fall 
of  snow.  In  the  mean  time  the  Kashmirians  made  their  position 
stronger  by  fresh  reinforcement  of  troops.  In  this  circumstance  the 
Sultan  had  no  other  alternative  but  to  raise  the  siege  and  retreat 
towards  Ghazni.  On  his  return  journey  he  suffered  incalculable 
miseries.  Once,  his  guides  misled  him  and  his  army  into  a  big  marsh, 
and  a  large  number  of  men  were  lost.  After  struggling  hard  for 
several  days  he  succeeded  in  extricating  the  surviving  portion  of  his 
troops. 

Mahmud  could  not  lead  any  expedition  against  India  in  A.D. 
1016  and  1017  as  he  was  engaged  in  putting  down  revolt  in  Khvarazm. 
As  soon  as  he  was  free  from  that  trouble  he  formulated  a  plan  to 
penetrate  further  into  the  heart  of  Hindustan,  and  to  attack  the 
imperial  city  of  Kanauj.  For  this  ambitious  enterprise  he  raised  a 
big  army  of  100,000  horse,  and  20,000  foot,  recruited  from  Turki- 
stan,  Mawarau-n  nahr,  Khurasan,  and  other  neighbouring  provinces. 
Towards  the  end  of  A.D.  1018  he  started  from  Ghazni  and,  march¬ 
ing  through  the  Punjab,  crossed  the  Sindhu,  Jhelum,  Chenab,  Ravi, 
Beas,  and  Sutlej.  The  chiefs  of  the  countries  through  which  he 
passed  submitted  to  him.  Janki,8  son  of  Shahi,  grandson  of  Bamhi, 
who  controlled  the  southern  passes  leading  into  Kashmir,  offered 
his  services  to  the  Sultan  as  a  guide.  The  Shahi  Trilochanapala,  who 
was  ruling  in  the  Eastern  Punjab,  refused  to  pay  allegiance  to  the 
Sultan,  and  fled  to  the  Paramara  kingdom  of  Malava.  After  a  long 
and  tedious  journey  through  forests  and  jungles,  the  Sultan  reached 
the  Yamuna  and  crossed  it  on  2nd  December  1018.  Having  over¬ 
come  some  hill-forts  on  the  way  he  reached  Baran,  modern  Buland- 
shahr,  in  U.P.  The  ruler  of  the  place,  Hardat,  who  was  filled  with 
alarm  at  his  approach,  did  not  put  up  any  resistance  against  him. 
’Utbl  states  that  Hardat  surrendered  to  Mahmud  with  10,000  men 
and  was  even  willing  to  embrace  Islam  to  save  them  from  disaster. 
Gardlzi  and  Nizam-ud-dln  Ahmad,  however,  relate  that  Hardat  fled 
away,  leaving  the  fort  in  charge  of  his  followers.  The  garrison  found 
their  position  untenable  and  purchased  peace  by  paying  the  Sultan 
1,000,000  dirhams  and  30  elephants.  From  Baran  Mahmud  ad¬ 
vanced  to  attack  Mahaban,  on  the  Yamuna,  in  the  Mathura  District. 
It  was  at  that  time  ruled  by  a  chief  named  Kulachand,  who  owned  a 
large  number  of  forts  and  maintained  a  strong  army.  Many  neigh¬ 
bouring  rulers  had  to  submit  to  his  military  power.  It  is  known 
from  some  epigraphic  records  that  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  cen- 


13 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


turies  Mahaban  and  its  environs  were  ruled  by  the  Yadu  dynasty, 
and  Kulachand  was  possibly  a  member  of  this  family.  As  soon  as 
Mahmud  invested  Mahaban,  Kulachand,  along  with  his  army  and 
elephants,  retreated  to  a  fort  in  a  dense  forest,  and  kept  every  thing 
ready  for  battle.  The  Sultan,  after  a  careful  search,  discovered  the 
fort  where  Kulachand  had  concentrated  his  forces.  A  hand  to  hand 
fight  with  swords  and  spears  ensued  between  the  two  armies.  The 
Hindus,  having  failed  to  defend  their  position,  jumped  into  the  Ya¬ 
muna  and  tried  to  cross  it  over  in  search  of  safety.  Kulachand,  find¬ 
ing  no  other  way  to  escape,  killed  his  wife  first  and  then  killed  him¬ 
self.  Nearly  5,000  Hindus  lost  their  lives,  and  the  Sultan  secured  a 
large  booty  together  with  185  war  elephants.9 

The  Sultan  next  directed  his  attacks  against  the  sacred  city 
of  Mathura.  The  city  was  surrounded  by  a  massive  stone  wall,  in 
which  were  two  lofty  gates  opening  on  to  the  river.  There  were 
magnificent  temples  all  over  the  city  and  the  largest  of  them  stood 
in  the  centre  of  it.  The  Sultan  was  very  much  struck  by  its  gran¬ 
deur.  In  his  estimate  it  cost  not  less  than  100,000,000  red  dinars, 
and  even  the  most  skilful  of  masons  must  have  taken  200  years  to 
complete  it.  Among  the  large  number  of  idols  in  the  temples,  five 
were  made  of  pure  gold,  the  eyes  of  one  of  them  were  laid  with  two 
rubies  worth  100,000  dinars,  and  another  had  a  sapphire  of  a  very 
heavy  weight.  All  these  five  idols  yielded  gold  weighing  98,300 
miskals.  The  idols  made  of  silver  numbered  200.  The  city  is  said 
to  have  been  within  the  kingdom  of  the  Raja  of  Delhi,  but  the  Sultan 
captured  it  without  meeting  any  opposition.  He  seized  all  the  gold 
and  silver  idols  and  ordered  his  soldiers  to  burn  all  the  temples  to 
the  ground.  The  idols  in  them  were  deliberately  broken  into  pieces. 
The  city  was  pillaged  for  20  days,  and  a  large  number  of  buildings 
were  reduced  to  ashes. 

From  Mathura  the  Sultan  marched  on  Kanauj.  On  his  v/ay  he 
conquered  many  forts  and  obtained  much  booty.  Sometimes  he 
encountered  strong  resistance  from  the  Hindus,  but  he  triumphed 
over  them.  Kanauj,  which  served  as  the  capital  of  so  many  suc¬ 
cessive  imperial  ruling  dynasties,  was  a  well  fortified  city,  defended 
by  seven  lofty  forts,  and  contained  10,000  temples.  At  Mahmud’s 
approach  king  Rajyapala  of  the  Pratihara  dynasty  fled  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Ganga,  and  took  refuge  in  a  place  known  as  Bari.  Kanauj 
was  deserted  by  a  large  number  of  its  citizens,  who  were  anxious 
to  save  themselves  from  the  fury  of  the  Muslims,  and  in  the  absence 
of  any  strong  resistance,  ail  the  seven  forts  fell  easily  into  the  hands 
of  the  Sultan.  At  his  command  the  city  was  plundered,  the  inha¬ 
bitants  put  to  the  sword,  and  the  idols  destroyed. 


14 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


After  plundering  Kanauj  Mahmud  invaded  Munj,  which  is 
identified  by  some  with  Manjhawan,  10  miles  south  of  Kanpur 
(Cawnpore),  and  by  others  with  the  place  of  this  name,  14  miles 
north-east  of  Etawah.  It  was  known  as  the  fort  of  the  Brahmans. 
The  garrison  resisted  the  invader  for  25  days,  but  it  was  of  no 
effect.  At  last  a  large  number  of  inhabitants  threw  themselves  into 
fire  together  with  their  wives  and  children.  Some  sallied  forth 
from  the  fort  and  dashed  towards  the  enemy,  only  to  be  killed  by 
the  latter.  Others  threw  themselves  down  from  the  battlements  to 
embrace  death.  It  was  eventually  found  that  not  a  single  soul  sur¬ 
vived  in  the  fort.  Mahmud  took  possession  of  all  the  valuables  there 
and  then  advanced  towards  Asi,  which  is  identified  with  Asni,  10 
miles  north-east  from  Fatehpur.  The  fort  of  Asi  was  surrounded  by 
a  wide  and  deep  moat,  and  around  it  lay  dense  jungle  full  of  venom¬ 
ous  reptiles.  Its  ruler,  Chandrapal  Bhur,  was  one  of  the  most  power¬ 
ful  chiefs  of  Hindustan,  and  earned  a  great  reputation  as  a  military 
leader  by  inflicting  defeats  on  many  kings.  He  even  succeeded  in 
repulsing  an  attack  of  the  Pratiharas  of  Kanauj  after  a  prolonged 
fight.  But  his  courage  failed  when  Mahmud  invaded  his  fort,  and 
he  fled,  leaving  it  to  the  mercy  of  the  latter.  At  the  Sultan’s  order 
the  fort  was  plundered  and  demolished,  and  the  inhabitants  were 
put  to  death.  The  Sultan  next  marched  with  his  army  to  Sharva, 
which  is  identified  by  Cunningham  with  Sirsawa  to  the  east  of  the 
Yamuna,  near  Saharanpur.  The  fort  there,  made  of  massive  stone, 
was  of  immense  height.  Its  chief,  Chand  Rai,  held  a  high  position 
among  the  rulers  of  Hindustan.  Hearing  the  news  of  Mahmud’s 
advance,  Chand  Rai  stealthily  went  out  of  his  fort  with  his  army 
and  treasure,  withdrew  to  a  lofty  hill,  and  hid  in  a  thick  forest.  The 
Sultan  plundered  the  fort  of  Sharva,  and  then  pushed  his  way 
through  the  jungle,  in  pursuit  of  Chand  Rai.  After  covering  a  dis¬ 
tance  of  15  parasangs  he  succeeded  in  detecting  the  place  where  the 
enemy  was  residing.  In  the  action  that  followed  a  large  number 
of  Hindu  soldiers  lost  their  lives.  Chand  Rai  seems  to  have  fled 
away  leaving  his  treasure  behind.  The  Sultan  secured  for  himself 
a  huge  amount  of  gold,  silver,  and  pearls  worth  3,000,000  dirhams , 
and  many  elephants.  A  large  number  of  Hindus,  rich  and  poor, 
were  carried  off  as  slaves,  and  eventually  sold  to  the  merchants  of 
Mawarau-n  nahr,  ‘Iraq,  and  Khurasan.  After  his  victory  over  Chand 
Rai,  which  took  place  in  January,  1019,  Mahmud  returned  to  Ghazni 
with  a  huge  booty  and  a  large  number  of  war  prisoners.  The  ex¬ 
pedition  against  Kanauj  made  the  Sultan  master  of  wealth  amount¬ 
ing  to  20,000,000  dirhams ,  53,000  prisoners  of  war,  and  350  elephants. 
Firishta  states  that  after  this  glorious  expedition  the  Sultan  founded 
at  Ghazni  the  famous  Jami  Mosque,  which  was  universally  known 


15 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


as  ‘Celestial  Bride.’  Adjacent  to  this  mosque  the  Sultan  established 
a  University  well  equipped  with  books  in  various  languages,  and  a 
Museum  full  of  natural  curiosities. 

Before  we  resume  the  story  of  Mahmud’s  invasion  of  India  we 
may  refer  briefly  to  his  great  adversary,  the  Shahi  king  Trilochana¬ 
pala,  whose  dominions  were  now  confined  to  the  Eastern  Punjab.  As 
Kalhana  says,  he  “displayed  great  resolution  even  after  he  had  fallen 
from  his  position,  and  relying  on  his  force  of  elephants,  endeavoured 
to  recover  victory.”  In  his  new  retreat  at  Sirhind,  Trilochanapala 
secured  a  respite  from  Muslim  invasion  for  about  five  years.  But 
during  this  period  he  had  to  fight  a  series  of  battles  against  Chand 
Rai,  ruler  of  Sharva,  mentioned  above.  These  engagements  resulted 
in  a  heavy  loss  of  men  and  warriors  on  both  sides.  A  peace  was 
ultimately  concluded  between  the  two  kings  and,  in  order  to  make 
it  a  lasting  one,  Trilochanapala  sought  the  hand  of  his  rival’s 
daughter  for  his  son  Bhlmapala.  As  soon  as  the  Shahi  prince  reached 
Sharva  for  marriage,  Chand  Rai  put  him  into  prison  and  demanded 
retribution  for  the  losses  he  had  to  suffer  in  the  previous  engage¬ 
ments.  Trilochanapala  could  not  lead  any  big  expedition  against 
Chand  Rai  lest  any  serious  harm  was  done  to  his  son.  Stray  battles, 
however,  took  place  from  time  to  time  between  the  two  kings,  until 
Mahmud,  on  his  way  to  Kanauj,  reached  that  part  of  the  country  in 
A.D.  1018.  Trilochanapala  left  his  kingdom  and  took  shelter  with 
the  Paramara  Bhoja  of  Malava. 

As  mentioned  above,  Mahmud,  after  plundering  Kanauj,  return¬ 
ed  to  Ghazni  in  A.D.  1019.  But  in  A.D.  1020-21  he  again  came  to 
Hindustan  to  chastise  the  Chandella  Vidyadhara,  who  had  attacked 
the  Pratlhara  king  Rajyapala  and  killed  him  for  his  cowardly  submis¬ 
sion  to  Mahmud.  On  that  occasion  Trilochanapala  made  an  alliance 
with  the  Chandeilas.  So,  when  in  A.D.  1020-21,  the  Sultan  advanced 
with  his  army  to  punish  Vidyadhara,  and  after  some  time  reached 
the  banks  of  a  big  river,  he  was  opposed  by  the  Shahi  Trilochanapala. 
’Utbl  mentions  the  name  of  this  river  as  Rahib,  and  Firishta  and 
Nizam-ud-din  Ahmad  call  it  Yamuna.  Trilochanapala  camped  on 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  river  with  his  infantry  and  elephants,  and 
showed  grim  determination  to  fight.  The  Sultan  hesitated  to  make 
an  attempt  at  crossing  the  river  as  it  was  very  deep  and  its  bottom 
full  of  mud.  He  ordered  eight  men  of  his  camp  to  swim  over  to  the 
other  bank  on  inflated  skins.  As  these  men  were  approaching,  Tri¬ 
lochanapala  sent  a  contingent  with  five  elephants  to  prevent  them 
from  landing.  But  these  few  Muslim  soldiers  succeeded  in  forcing 
their  way  through,  throwing  their  enemies  into  wild  confusion  as 
they  discharged  their  arrows.  When  the  Sultan’s  plan  had  achieved 
this  result,  he  ordered  his  troops  to  follow  the  same  process.  The 


16 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


Muslims  readily  jumped  into  the  river  and  reached  the  other  bank 
without  any  loss  of  life.  Trilochanapala  attacked  them  with  all  his 
forces,  but  being  defeated,  fled  from  the  battlefield.  Many  Hindus 
lost  their  lives  in  the  encounter,  and  270  elephants  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Sultan.  Trilochanapala  now  made  an  attempt  to  join 
Vidyadhara,  but,  on  his  way,  was  killed  by  some  Hindus.  His  son 
Bhimapala,  who  had  obviously  effected  his  escape  from  Sharva  at 
the  time  when  Mahmud  plundered  the  fort  in  A.D.  1019,  survived 
him  for  five  years  without  holding  any  royal  position.  The  entire 
Shahi  kingdom  now  formed  a  part  of  Mahmud’s  dominions. 

The  Shahis  bravely  resisted  the  Muslims  for  more  than  twenty- 
five  years.  The  collapse  of  their  power  made  a  deep  impression  upon 
the  minds  of  the  people  of  that  age.  Al-Blruni  remarks  with  a  note 
of  pathos:  “The  Hindu  Sahiya  dynasty  is  now  extinct,  and  of  the 
whole  house  there  is  no  longer  the  slightest  remnant  in  existence. 
We  must  say  that,  in  all  their  grandeur,  they  never  slackened  in  the 
ardent  desire  of  doing  that  which  is  good  and  right,  that  they  were 
men  of  noble  sentiment  and  noble  bearing.”  The  same  sentiment 
is  also  echoed  by  Kalhana  in  the  twelfth  century  in  his  book  Rajata - 
rangivti. 

After  defeating  Trilochanapala  Mahmud  advanced  towards 
Bari,  where  the  Pratiharas  had  shifted  their  capital  after  the  sack 
of  Kanauj.  But  before  the  Sultan  reached  that  place  the  Pratihara 
Trilochanapala,  son  and  successor  of  Rajyapala,  fled  away  in  fear. 
The  Muslims  entered  into  the  city  without  any  opposition,  and  at 
the  Sultan’s  command  razed  it  to  the  ground. 

After  the  capture  of  Bari  Mahmud  directed  his  attack  against 
Vidyadhara  who  was  ready  to  meet  him  on  the  border  of  his  king¬ 
dom  with  45,000  infantry,  36,000  cavalry,  and  640  elephants.10  The 
Sultan  sent  an  envoy  to  Vidyadhara  asking  him  either  to  embrace 
Islam  or  to  agree  to  pay  an  annual  tribute,  but  the  Chandella  king 
rejected  both  the  proposals  with  scorn.  The  Sultan,  before  issuing 
order  for  the  attack,  went  to  an  elevated  place  to  make  an  estimate 
of  the  strength  of  the  enemy.  His  courage  failed  when  he  saw  the 
vast  gathering  of  Vidyadhara’s  army,  and  he  repented  of  undertak¬ 
ing  this  perilous  expedition.  In  his  despair,  he  fell  flat  on  the  ground, 
praying  to  the  Almighty  for  assistance.  In  the  evening  there  was  a 
skirmish  between  Mahmud’s  general  Abu  ‘Abdullah  Muhammad 
at-Ta’i  and  a  detachment  of  the  Hindu  army,  in  which  the  latter 
suffered  a  reverse.  Greatly  disheartened  by  the  defeat,  Vidyadhara, 
being  panic-stricken,  fled  away  with  his  army  during  the  night  under 
cover  of  darkness,  leaving  his  bags  and  baggages  behind.  On  the 
following  morning  the  Sultan  was  surprised  to  hear  that  his  enemies 

17 

S.E. — 2 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


had  fled.  At  first  he  suspected  foul  play,  but  when  no  trace  of  the 
enemy  could  be  discovered  in  the  neighbourhood,  he  entered  the 
deserted  camps  and  seized  everything  of  value  including  elephants 
numbering  580. 

Shortly  after  his  return  to  Ghazni  the  Sultan  led  expeditions 
against  Qlrat  and  Nur,  places  situated  between  the  borders  of  India 
and  Turkistan.  Elliot  identifies  these  places  with  Swat,  Bajaur,  and 
part  of  Kafiristan.  The  inhabitants  of  these  places,  along  with  their 
rulers,  were  worshippers  of  idols.  The  chief  of  Qlrat  surrendered  to 
Mahmud  without  a  struggle,  and  adopted  Islam.  Mahmud’s  general 
Amir  ‘All  overcame  the  ruler  of  Nur,  sacked  his  territory,  demolish¬ 
ed  a  Hindu  temple  of  great  antiquity,  and  forced  the  people  to 
embrace  Islam.  Shortly  afterwards,  in  A.D.  1021,  the  Sultan  led  an 
army  against  Lohkot,  in  Kashmir,  which  he  had  failed  to  capture 
on  a  previous  occasion.  However,  he  did  not  fare  better  this  time. 
After  making  a  fruitless  attempt  for  a  month  to  take  possession  of 
it,  he  raised  the  siege. 

In  A.D.  1021-22  Mahmud  again  launched  an  expedition  against 
the  Chandella  Vidyadhara.  On  his  way  he  attacked  the  fort  of 
Gwalior,  which  was  then  in  possession  of  the  Kachchhapaghatas.  The 
chief  of  the  Kachchhapaghata  dynasty,  who  seems  to  have  been 
Klrttiraja,  after  successfully  defending  his  position  for  four  days, 
lost  courage  and  sued  for  peace.  The  Sultan  received  some  valuable 
presents  and  35  elephants  from  his  adversary,  and  then  resumed  his 
march.  He  soon  reached  his  destination  and  laid  siege  to  the  fort 
of  Kalanjara.  The  siege  had  continued  for  a  long  time  when  Vidya¬ 
dhara  sent  an  emissary  to  the  Sultan  with  the  proposal  for  peace. 
He  offered  300  elephants  and  other  valuable  presents  for  raising  the 
siege.  Hearing  that  the  Sultan  agreed  to  his  terms  Vidyadhara,  to 
test  the  bravery  of  the  Muslim  soldiers,  let  loose  the  elephants, 
without  riders,  outside  the  gate  of  the  fort.  At  the  Sultan’s  com¬ 
mand  his  Turkish  soldiers  brought  them  all  under  control  and  mount¬ 
ed  them.  The  Hindus  in  the  fort  were  amazed  at  this  bold  feat  of 
their  opponents,  and  no  longer  had  any  desire  to  fight.  Vidyadhara 
sent  over  to  the  Muslim  camp  a  verse  in  the  Indian  language  in 
praise  of  the  Sultan,  who  w’as  very  much  pleased  with  the  compli¬ 
ment  paid  him.  He  reciprocated  this  friendly  gesture  by  bestowing 
on  the  Chandella  king  the  government  of  15  fortresses,  and  returned 
to  Ghazni.  It  would  appear  from  the  above  account  in  the  Muslim 
chronicles  that  Mahmud  came  all  the  way  from  Ghazni  to  Kalanjara 
only  to  be  satisfied  with  a  few  hundred  elephants  and  some  rich 
presents.  It  would  be  more  rational  to  hold  that  his  invasion  of 
Kalanjara  was  not  a  great  success,  and  possibly  a  failure. 


18 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


India  enjoyed  respite  from  the  invasion  of  Mahmud  in  A.D.  1023 
because  the  Sultan  in  that  year  was  busy  fighting  in  Transoxiana.  In 
the  following  year  (A.D.  1024)  he  resumed  his  expedition  against 
Hindustan.  The  object  of  his  attack  this  time  was  the  famous  temple 
of  Somanatha  on  the  sea-shore,  in  Kathiawar,  containing  a  Siva- 
linga.  The  temple  stood  on  huge  blocks  of  stone,  and  its  roof  was 
supported  by  56  wooden  pillars  “curiously  carved  and  set  with  pre¬ 
cious  stones'’.  The  pyramidal  roof  was  made  of  13  stories,  and  was 
surmounted  by  fourteen  golden  domes.  The  girth  of  the  linga  was 
4  feet  6  inches,  and  its  height  above  the  base  was  7  feet  6  inches. 1 1 
A  portion  of  the  linga,  6  feet  in  height,  was  hidden  beneath  the 
base.  Adjacent  to  it  under  its  pedestal  there  was  the  treasury  con¬ 
taining  many  gold  and  silver  miniature  idols.  The  canopy  over  it 
was  set  with  jewels  and  was  decorated  with  rich  embroidery.  The 
dark  chamber  in  which  the  linga  was  installed  was  illumined  by 
jewelled  chandeliers.  In  front  of  the  chamber  there  was  a  chain 
of  gold,  200  mans  in  weight,  attached  to  a  bell,  which  was  rung  by 
shaking  the  chain  from  time  to  time  for  specific  purpose.  One  thou¬ 
sand  Brahmanas  were  appointed  to  perform  the  worship  of  the 
linga  and  for  conducting  the  devotees  into  the  temple.  There  were 
three  hundred  barbers  for  shaving  the  heads  and  beards  of  the  pil¬ 
grims.  Three  hundred  and  fifty  persons,  both  male  and  female,  were 
employed  to  sing  and  dance  before  the  linga  every  day.  All  these 
people  received  daily  allowances  from  the  temple  funds.  The  in¬ 
come  of  the  temple  was  derived  from  the  10,000  villages  endowed  to 
it,  and  from  the  offerings  of  the  devotees.  The  temple  possessed  vast 
wealth  in  gold,  silver,  pearls,  and  rich  jewels  which  had  been  accu¬ 
mulated  in  course  of  centuries. 

The  Hindus  entertained  a  belief  that  Mahmud  could  demolish 
so  many  idols  in  Northern  India  simply  because  these  deities  had 
forfeited  the  sympathy  and  support  of  Somanatha.  It  is  stated  that 
when  Mahmud  heard  of  this  belief  of  the  Hindus  he  decided  to  des¬ 
troy  Somanatha  with  a  view  to  striking  at  the  root  of  their  faith 
in  the  divinity  of  their  chief  idol.  Mahmud  marched  from  Ghazni 
to  Multan  at  the  head  of  30,000  cavalry  and  a  multitude  of  volun¬ 
teers.  Thence  he  decided  to  advance  along  the  desert  route  to  reach 
his  destination.  Soldiers  were  provided  with  food,  water,  and  forage 
for  many  days.  Two  hundred  camels  were  employed  to  carry  addi¬ 
tional  water  and  provisions  to  meet  any  contingency.  In  course  of 
his  wearisome  journey  the  Sultan  first  reached  Ludrava,  modern 
Lodorva,  10  miles  north-west  of  Jaisalmer,  which  was  defended  by 
a  strong  citadel  and  a  body  of  brave  soldiers.  The  Sultan  captured 
it,  and  then,  after  a  prolonged  march  through  Mallani,  reached  the 
Chikudar  (?)  hill,  which  is  identified  with  Chiklodarmata  hill,  17 


19 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


miles  north  of  Palanpur,  in  Gujarat.  Next  he  advanced  towards 
Nahrwala,  identical  with  Anahillapataka,  the  capital  of  Gujarat.  At 
the  sudden  and  unexpected  appearance  of  the  Sultan,  the  king  of 
the  country,  Bhlma  I,  who  belonged  to  the  Chaulukya  dynasty,  fled, 
probably  to  Kanthakot,  16  miles  north-east  of  Anjar,  in  Kutch 
(Cutch).  The  Sultan  occupied  the  city  and  collected  fresh  provi¬ 
sions  there.  From  this  place  he  marched  to  Mundher  and  thence  to 
Dewalwara,  modern  Delvada,  40  miles  east  of  Somanatha.  In  the 
course  of  his  advance  through  the  desert  between  Mundher  and 
Dewalwara,  he  had  to  fight  his  way  through  20,000  enemy  troops. 
He  also  met  with  stiff  resistance  at  Dewalwara,  which  he  succeeded 
in  breaking  down  after  a  short  encounter.  The  people  of  the  place 
were  put  to  the  sword  and  their  temples  demolished. 

Mahmud  reached  Somanatha  in  the  middle  of  January,  1025, 
and  found  their  a  strongly  defended  fortress  on  the  sea-shore.  The 
Hindus,  who  assembled  on  the  rampart  of  the  port,  were  passing 
their  time  in  merry-making,  fondly  believing  that  Somanatha  had 
drawn  the  Muslims  there  only  to  annihilate  them  for  the  sins  they 
had  committed  in  demolishing  idols  elsewhere.  Their  morale  was 
high  even  though  their  leader  had  fled  away  in  cowardice  with  his 
family  to  a  neighbouring  island.  The  following  day  the  Sultan 
began  the  assault,  and  forced  the  Hindus  to  leave  their  position  on 
the  wall  by  discharging  showers  of  arrows  at  them.  The  Muslims 
then  speedily  placed  a  ladder  and  climbed  up  to  the  battlements. 
This  action  wTas  followed  by  a  fierce  fight  in  which  a  large  number 
of  people  lost  their  lives.  But  before  the  Muslims  could  consolidate 
their  position  they  were  attacked  violently  by  a  fresh  batch  of 
Hindus,  who  came  out  of  the  temple  of  Somanatha  after  a  prayer 
for  strength  and  courage.  The  Muslims  were  unable  to  withstand 
this  onslaught,  and  were  forced  to  retreat  from  the  city.  Next  day 
the  Sultan  renewed  the  operation  with  greater  intensity,  against 
which  the  brave  resistance  offered  by  the  Hindus  was  of  no  avail. 
Having  failed  to  check  the  enemy’s  advance,  they  all  crowded  in 
front  of  the  gate  of  the  temple  of  Somanatha.  The  Muslims  pursued 
them  there,  and  then  followed  a  terrible  carnage.  Bands  of  Hindus 
in  succession  entered  the  temple  to  pray  with  all  their  hearts  for 
victory,  and  then  coming  out  of  it  rushed  against  their  enemies,  only 
to  be  killed.  In  this  way  more  than  50,000  Hindus  sacrificed  their 
lives  to  defend  the  honour  of  their  deity.  The  few  survivors,  who 
attempted  to  escape  by  sea,  were  pursued  by  the  Muslims  and  put 
to  the  sword.  The  Sultan  made  a  triumphal  entry  into  the  temple, 
broke  down  the  Siva -linga  into  pieces,  and  took  possession  of  the 
vast  wealth  it  contained,  said  to  have  been  worth  20,000,000  dirhams. 
The  temple  was  then  razed  to  the  ground.  The  fragments  of  the 

20 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


Siva -lihga  were  carried  to  Ghazni,  where  they  were  made  to  serve 
as  steps  at  the  gate  of  the  Jami  Mosque — an  act  of  profanity  imitated 
by  later  Muslim  rulers. 

Mahmud  halted  at  Somanatha  for  a  fortnight.  He  was  very 
much  concerned  about  a  safe  return  journey  to  Ghazni  with  the  vast 
wealth  he  had  acquired.  The  iconoclastic  zeal  which  he  showed  at 
Somanatha  deeply  wounded  the  religious  susceptibility  of  the  neigh¬ 
bouring  chiefs,  who,  under  the  leadership  of  Paramadeva,  were  now 
ready  to  obstruct  him  en  route.  So  to  avoid  any  major  clash  he  decid¬ 
ed  to  follow  the  way  through  Kutch  and  Sindh.  In  the  course  of  his 
homeward  march  he  arrived  at  an  inlet  of  the  sea  between  Kathiawar 
and  Kutch.  He  forded  it  where  it  was  shallow,  at  the  risk  of  being 
submerged,  and  came  in  front  of  the  fort  of  Kandahat,  identified 
with  Kanthakot,  in  Kutch,  where  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  1  had  taken 
shelter.12  Bhlma  fled  when  he  heard  the  news  of  the  Sultan’s  ad¬ 
vance.  The  Sultan  took  over  the  fort  and  continued  his  march 
through  Kutch.13  He  crossed  over  to  Sindh,  and  engaged  a  guide  to 
conduct  him  safely  over  the  desert.  The  guide,  who  was  a  devotee  of 
Somanatha,  and  was  looking  for  an  opportunity  to  avenge  himself  of 
the  wrong  done  to  his  god,  led  the  Muslim  army  to  a  dreary  part  of 
the  desert  where  there  was  no  water  available  for  miles  around.  The 
treachery  was  immediately  detected,  and  the  guide  was  put  to  death, 
the  Sultan,  in  despair,  resumed  his  march  praying  to  the  Almighty 
for  deliverance,  and  luckily  reached  a  place  where  he  got  the  neces¬ 
sary  supply  of  water.  He  proceeded  from  that  place  to  Mansurah, 
about  43  miles  north-east  of  Haidarabad,  defeated  its  ruler  Khafif, 
an  apostate  Muslim,  and  then,  following  the  upper  course  of  the 
Sindhu,  advanced  towards  Multan.  On  his  way  thither  he  was 
greatly  troubled  by  the  Jats.  His  long  and  perilous  journey  ended 
in  A.D.  1026  when  he  reached  Ghazni.  Countries  far  and  near 
showered  praise  on  him  for  his  success  at  Somanatha.  The  Caliph 
sent  him  a  congratulatory  letter,  and  conferred  titles  on  him  and  on 
his  two  sons  and  brothers.  He  further  communicated  to  him  that 
whoever  among  his  sons  would  be  nominated  by  him  as  his  successor 
to  the  throne  of  Ghazni  would  receive  his  recognition. 

In  A.D.  1027  Mahmud  again  came  to  India  to  punish  the  Jats, 
who  gave  him  so  much  trouble  on  his  return  journey  from  Soma¬ 
natha.  As  soon  as  he  reached  Multan  he  realised  that  a  strong  navy 
was  necessary  to  overcome  these  enemies.  So  he  ordered  1,400  boats, 
each  to  be  provided  with  three  projected  iron  spikes,  one  in  the 
prow  and  one  at  either  side.  These  iron  bars  were  fixed  up  in  order 
to  smash  into  pieces  the  enemy’s  boats  making  an  attempt  to  strike 
against  them.  Twenty  soldiers  with  bows  and  arrows  were  placed 
in  each  boat.  The  Sultan  advanced  with  this  flotilla  in  the  Sindhu 

21 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


to  attack  his  enemies.  The  Jats  also  made  great  preparations  to 
meet  the  invader.  They  sent  their  women  and  children  to  the  islands 
for  safety,  and  themselves  boldly  came  forward  with  4,000  boats,  each 
filled  with  valiant  fighters.  The  battle  between  the  two  armies 
began  with  terrible  intensity.  Almost  all  the  boats  of  the  Jats  were 
broken  into  pieces  as  they  dashed  against  those  of  the  Sultan.  A 
large  number  of  Jats  were  drowned  in  the  river,  and  those  who  sur¬ 
vived  were  killed  by  the  Muslim  archers.  The  Sultan  next  plundered 
the  islands  where  the  families  of  the  Jats  were  kept  with  their 
valuables,  and  then  returned  to  Ghazni.  This  was  the  last  expedi¬ 
tion  of  Mahmud  launched  against  India,  and  he  died  three  years 
later,  in  A.D.  1030. 

The  Muslim  chroniclers  naturally  regard  Mahmud  as  one  of  their 
greatest  kings  and  a  great  champion  of  Islamic  faith.  His  well- 
deserved  title  to  fame  rests  on  the  great  military  skill  he  displayed 
on  innumerable  occasions.  Even  making  allowances  for  the  flattery 
of  the  court  historians,  his  repeated  invasions  of  India,  carried  out 
with  consummate  ability  and  success,  and  his  brilliant  victories  mark 
him  out  as  the  greatest  general  of  his  age,  comparable  with  the 
military  leaders  of  the  first  rank  that  have  appeared  in  the  world 
from  time  to  time.  His  patronage  of  art  and  literature  in  his  own 
kingdom  also  distinguishes  him  as  a  great  king.  But  his  iconoclastic 
zeal  and  avarice,  beyond  measure,  which  figure  so  conspicuously  in 
his  Indian  expeditions,  inevitably  loom  large  in  Indian  eyes,  and  all 
his  great  qualities  pale  into  insignificance.  By  his  ruthless  destruc¬ 
tion  of  temples  and  images  he  violated  the  most  sacred  and  cherish¬ 
ed  sentiments  of  the  Indian  people,  and  his  championship  of  Islam 
therefore  merely  served  to  degrade  it  in  their  eyes  such  as  nothing 
else  could.  He  drained  India  of  enormous  wealth  and  destroyed 
much  of  India’s  manpower  by  his  repeated  expeditions.  This  ex¬ 
haustion  of  economic  resources  and  manpower  told  upon  the  future 
political  destiny  of  India.  In  particular  the  destruction  of  the  Shahi 
kingdom,  which  barred  the  gates  of  India  against  foreign  invaders, 
dealt  a  severe  blow  to  its  future  independence.  The  inclusion  of  the 
Punjab  and  Afghanistan  in  the  kingdom  of  Ghazni  made  the  Islamic 
conquest  of  India  a  comparatively  easy  process.  It  was  no  longer  a 
question  of  whether,  but  when  that  mighty  flood  would  overwhelm 
the  country  as  a  whole. 


GHAZNAVID  INVASION 


1.  Vol.  IV,  p.  125. 

2.  Briggs,  I.  23. 

3.  The  Life  and  Times  of  Sultan  Mahmud  of  Ghazna  by  M.  Nazim,  p.  26. 

4.  This  is  the  form  of  the  name  according  to  CHI ,  III.  11,  but  according  to  Dr. 

Nazim  it  should  be  Piri  or  Piritigin  (op.  cit.,  p.  27). 

5.  The  Muslim  chronicles  differ  regarding  the  history  of  Ghazni  as  given  above. 

Cf.  HIED,  edited  from  Aligarh  (1952),  pp.  264  ff;  Hodivala,  Studies  in  Indo- 

Muslim  History,  p.  190,  and  the  authorities  cited  therein. 

6.  The  battle  probably  took  place  about  A.D.  986-7  (Nazim,  op.  cit.,  p.  29). 

7 .  ’Utbl  gives  an  incomplete  description  of  Mahmud’s  conquest  of  Thaneswar  after 
narrating  his  invasion  of  Nandana,  which  took  place  in  404  A.H  =  A.D.  1013. 
Ibnu’l-Athlr  puts  the  date  of  Mahmud’s  conquest  of  Thaneswar  in  405  A.H. 
A.D.  1014.  But  Gardlzl,  a  contemporary  authority,  fixes  the  date  of  this  inva¬ 
sion  in  402  A.H.  =  A.D.  1011.  According  to  this  authority  the  invasion  of 
Thaneswar  took  place  three  years  prior  to  that  of  Nandana.  This  finds  corro¬ 
boration  in  the  chronicles  of  Firishta  and  Nizam-ud-dln  Ahmad.  Elliot,  W.  Haig, 
and  M.  Nazim  accept  the  chronology  of  Mahmud’s  invasion  as  given  by  ’Utbl. 
W.  Haig,  however,  points  out  that  “al-’Utbl’s  topography  is  faulty,  and  he 
appears  to  be  confounding  this  (i.c.  Thaneswar)  expedition  with  another”  (CHI, 
IH,  18  fn.).  That  ’Utbl  had  a  confusion  in  his  mind  on  this  particular  matter 
is  also  suggested  by  the  fact  that  he  abruptly  closes  his  narrative  after  describ¬ 
ing  Mahmud’s  victory  over  Hama,  a  chief  of  the  Punjab,  on  his  way  to  Thane¬ 
swar.  So  the  chronology  of  Mahmud’s  invasion  as  given  by  Gardlzl,  Firishta 
and  Nizam-ud-dln  Ahmad,  mentioned  above,  has  been  adopted. 

8.  Nazim,  op.  cit.,  p.  106.  Elliot  calls  him  Sabli  (HIED,  II,  p.  42). 

9.  The  names  Hardat  and  Kulachand  evidently  stand  for  Haradatta  and  Kula- 
chandra. 

10.  According  to  Firishta.  Nizam-ud-dln  gives  the  number  of  infantry  as  145,000 
and  that  of  elephants  as  390  (Bih.  Ind.,  p.  12).  But  according  to  some  manu¬ 
scripts  of  this  work  the  numbers  are  respectively  105,000  and  640. 

11.  The  description  of  the  temple  is  based  on  Muslim  chronicles  which  differ  in 
details.  On  the  ruins  of  the  particular  temple  destroyed  by  Mahmud  several 
others  were  erected  by  later  kings,  as  often  as  they  were  demolished  by  the 
fury  of  the  Muslims.  Steps  are  now  being  taken  to  erect  a  magnificent  temple 
on  the  same  spot.  Cf.  Somanatha,  the  Shrine  Eternal,  by  K.  M.  Munshi.  The 
description  of  the  temple  broken  by  Mahmud,  as  given  here,  is  based  on  the 
views  of  M.  Nazim  (op.  cit.,  pp.  209  ff.). 

12.  Nazim,  op.  cit.,  p.  119.  The  site  is  described  as  an  island  in  CHI,  III.  25. 

13.  The  Muslim  chroniclers  give  conflicting  accounts,  both  of  Mahmud’s  march  to 
Somanatha  and  of  the  part  played  by  Bhima.  Thus  Firishta  states  that  Mahmud 
came  to  Somanatha  by  way  of  Ajmer  (Sambhar),  and  returned  to  Ghazni  via 
Anahillapataka,  where  he  went  from  Kanthakot.  W.  Haig  has  accepted  this 
view  (CHI,  III.  23,  25). 

Firishta  also  says  that  Bhima  joined  in  the  fight  against  Mahmud  in  front 
of  the  temple  at  Somanatha.  But  this  is  not  corroborated  by  any  other  autho¬ 
rity.  There  are,  however,  reasonable  grounds  to  believe  that  Bhima,  after 
leaving  the  capital  city,  organised  his  forces  to  resist  Mahmud,  and  it  was 
mainly  to  avoid  him  that  Mahmud,  chose  for  his  return  journey  a  shorter  and 
less  frequented,  but  more  difficult,  desert  route.  The  army  which  opposed 
Mahmud  at  Kanthakot  was  perhaps  sent  by  Bhima  for  this  purpose,  but  it  is 
doubtful  whether  Bhima  was  there  in  person  ( DHNI ,  II,  953  ff). 


23 


CHAPTER  II 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  THE  ELEVENTH 
AND  TWELFTH  CENTURIES 

I.  THE  PAL  AS 
1.  Mahlpala 

When  Mahipala  I  ascended  the  throne  after  the  death  of  his 
father  Vigrahapala  II  about  A.D.  988,  the  once  mighty  empire  of  the 
Palas  had  been  shattered  to  the  dust,  and  the  territory  ruled  over  by 
them  was  confined  to  Magadha  or  South  Bihar.  By  a  strange  irony 
of  fate  they  had  lost  their  ancestral  kingdom  in  Bengal  and  were 
forced  to  seek  refuge  outside  its  border.  This  is  frankly  admitted  in 
the  Bangarh  Grant  which  extols  Mahlpala  for  having  recovered  his 
paternal  kingdom  which  was  usurped  by  others.  Who  these  usurpers 
were  the  inscription  does  not  tell  us,  but  other  evidences  indicate,  as 
noted  above,1  that  the  rulers  belonging  to  Kamboja  family  were  in 
possession  of  North  and  West  Bengal,  and  the  Chandras  were  ruling 
in  South  and  East  Bengal. 

The  details  of  the  struggle  by  which  Mahlpala  recovered  Bengal 
or  at  least  a  large  part  of  it  are  not  known  to  us.  An  inscription 
found  on  an  image  in  a  village  in  the  Tippera  District  is  dated  in  the 
year  3  of  the  reign  of  king  Mahipala.  There  are  good  grounds  to 
identify  this  king  with  Mahipala  I,  though  there  is  no  conclusive 
evidence  in  support  of  it.  But  if  we  accept  this  identification  we 
must  hold  that  Mahipala  re-established  his  authority  in  East  Bengal 
during  the  first  two  or  three  years  of  his  reign.  It  also  indirectly 
proves  his  hold  over  North  Bengal  before  that  time,  for  without  it 
he  could  not  have  proceeded  to  East  Bengal  from  his  base  in  South 
Bihar.  His  possession  of  North  Bengal  is,  however,  definitely  proved 
by  his  Bangarh  Grant  dated  in  his  9th  regnal  year.  But  although 
we  are  thus  on  sure  grounds  in  respect  of  the  recovery  of  Northern 
and  Eastern  Bengal  by  Mahipala,  we  cannot  estimate  the  amount  of 
success  gained  by  his  endeavour,  if  any,  to  reassert  his  authority 
over  the  other  parts  of  Bengal.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  appear 
from  the  account  of  the  Chola  invasion,  referred  to  below,  that 
Mahipala  had  no  hold  over  either  South  or  West  Bengal  except  per¬ 
haps  a  portion  of  the  latter. 

But  Mahlpala  was  more  successful  in  his  attempt  to  re-establish 
Pala  suzerainty  outside  Bengal.  His  inscriptions  have  been  found 


24 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


in  North  Bihar  while  those  of  his  three  predecessors  have  been  found 
only  in  South  Bihar.  It  may  be  concluded,  therefore,  that  he  also 
recovered  North  Bihar.  We  learn  from  an  inscription  dated 
A.D.  1026,  found  at  Sarnath  near  Banaras,  that  Mahlpala  built  and 
repaired  many  sacred  structures  in  that  holy  site  of  the  Buddhists. 
It  has  been  inferred  from  this  record  that  Mahlpala’s  kingdom  ex¬ 
tended  up  to  Banaras.  It  may  be  argued  that  Banaras  or  Sarnath, 
being  sacred  places  of  almost  international  reputation,  the  construc¬ 
tion  of  sanctuaries  therein  does  not  necessarily  imply  political  con¬ 
trol  over  them.  But  as  the  whole  of  Bihar  was  certainly  included 
within  the  kingdom  of  Mahlpala,  it  is  not  an  unreasonable  assumption 
that  the  neighbouring  region  in  the  West  up  to  Banaras  was  also 
part  of  it,  so  long  as  we  do  not  find  any  evidence  to  the  country. 

It  was  during  the  reign  of  Mahlpala  that  Rajendra  Chola  invad¬ 
ed  Bengal.  This  Chola  invasion  has  been  dealt  with  more  fully  in 
Chapter  X.  It  appears  that  the  Chola  king  successively  defeated 
Dharmapala  of  Dandabhukti,  Ranasura  of  Southern  Radha  and 
Govindachandra  of  Vangala,  and  then  fought  with  Mahlpala  and 
conquered  Northern  Radha.  Dandabhukti  corresponds  roughly  to  the 
present  district  of  Midnapore,  and  Radha,  the  rest  of  the  Burdwan 
Division.  Vangala  denotes  Southern,  and  probably  also  a  part  of 
Eastern,  Bengal  where  two  inscriptions  of  Govindachandra  have  been 
found.  The  Chola  records  seem  to  indicate  that  Dandabhukti, 
Vangala,  and  Southern  Radha  were  independent  kingdoms  at  the 
time  of  the  Chola  invasion  (c.  A.D.  1021),  but  Northern  Radha 
formed  a  part  of  Mahlpala’s  dominions. 

The  object  of  Rajendra  Chola’s  invasion  was  to  take  sacred 
water  of  the  Ganga  in  order  to  purify  his  own  country.  According  to 
some  Chola  records  the  vanquished  kings  of  Bengal  were  made  to 
carry  the  water  of  the  Ganga  on  their  heads.  As  Prof.  N.  Sastri  has 
observed,  this  is  probably  a  mere  boast  without  any  foundation.  He 
seems  to  be  also  correct  in  his  assumption  that  Rajendra  Chola’s 
campaign  “could  hardly  have  been  more  than  a  hurried  raid  across  a 
vast  stretch  of  country.”  In  any  case  there  is  no  reason  to  suppose 
that  it  made  any  deep  impress  upon  the  political  condition  of  the 
country.  Towards  the  close  of  his  reign  Mahlpala  had  to  face  the 
invasion  of  another  powerful  enemy,  the  Kalachuri  ruler  Gangeya- 
deva.  The  latter  claims  to  have  defeated  the  ruler  of  Anga  who 
cannot  be  any  other  than  Mahipala  I.  This  claim  is  indirectly  sup¬ 
ported  by  a  statement  of  the  Muslim  writer  BaihaqI,  that  when 
Ahmad  Niyaltigin  invaded  Banaras  in  A.D.  1034  it  was  in  possession 
of  Gang,  who  has  been  plausibly  identified  with  the  Kalachuri  king 
Gangeyadeva.  As  noted  above,  Mahipala  was  probably  in  possession 

25 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  Banaras  in  A.D.  1026.  It  may  be  reasonably  inferred,  therefore, 
that  the  conflict  between  Mahipala  I  and  Gangeyadeva,  resulting  in 
the  conquest  of  Banaras  region  by  the  latter,  took  place  some  time 
between  A.D.  1026  and  1034. 

As  we  have  seen  above,  the  reign  of  Mahipala  I  coincides  with 
the  period  of  repeated  incursion  of  the  Ghaznavid  rulers  against 
India.  Mahlpala’s  name,  however,  does  not  figure  in  the  confederacy 
of  Hindu  rulers  organised  by  the  Shahi  kings  to  defend  their  country 
against  the  Muslim  onslaught.  Some  writers  have  severely  criticised 
Mahipala  for  this  lack  of  patriotism,  or  indifference  to  the  cause  of 
Hinduism  on  the  part  of  a  Buddhist  ruler.  But  such  criticism  does 
not  take  into  account  the  difficulties  he  had  to  confront  almost 
throughout  his  reign.  His  early  life  was  spent  in  recovering  his 
ancestral  dominions,  and  before  he  had  completed  this  task,  he  had 
to  face  invasions  of  his  territory  by  two  most  powerful  rulers  of 
India  of  his  time.  Threatened  by  disruption  within  and  invasion 
from  abroad,  Mahipala  can  hardly  be  blamed  for  not  frittering  away 
his  strength  and  energy  by  sending  a  military  expedition  to  the 
distant  corner  of  the  Punjab  or  North-West  Frontier. 

Nobody  can  dispute  the  fact  that  Mahipala  not  only  saved  the 
Pala  kingdom  from  impending  ruin,  but  also  restored  to  a  large 
extent  the  old  glory  and  power  of  the  Palas,  and  that  this  was  achiev¬ 
ed  against  tremendous  odds.  His  success  in  this  great  task  is  highly 
creditable,  and  it  is  idle  to  regret  that  he  had  not  done  more.  His 
achievements  are  remarkable  and  he  rightly  takes  his  rank  as  the 
greatest  Pala  Emperor  since  Devapala.  It  is  not  without  reason  that 
of  all  the  Pala  Emperors  his  name  alone  figures  in  popular  ballads 
still  current  in  Bengal. 

Indeed  Mahipala  may  justly  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the 
second  Pala  Empire.  This  revival  of  the  glory  of  the  Palas  was  fit¬ 
tingly  demonstrated  by  Mahipala  by  constructing  and  repairing  a 
large  number  of  religious  buildings  in  such  important  places  as 
Banaras  (including  Sarnath)  and  Nalanda.  We  learn  from  contem¬ 
porary  records  that  “hundreds  of  pious  works”  were  made  and  some 
old  famous  Buddhist  monuments  of  Sarnath  were  repaired  by  the 
orders  of  Mahipala.  Further  we  hear  that  two  temples  were  con¬ 
structed  at  Bodh-Gaya,  and  several  monuments  at  Nalanda,  after 
they  were  damaged  or  destroyed  by  fire,  were  repaired  and  restored 
during  the  reign  of  Mahipala.  His  name  is  also  associated  with  a 
large  number  of  tanks  and  towns  in  Bengal.  The  long  reign  of 
Mahipala  extending  over  nearly  half  a  century  was  thus  a  memorable 
period  in  the  history  of  Bengal. 


26 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


2.  Successors  of  Mahipala 

After  the  death  of  Mahipala  I  in  c.  A.D.  1038  his  son  Nayapala 
ascended  the  throne.  Nayapala’s  kingdom  extended  on  the  west  up 
to  Magadha,  beyond  which  lay  the  kingdom  of  the  Kalachuris  of 
Tripurl.  He  is  referred  to  as  the  king  of  Magadha  in  the  Tibetan 
record.  The  Kalachuri  Gangeyadeva’s  son  Karna  cherished  an  ambi¬ 
tion  for  pushing  the  boundary  of  his  Empire  further  to  the  east  at 
the  cost  of  the  Palas.  This  involved  the  Kalachuris  and  the  Palas 
in  a  protracted  war.  Karna  marched  his  army  into  Magadha  and 
tried  to  capture  a  city,  which  may  be  taken  as  identical  with 
Uddandapura,  modern  Bihar,  in  the  Patna  District.  Having  failed  to 
achieve  his  end  he  sacked  the  Buddhist  monasteries  in  the  open 
country,  and  destroyed  the  foodgrains.  Nayapala  soon  rallied  his 
forces  and  inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  on  the  invading  army.  At  this 
time  Dlpankara  Srijhana,  also  known  as  Atlsa,  the  Rector  of  the 
Vikramasila  monastery,  was  residing  in  the  Mahabodhi  monastery  at 
Vajrasana.  He  gave  shelter  to  Karna  and  his  vanquished  forces  and 
made  arrangements  for  their  safe  departure  to  their  own  country. 
The  great  Buddhist  teacher,  who  was  in  indifferent  health,  took  the 
risk  of  travelling  into  the  Kalachuri  kingdom  to  the  west  of  a  great 
river  more  than  once  in  order  to  establish  peace  between  the  two 
kings.  A  treaty  was  eventually  concluded  on  condition  of  mutual 
restitution  of  the  captured  articles  and  payment  of  compensation 
except  for  the  foodgrains  which  were  destroyed.  This  battle  between 
Karna  and  Nayapala  took  place  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  the 
former.  In  this  battle  Nayapala  seems  to  have  been  materially  help¬ 
ed  by  a  Brahmana  named  Sudraka.  Probably  in  recognition  of  this 
service  he  conferred  on  him  the  charge  of  the  Gaya-maridala. 

Mahasivagupta  Yayati,  a  SomavarhsI  king  of  Kosala,  who 
flourished  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  eleventh  century,  raided 
Gauda  and  Radha.  His  adversary  in  Gauda  seems  to  have  been 
Nayapala.  Nayapala  ruled  at  least  for  fifteen  years,  and  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  son  Vigrahapala  III  in  c.  A.D.  1055. 

During  the  reign  of  Vigrahapala  the  Kalachuri  Karna  renewed 
hostility  with  the  Palas.  He  invaded  Gauda  but  was  ultimately 
worsted  by  the  Pala  king.  A  treaty  seems  to  have  been  concluded 
between  the  Palas  and  the  Kalachuris  in  accordance  with  which 
Karna  gave  his  daughter  Yauvanasri  in  marriage  to  Vigrahapala  III. 
Shortly  before  A.D.  1068  Vigrahapala  had  to  suffer  a  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI,  who  invaded  Gauda  on 
behalf  of  his  father  Somesvara  I,  king  of  the  Deccan. 


27 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Inscriptions  of  Vigrahapala’s  reign  prove  that  he  was  in  posses¬ 
sion  of  both  Gauda  and  Magadha,  and  that  he  ruled  for  more  than 
thirteen  years.  Besides  the  Kalachuri  princess  he  had  another 
queen,  who  was  the  sister  of  the  Rashtrakuta  Mathanadeva,  chief  of 
Anga.  He  had  three  sons,  Mahlpala  II,  Surapala  II,  and  Ramapala. 
Ramapala  is  known  to  have  been  born  of  the  Rashtrakuta  princess.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  Mahlpala  II  was  the  son  of  the  Kalachuri  princess. 
Vigrahapala  died  in  c.  A.D.  1070,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mahlpala  II. 

Mahlpala  II  ascended  the  throne  at  a  time  when  the  foundation 
of  the  Pala  kingdom  had  been  shaken  by  the  successive  foreign  inva¬ 
sions.  Taking  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  central  authority 
the  feudatories  became  very  powerful.  One  of  them  was  Visvaditya, 
son  of  Sudraka,  the  ruler  of  Gaya -ma^dala.  The  other  seems  to  have 
been  Jsvaraghosha,  the  chief  of  Dhekkarl.  The  situation  became 
worse  when  Mahlpala  took  some  drastic  measures  against  his  two 
younger  brothers.  Mahlpala  was  on  the  whole  a  good  and  a  generous 
monarch,  and  was  at  first  affectionate  towards  Surapala  and  Rama¬ 
pala.  But  on  the  report  of  some  mischievous  people  that  his  brothers 
were  conspiring  against  him,  and  without  verifing  the  thuth  of  it, 
he  threw  them  into  prison  and  made  them  suffer  all  sorts  of  indigni¬ 
ties.  Thus  Mahlpala,  “heedless  of  protecting  truth  and  polity,”  de¬ 
prived  himself  of  the  support  of  his  brothers  which  he  needed  very 
badly  in  that  critical  period.  When  he  was  thus  embroiled  in  his 
domestic  affairs,  a  large  number  of  vassals  formed  a  confederacy  and 
advanced  to  crush  his  power.  Disregarding  the  advice  of  his  com¬ 
petent  ministers,  he  advanced  with  a  small  body  of  ill-equipped 
soldiers  to  meet  the  rebels,  but  had  to  pay  very  dearly  for  this  im¬ 
politic  action.  The  rebels  inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  upon  him.  It 
follows  from  Sandhyakaranandi’s  Rama-charita,  which  deals  in  detail 
with  the  history  of  the  Palas  of  this  period,  that  this  invasion  of  the 
feudatories  was  part  of  a  general  revolt  and  not  undertaken  in  pro¬ 
test  against  the  incarceration  of  Surapala  and  Ramapala.  Mahipala’s 
suffering,  however,  did  not  end  with  his  defeat.  An  officer  of  the 
State  named  Divya,  who  was  a  Kaivarta  by  caste,  and  “who  took  to 
fraudulent  practice  as  a  vow,”  brought  about  the  death  of  the  forlorn 
king,  and  occupied  Varendri  (North  Bengal).  Divya,  obviously 
to  screen  his  nefarious  action,  put  forward  the  pretension  that  he 
undertook  the  heavy  responsibility  of  the  State  from  a  paramount 
sense  of  duty.  During  this  period  of  disorder  and  confusion,  Surapala 
and  Ramapala  succeeded  in  escaping  from  the  prison.  After  the  loss 
of  Varendri  the  Pala  kingdom  was  limited  to  Northern  and  Central 
Bihar.  Surapala  ruled  there  for  about  a  couple  of  years,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Ramapala  in  c.  A.  D.  1077. 


28 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


3.  Ramapala 

Divya  ascended  the  throne  of  VarendrI  in  c.  A.D.  1075.  He  could 
not  assert  his  supremacy  over  any  other  part  of  the  Pala  dominions, 
though  he  made  violent  attacks  on  Ramapala,  apparently  for  the 
extension  of  his  kingdom.  He  was  himself  attacked  by  Jatavarman 
of  the  Yadava  dynasty  of  East  Bengal,  who  claims  to  have  won  a 
victory  over  him.  Divya  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Rudoka,  and 
the  latter  by  his  son  Bhima.  The  fact  that  the  three  kings  of  the 
Kaivarta  family  ruled  Varendri  one  after  the  other  indicates  that 
they  succeeded  in  consolidating  their  power  and  position  there. 
Even  Sandhyakaranandi,  who  was  inimical  to  the  Kaivartas,  candid¬ 
ly  confesses  in  his  book  that  Varendri  became  prosperous  under  the 
happy  rule  of  Bhima.  The  poet  further  states  that  Bhima  maintain¬ 
ed  excellent  cavalry  and  elephant  forces,  and  possessed  great  wealth; 
he  was  a  man  of  learning,  properly  rewarded  the  virtuous  men,  and 
was  a  sincere  devotee  of  &iva.  Bhima,  however,  could  not  enjoy  his 
prosperity  for  long.  The  Paramara  Lakshmadeva  invaded  his 
country.  Ramapala  was  not  also  inactive.  The  Pala  king  realised 
that  the  army,  which  he  commanded,  was  not  strong  enough  to  cope 
with  Bhima.  Moreover  he  was  confronted  with  a  fresh  danger, 
probably  due  to  the  establishment  of  a  new  Karnataka  dynasty  in 
Mithila  in  the  northern  border  of  his  kingdom.  So  he  approached 
his  feudatories,  who  were  virtually  independent,  for  military  assis¬ 
tance.  The  most  important  of  these  allied  chiefs  was  his  maternal 
uncle  Mathanadeva,  ruler  of  Anga,  who  joined  him  with  his  two 
sons  Kahnaradeva  and  Suvarnadeva  and  his  nephew  Sivarajadeva. 
The  other  allied  chiefs  were — 

1.  Bhimayasas,  king  of  PRhi,  and  lord  of  Magadha. 

2.  Vlraguna,  king  of  Kotatavi,  in  the  south. 

3.  Jayasirhha,  king  of  Dandabhukti. 

4.  Vikramaraja  of  Devagrama. 

5.  Lakshmisura,  the  lord  of  Apara-Mandara,  and  the  head- 
jewel  of  the  circle  of  feudatories  of  the  forest. 

6.  Surapala,  ruler  of  Kujavati. 

7.  Rudrasikhara,  ruler  of  Tailakampa. 

8.  Bhaskara  or  Mayagalasimha,  king  of  Uchchhala. 

9.  Pratapasimha,  king  of  Dhekkarlya. 

10.  Narasimhar  j  una  king  of  Kayangala-mcmdala. 

11.  Chandarjuna  of  Sankatagrama. 

12.  Vijayaraja  of  Nidravali. 

13.  Dvorapavardhana,  ruler  of  Kauiambl. 

14.  Soma  of  Paduvanva. 


29 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Of  all  the  places  mentioned  above  Magadha  (Central  Bihar), 
Aiiga  (Bhagalpur),  Dandabhukti  (Midnapore  District),  and  Kayah- 
gala  or  Kajangala  (south  of  Rajmahal)  can  be  definitely  identified. 
The  other  places,  though  they  cannot  be  located  with  certainty, 
were  in  all  probability  situated  to  the  south  of  the  Ganga.  It  was 
no  doubt  a  great  humiliation  for  Ramapala  to  beg  help  from  his 
own  feudatories,  but  the  result  was  highly  satisfactory.  All  the 
chiefs  readily  agreed  to  help  the  Pala  king  and  sent  their  forces  to 
fight  with  the  Kaivartas.  After  making  a  preliminary  survey  of 
the  enemy’s  position  with  the  help  of  Sivaraja,  Ramapala,  along 
with  the  main  body  of  his  army,  crossed  over  to  the  northern  bank 
of  the  Ganga  in  Varendri.  Then  followed  a  severe  battle  between 
the  forces  of  Ramapala  and  Bhima.  The  two  kings  fought  with 
each  other  at  close  quarter,  and  Ramapala  ultimately  succeeded  in 
taking  Bhima  prisoner.  This  unnerved  thousands  of  Bhima’s 
soldiers  who  became  panicky  and  fled,  but  Hari,  a  friend  of  Bhima, 
rallied  the  Kaivarta  forces,  and  made  a  violent  attack  on  Rama¬ 
pala.  Ramapala’s  son  won  Hari  over  to  his  side  and  this  completed  his 
victory.  Bhima,  with  all  his  relations,  was  killed,  and  Varendri,  after 
a  long  time,  again  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Palas. 

After  the  re-conquest  of  Varendri,  Ramapala  undertook  the 
work  of  reconstruction  of  the  houses  which  were  destroyed  by  the 
enemies.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  city  of  Pundravardhana  was 
also  considerably  damaged.  This  might  have  prompted  him  to 
found  a  new  capital  city,  which  was  named  Ramavati  after  him. 
Ramapala  relieved  the  people  of  Varendri  from  oppressive  taxes, 
which  were  imposed  on  them  by  the  Kaivarta  rulers,  and  normal 
cultivation  of  lands  was  resumed  under  his  patronage.  He  honour¬ 
ed  Hari  by  raising  him  to  a  position  of  great  influence. 

After  consolidating  his  position  at  home  Ramapala  tried  to 
restore  the  former  glory  of  his  family  by  launching  expeditions 
against  the  neighbouring  states.  He  pressed  heavily  on  the  Var- 
mans  (Yadavas)  of  East  Bengal.  The  Varman  king,  who  appears 
to  have  been  Harivarman,  surrendered  to  him  chariots  and  elephant 
forces,  and  thereby  saved  his  country  from  devastation.  Ramapala 
sent  an  allied  chief,  who  seems  to  have  been  Timgyadeva,  to  conquer 
the  countries  in  the  east.  Timgyadeva  conquered  Kamarupa,  and 
was  made  the  governor  of  that  country.  Ramapala  despatched  an 
elephant  force  against  the  Gahadavalas  of  Kanauj  some  time  bet¬ 
ween  A.D.  1100  and  1109,  but  it  was  repulsed  by  the  Gahadavala 
prince  Govindachandra.  Ramapala  wanted  to  assert  his  supremacy 
over  Utkala  where  two  rival  factions  were  quarrelling  for  power. 
One  of  them  was  backed  by  Anantavarman  Chodaganga  of  the  Ganga 


30 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


\ 


dynasty,  and  the  other  was  supported  by  the  Pala  king.  Karnakesarl, 
who  seems  to  have  been  supported  by  the  Gahgas,  and  who  was  once 
defeated  by  Ramapala’s  feudatory  Jayasimha  of  Dandabhukti, 
appears  to  have  secured  the  throne  by  superseding  the  claim  of  his 
rival,  who  belonged  to  the  Somavamsa.  Ramapala  took  up  the  cause 
of  the  latter  and  placed  him  on  the  throne  after  defeating  Ananta- 
varman.  But  he  could  not  maintain  his  influence  there  for  long. 
Some  time  before  A.D.  1112  Anantavarman  succeeded  in  re-instating 
either  Karnakesarl  or  his  successor  on  the  throne  of  Utkala.  Rama¬ 
pala  gave  protection  to  a  king  of  the  Naka  dynasty,  who  was  haras¬ 
sed  by  the  Nagas.  He  is  said  to  have  even  captured  the  Niaga 
capital.  The  Nagas,  referred  to,  might  have  been  those  of  the  old 
Bastar  State,  whose  capital  was  Chakrakota  (Chakrakotta). 

In  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  Ramapala  entrusted  the  cares  of 
the  government  to  his  son  Rajyapala.  On  hearing  the  news  of  the 
death  of  his  maternal  uncle  Mathanadeva,  who  was  very  dear  to 
him,  Ramapala  committed  suicide  by  drowning  himself  into  the 
Ganga  near  Monghyr  in  c.  A.D.  1120. 

Such  was  the  tragic  end  of  an  eventful  and  remarkable  career. 
We  are  indebted  to  the  Rdma-charita  of  Sandhyakaranandl  for  sup¬ 
plying  these  details  of  Ramapala’s  reign.  He  had  passed  through 
strange  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  but  like  Mahipala  I  he  succeeded 
in  restoring  the  fallen  fortunes  of  the  Palas.  The  circumstantial 
narrative  of  how  he  did  it  fills  our  mind  with  admiration  for  his 
strength  of  mind,  resourcefulness  and  wonderful  personality.  He 
had  to  struggle  hard  with  adversity  and  tasted  the  bitter  cup  of 
humiliation  to  the  full.  But  nothing  daunted  him  or  swayed  him 
from  his  grim  resolve  to  recover  the  dominions  and  restore  the 
glory  of  his  forefathers.  His  long  life  was  full  of  military  cam¬ 
paigns,  but  it  was  crowned  with  success.  His  romantic  death  was 
a  fitting  end  to  a  career  which  is  more  suited  to  a  drama  than  mat¬ 
ter-of-fact  history. 

4.  Successors  of  Ramapala 

Ramapala  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Kumarapala,  and  it  is  pro¬ 
bable  that  Rajyapala,  who  had  acted  as  his  father’s  deputy,  pre¬ 
deceased  him.  At  the  time  of  Ramapala’s  death  his  kingdom  com¬ 
prised  a  large  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  Bengal,  together  with  Bihar 
and  Assam.  But  the  signs  of  disintegration  were  already  visible. 
Some  petty  chiefs  of  Magadha  assumed  the  position  of  independent 
monarchs.  One  of  them  was  Yakshapala,  son  of  Visvaditya  of 
Gaya -mandala.  Another  was  Varnamana,  who  is  described  as  the 
lord  of  Magadha,  and  whose  son  Rudramana  is  known  to  have  been 


31 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ruling  in  A.D.  1138.  Nanyadeva,  king  of  Mithila,  clamis  to  have 
defeated  the  king  of  Gauda,  who  might  have  been  Kumarapala. 
Western  Magadha  up  to  Dinapore  sub-division  passed  into  the  hands 
of  the  Gahadavaia  Govindachandra  before  A.D.  1124.  In  their  fight 
with  the  Palas  the  Gahadavalas  were  helped  by  their  allies,  the 
Kalachuris  of  Tuihmana.  Vallabharaja,  a  feudatory  of  the  Kalachuri 
Ratnadeva  II  (c.  A.D.  1114-1141),  is  said  to  have  reduced  the  king 
of  Gauda.  Anantavarman  Chodaganga  invaded  South  and  West 
Bengal.  Vaidyadeva,  the  minister  of  Kumarapala,  resisted  the  in¬ 
vader  for  some  time,  but  had  to  hurry  to  Kamarupa  in  order  to  put 
down  the  revolt  of  Timgyadeva.  Taking  advantange  of  his  absence 
Anantavarman  conquered  all  the  territories  up  to  Hooghly  on  the 
bank  of  the  Ganga.  Vijayasena  of  the  Sena  family,  who  allied 
himself  with  Anantavarman  Chodaganga,  grew  very  powerful  in 
Radha.  Vaidyadeva,  after  putting  down  the  revolt  of  Timgyadeva, 
became  the  governor  of  Kamarupa,  and  subsequently,  probably  in 
the  next  reign,  became  independent.  Kumarapala,  who  was  obvi¬ 
ously  a  weak  ruler,  was  thus  engulfed  in  a  sea  of  troubles,  and  when 
he  died  in  c.  A.D.  1125,  he  left  a  tottering  kingdom  to  his  son  Gopala 
III.  Gopala  III,  who  ruled  for  more  than  fourteen  years,  died  an 
unnatural  death,  but  the  exact  details  of  the  incident  are  not  known. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  uncle  Madanapala,  the  youngest  son  of 
Ramapala,  in  A.D.  1144. 

Madanapala  tried  to  save  the  Pala  kingdom,  but  failed.  Until 
the  third  year  of  his  reign,  his  kingdom  extended  up  to  the  Bihar 
Hill,  but  some  time  before  A.D.  1146,  the  Gahadavalas  under  Govin¬ 
dachandra  conquered  all  the  territories  up  to  Monghyr.  Madana¬ 
pala,  however,  reconquered  Monghyr  from  the  Gahadavalas  before 
the  14th  year  of  his  reign,  i.e.  before  A.D.  1157,  with  the  help  of 
his  relation  Chandradeva,  son  of  Suvarnadeva,  and  the  grandson 
of  the  Rashtrakuta  Mathanadeva,  who  was  a  Mandaladhipati  of 
Aiiga.  Madanapala  also  destroyed  the  power  of  Govardhana,  who 
cannot  be  identified,  but  was  probably  a  rebellious  feudatory. 
Madanapala  carried  on  hostilities  with  the  Gangas  of  Kalinga  and 
Orissa,  who  occupied  a  large  portion  of  Radha.  It  is  known  from 
the  Ravia-charita2  that  he  was  looking  for  an  opportunity  to  crush 
the  power  of  the  Snake  king  of  Kalinga  (Kalinga-Phanabhujam,  i.e. 
Ananta,  the  lord  of  serpents),  who  may  be  identified  with  Ananta¬ 
varman  Chodaganga.  Madanapala  manfully  struggled  against  all 
these  neighbouring  rulers.  But  his  greatest  enemy  was  inside  Ben¬ 
gal.  The  growth  of  the  power  of  the  Senas  of  Radha,  who  had  al¬ 
ready  made  themselves  masters  of  East  Bengal,  became  a  menace 
to  the  very  existence  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Palas.  Madanapala 
fought  a  severe  battle  near  the  Kalindl  river,  in  the  Malda  District, 


32 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

with  an  enemy,  presumably  the  Senas  under  Vijayasena.  He  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  pushing  the  enemy  to  the  Kalindl  river  but,  some  time 
after  the  eighth  year  of  his  reign,  he  had  to  surrender  Varendri 
to  Vijayasena.  After  being  deprived  of  his  home  dominion,  which 
never  came  back  to  the  Palas,  Madanapala  withdrew  to  the  Anga 
country  where  he  ruled  till  c.  A.D.  1161.  He  is  the  last  known 
king  of  the  family  of  Gopala  and  Dharmapala. 

A  king  named  Govindapala,  who  calls  himself  the  lord  of  Gauda, 
is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  the  Gaya  District  in  the  sixth  de¬ 
cade  of  the  twelfth  century.  He  was  probably  related  to  Madana¬ 
pala,  but  nothing  is  definitely  known.  His  power  seems  to  have 
collapsed  in  A.D.  1162.  The  colophons  of  some  manuscripts  and 
stone  inscriptions  bear  dates  which  appear  to  have  been  the  number 
of  years  counted,  not  from  the  beginning  of  The  reign,  but  from 
the  destruction  of  the  kingdom  of  Govindapala.  Thus  the  Pala 
dynasty,  which  at  one  time  rose  to  the  rank  of  the  foremost  im¬ 
perial  rulers  of  India,  lost  its  sovereign  power  after  a  rule  of  nearly 
four  hundred  years. 

II.  BENGAL  AFTER  THE  PALAS 
1.  The  Yadavas  of  Vang  a 

Govindachandra  of  Vahgala,  who  was  defeated  by  Rajendra 
Chola,  was  probably  the  last  ruler  of  the  Chandra  dynasty.3  After 
the  fall  of  the  Chandras,  the  Varmans  came  to  power  in  East  Ben¬ 
gal,  in  the  second  quarter  of  the  eleventh  century.  The  Varmans 
claim  to  have  belonged  to  the  Yadava  race,  which  was  graced  by 
the  birth  of  Krishna.  The  Belava  copper-plate  of  Bhojavarman 
states  that  the  Varmans  dominated  Simhapura.  This  has  led  some 
scholars  to  suggest  that  Simhapura  was  the  original  home  of  the 
Varmans  wherefrom  they  came  to  East  Bengal.  Attempts  have 
been  made  to  identify  the  place  variously  with  Simhapura  near  Salt 
Range  in  the  Punjab,  referred  to  by  Hiuen  Tsang,  Simhapura  in 
Kalinga  mentioned  in  the  cpigraphic  records,  and  Simhapura  in 
Radha  mentioned  in  the  Ceylonese  Chronicle  Mahavamsa  and  iden¬ 
tified  with  Singur  in  the  Hooghly  District,  which  bears  ancient 
ruins.  But  none  of  these  identifications  has  gained  general  accept¬ 
ance.  The  earliest  known  member  of  the  Varman  dynasty  is  Vaj- 
ravarman,  who  is  said  to  have  been  “the  welfare  (itself)  of  the  vic¬ 
torious  war  expedition  of  the  Yadava  armies,  and  the  god  of  Death 
to  his  enemies.”  This  seems  to  be  referring  to  the  conquest  of 
East  Bengal  by  the  Varmans  under  his  leadership.  It  cannot  be 
ascertained  from  the  Belava  inscription,  the  only  record  mention¬ 
ing  the  name  of  Vajra varman,  whether  he  was  a  royal  personage. 

33 

S,E. — 3 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


This  epigraphic  record  does  not  also  mention  the  successors  of  Vaj- 
ravarman  definitely  as  kings  in  the  introductory  portion.  In  the 
prose  portion  only  Bhojavarman,  the  author  of  the  inscription,  and 
his  father  Samalavarman  are  given  the  title  Maharajtidhirdja.  The 
fact  that  Vajravarman  belonged  to  a  royal  dynasty  of  Simhapura 
and  that  he  led  successful  expeditions  against  his  enemies  suggest 
that  he  occupied  royal  position.  Some  scholars,  however,  think 
that  the  Varmans  occupied  East  Bengal  after  the  death  of  Vajra¬ 
varman,  and  that  his  son  Jatavarman  was  the  founder  of  the  great¬ 
ness  of  the  family.  It  was  probably  during  the  reign  of  Jatavarman 
that  the  Kalachuri  Karna  invaded  Vanga  and  conquered  it.  As 
Kama  is  known  to  have  given  his  daughter  Vlrasri  in  marriage  to 
Jatavarman,  it  may  be  presumed  that  a  treaty  was  eventually  con¬ 
cluded  between  the  Kalachuris  and  the  Yadavas.  During  the  reign 
of  Jatavarman  there  was  a  great  political  upheaval  in  North  Ben¬ 
gal,  which,  as  noted  above,  led  to  the  accession  of  the  Kaivarta 
Divya  on  the  throne  of  .that  country.  Jatavarman  led  an  expedi¬ 
tion  against  Divya  and  won  a  victory  over  him.  The  Vangala  army 
which,  according  to  a  Nalanda  incription,  sacked  the  Buddhist  mona¬ 
stery  at  Somapura,  modern  Paharpur,  in  the  Rajshahi  District,  was 
in  all  probability  the  army  led  by  Jatavarman  on  this  occasion. 
Jatavarman’s  victory  over  Divya  brought  him  to  the  border  of  the 
Anga  country,  which  was  then  ruled  by  the  Rashtrakuta  Mathana- 
deva  or  his  predecessor.  Jatavarman  is  said  to  have  succeeded  in 
asserting  his  supremacy  over  the  Anga  country.  Though  he  won 
victory  over  Divya  and  Mathanadeva  he  could  not  permanently 
annex  their  territories  to  his  kingdom.  The  anti-Buddhist  propa¬ 
ganda  carried  on  by  Govardhana,  the  father  of  Bhatta-Bhavadeva,  in 
East  Bengal,  was  probably  responsible  for  the  persecution  of  the 
Buddhists  by  the  Vangala  army  in  VarendrI.  Jatavarman  invaded 
Kamarupa  and  defeated  its  king,  who  may  be  identified  with  Har- 
shapala.  Prithu  and  Govardhana,  who  had  to  yield  to  the  forces 
of  Jatavarman,  cannot  be  identified. 

Jatavarman  issued  an  inscription  from  Vikramapura  which 
appears  to  have  been  the  capital  of  the  Varmans.  He  had  two  sons 
Harivarman  and  Samalavarman  by  the  Kalachuri  princess,  and  the 
former  succeeded  him  on  the  throne. 

Harivarman’s  minister  of  peace  and  war  was  Bhatta-Bhava¬ 
deva,  who  had  the  curious  epithet  Bdla-Balablu-bhujanga.  Bhatta- 
Bhavadeva’s  grandfather  Adideva  was  minister  of  the  king  of  Vanga, 
who  may  be  identified  with  Vajravarman.  Bhatta-Bhavadeva  stu¬ 
died  Siddhanta,  Tantra,  Ganita,  and  Astrology  and  wrote  books  on 
Horoscopy,  Dharmasastra,  and  Mlmamsa.  He  rose  against  Buddh- 


34 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

ism  and  enhanced  the  cause  of  the  Brahmanical  religion  in  Vanga. 
He  built  a  temple  of  Ananta,  Narayana,  and  Nrisimha.  There  is 
now  good  ground  for  rejecting  the  view,  unanimously  held  for  a 
long  time,  that  this  temple  is  identical  with  that  of  Ananta- Vasu- 
deva  at  Bhuvanesvara,  in  Orissa,  on  whose  wall  was  fixed  the  slab 
containing  the  inscription.  It  must  have  been  carried  there  from 
Bengal. 

As  noted  above,  Harivarman  was  probably  subjugated  by  Rama- 
pala.  It  seems  that  during  his  reign  Nanyadeva  of  Mithila  raided 
Vafiga.  Harivarman  ruled  for  more  than  forty-six  years,  and  pro¬ 
bably  died  at  the  end  of  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century 
A.D.  He  had  a  son,  whose  name  is  not  known,  but  was  succeeded 
on  the  throne  by  his  younger  brother  Samalavarman. 

Samalavarman  had  a  number  of  queens,  the  chief  of  whom  was 
MalavyadevI,  the  mother  of  Bhojavarman.  Bhojavarman,  who  suc¬ 
ceeded  his  father,  ruled  for  more  than  five  years  from  the  city  of 
Vikramapura.  He  or  his  successor  was  overthrown  by  Vijayasena 
of  the  Sena  dynasty  in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D 
Varmans  are  not  known  to  have  asserted  their  supremacy  on  any 
country  beyond  East  Bengal. 

A  number  of  Kulapanjis  (genealogical  books)  of  the  Vaidika 
Brahmanas  mention  that  a  remote  predecessor  of  their  family  set¬ 
tled  in  Bengal  in  S.  1001  (—  A.D.  1079)  during  the  reign  of  Samala¬ 
varman.  A  single  manuscript,  however,  states  that  it  took  place 
during  the  reign  of  Harivarman. 

2.  The  Senas  of  Bengal 

The  Senas  of  Bengal  call  themselves  Karnata-Kshatriya,  Brah- 
ma-Kshatriya,  and  Kshatriya.  They  claim  their  descent  from  the 
mythical  Vlrasena  and  others,  who  are  said  to  have  been  the  kings 
of  Dakshinapatha.  It  may,  therefore,  be  held  that  the  original 
home  of  the  Senas  was  in  the  Kannada  speaking  region  in  the  south. 
There  was  in  the  Dharwar  District,  Bombay  State,  a  family  of  Jain 
teachers,  who  belonged  to  the  Sena  family  (Senmvaya) .  It  cannot 
be  ascertained  whether  the  Senas  of  the  Dharwar  District  had  any 
connection  with  those  of  Bengal.  Nor  do  we  know  how  and  when 
the  Senas  came  to  Bengal  from  Dakshinapatha.  It  is  known  from 
the  records  of  the  Palas  that  the  kings  of  this  dynasty,  from  Deva- 
pala  downwards,  appointed  as  officers  many  foreigners  among  whom 
were  also  the  Karnatas.  It  may  be  that  a  remote  predecessor  of 
the  Senas  of  Bengal,  hailing  from  the  Deccan,  accepted  service  under 
the  Palas,  and  then  his  successors  gradually  rose  to  power  and  set¬ 
tled  in  Radha.  It  is  not  also  unlikely  that  the  founder  of  the  Sena 


35 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


family  accompanied  one  of  the  Chalukya  rulers  who  invaded  Ben¬ 
gal,  and  ultimately  settled  there. 

The  earliest  known  member  of  the  Sena  dynasty  of  Bengal  is 
Samantasena,  who  is  said  to  have  been  born  in  the  family  o£  the 
Raj apu eras,  who  adorned  Ragiia.  Rajaputra  means  a  prince,  but 
also  designates  an  otiice,  and  generally  scholars  have  taKen  the 
word  Rajaputra  to  mean  prmce  in  this  case.  Samantasena,  whose 
home  was  ooviously  Radha,  is  said  to  have  defeated,  in  the  southern 
quarter,  an  enemy  who  plundered  the  resources  of  the  Karnata 
country.  It  is  generally  assumed  that  Samantasena  fought  this  bat¬ 
tle  in  the  Deccan  on  the  side  of  the  Chalukyas  against  the  Cholas. 
Some  are,  however,  inclined  to  think  that  Samantasena  defended 
his  adopted  country  against  the  incursion  of  the  southern  king 
Rajendra  Chola  who,  after  vanquishing  the  Chalukya  Jayasimha, 
king  of  the  Karnata  country,  and  many  others,  invaded  Bengal.  In 
his  old  age,  Samantasena  devoted  his  time  to  religious  practices, 
and  frequented  the  sacred  hermitages  in  the  forests  on  the  bank 
of  the  Gahga.  Though  he  is  not  definitely  known  to  have  assumed 
royal  position,  he  may  be  taken  to  have  been  a  ruling  chief  in  Radha. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hemantasena,  who  is  given  the  title 
Mahdrdjddhirdja  in  the  record  of  his  successor.  Hemantasena 
seems  to  have  consolidated  his  position  in  Radha  during  the  trou 
blous  times  that  followed  the  occupation  of  that  country  by  the 
Kalachuri  Karna.  The  epithet,  “the  skilful  protector  olT  kings,” 
given  to  Hemantasena  in  the  record  of  his  son,  may  have  some 
reference  to  his  giving  shelter  to  Surapala  and  Ramapala  after  their 
escape  from  the  prison  of  Varendri.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Vijayasena  in  c.  A.D.  1095. 

Vijayasena  was  the  greatest  king  of  the  Sena  dynasty.  In  the 
early  part  of  his  life  he  married  Vilasadevi,  a  princess  of  the  Sura 
family,  who  gave  birth  to  his  son  Vallalasena  (Ballalasena) . 
This  Sura  family  may  be  identified  with  the  Sura  dynasty  whicn 
ruled  in  Apara-Mandara  about  this  time  under  its  king  Lakshml- 
sura.4  It  seems  that  when  the  disintegration  of  the  Pala  kingdom 
began  after  the  death  of  Ramapala,  Vijayasena  made  a  bid  for  the 
conquest  of  the  whole  of  Bengal.  He  strengthened  his  position  by 
making  an  alliance  with  Anantavarman  Chodagahga,  king  of  Kalin- 
ga,  who  extended  the  boundary  of  his  kingdom  up  to  the  Hooghly 
District.  Vijayasena’s  ambitious  military  scheme  soon  brought  him 
into  conflict  with  a  number  of  rulers,  and  he  defeated  them  all. 
He  subdued  VIra  and  Vardhana,  who  may  be  identified  respective¬ 
ly  w’ith  Viraguna  of  Kotatavi  and  Dvorapavardhana  of  Kausambi, 
the  allies  of  Ramapala  mentioned  above.6  He  led  a  naval  expedi- 


36 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


tion  in  the  west  along  the  course  of  the  Ganga,  probably  against 
Govindachandra  of  the  Gahadavala  dynasty  of  Kanauj.  Most 
likely  it  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  invaded  Mithila  and 
inflicted  a  defeat  on  its  king  Nanyadeva.  About  the  middle  of  the 
twelfth  century  he  overthrew  Bhojavarman  of  Vikramapura  and 
conquered  East  Bengal.  He  also  invaded  VarendrI,  which  was  then 
ruled  by  Madanapala.  Though  he  seems  to  have  suffered  a  reverse 
near  the  Kalindl,  he  eventually  succeeded  in  wresting  North  Bengal 
from  the  Palas.  The  Deopara,  Barrackpore,  and  Paikore  inscrip¬ 
tions  of  his  reign  prove  his  supremacy  over  Gauda,  Vahga  and 
Radha.  On  the  south  his  kingdom  comprised  Khadl-mandala  in 
the  Twenty-four  Parganas.  He  invaded  Kamarupa  and  drove  away 
its  king,  but  could  not  establish  his  supremacy  over  that  country. 
His  adversary  was  probably  Rayarideva,  king  of  Kamarupa,  who  is 
said  to  have  resisted  the  elephant  forces  from  Vahga  in  battle. 
Vijayasena,  who  was  friendly  to  Anantavarman  Chodaganga  of 
Kalinga,  became  hostile  to  his  family  after  his  death.  In  the  latter 
part  of  his  reign  he  invaded  Kalinga  and  defeated  Raghava,  the 
second  son  of  Anantavarman.  Vijayasena  thus  established  a  power¬ 
ful  kingdom  in  Bengal  and  made  his  influence  felt  in  the  neigh* 
bouring  countries.  He  assumed  the  title  Ariraja-vrishabha-Sankara 
and  built  a  temple  of  Pradyumnesvara  Siva  in  the  Rajshahi  District. 
The  poet  Umapatidhara  lived  in  his  court  and  composed  the  famous 
eulogy  (Deopara  Prasasti)  from  which  we  know  the  details  of  his 
reign.  His  queen  VilasadevI  performed  the  Kanaka  Tulapurusha 
Mahddana  ceremony  in  the  royal  palace  at  Vikramapura,  which  was 
one  of  the  capitals  of  the  Senas.  The  other  one  was  Vijayapura, 
which  seems  to  have  been  identical  with  Nadiva.  Vijayasena  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Vallalasena  in  c.  A.D.  1158. 

Vallalasena  assumed  the  title  Nihsanka-Sankara.  He  claims  to 
have  defeated  the  king  of  Gauda,  which  probably  means  that  he 
put  an  end  to  the  rule  of  Gaudesvara  Govindapala6  in  A.D.  1162. 
It  is  known  from  literature  of  a  later  period  that  he  invaded  Mithila 
during  the  reign  of  his  father  Vijayasena,  and  that  his  kingdom 
comprised  Vahga,  Radha,  Bagdi,  VarendrI,  and  Mithila.  It  is  also 
recorded  that  Gaudapura,  Vikramapura,  and  Suvarnagrama  were 
the  three  capitals  of  this  king.  The  authenticity  of  these  reports 
cannot  be  verified.  But  an  inscription,  dated  in  the  ninth  year  of 
Vallalasena,  found  at  Colgong,  on  the  Ganga,  in  Bihar,  proves  that 
the  neighbouring  region  was  comprised  in  his  dominions.63  Val¬ 
lalasena  was  a  man  of  learning.  He  learnt  all  the  Puranas  and 
Smritis  under  the  guidance  of  his  preceptor  Aniruddha,  and  was  an 
author  of  repute.  He  completed  his  book  Danasdaara  in  §  1091  (— 
A.D.  1169),  and  had  begun  the  composition  of  another  book  named 


37 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Adbhutasdgara  one  year  before  that.  He  died  before  he  could 
finish  this  book,  and  it  was  completed  by  his  son  Lakshmainasena. 
Tradition  ascribes  the  introduction  of  the  social  system,  known  as 
Kulinism ,  in  Bengal  to  Vallalasena,  but  this  does  not  find  corrobo¬ 
ration  in  any  contemporary  record.  Vallalasena  married  Rama- 
devl,  the  daughter  of  a  Chalukya  king,  who  may  be  identified  with 
the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI.  Vallalasena  was  a  Saiva,  though 
he  was  inclined  towards  Vaishnavism.  In  his  old  age  he  handed 
over  the  reins  of  administration  to  his  son  Lakshmanasena,  and  re¬ 
tired  along  with  his  queen  to  a  place  known  as  Nirjarapura  on  the 
Triveni. 

Lakshmanasena  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1178  and  assumed 
the  title  Ariraja-Madana-saiikara.  Altogether  seven  copper-plate  in¬ 
scriptions  of  his  reign  have  been  found  in  different  parts  of  Bengal. 
Five  of  them,  which  were  executed  within  six  years  after  his  acces¬ 
sion,  were  issued  from  Vikramapura.  The  Madhainagar  Grant, 
the  date  of  which  cannot  be  restored,  and  the  Bhawal  plate,  which 
is  dated  in  the  27th  year  of  his  reign,  were  issued  from  Dharya- 
grama.  It  seems  that  Lakshmanasena  passed  the  early  part  of  his 
career  mostly  at  Vikramapura,  and  later  resided  at  Dharyagrama. 
His  inscriptions  prove  that  he  succeeded  in  maintaining  his  supre¬ 
macy  over  Gauda,  Vanga,  and  Radha  during  the  early  part  of  his 
reign.  Before  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign,  probably  out  of  adminis¬ 
trative  necessity,  he  separated  northern  Radha  from  the  Vardha- 
mana-Bhukti,  and  placed  it  within  a  newly  constituted  Bhukti  named 
Kankagrama. 

Lakshmanasena  was  a  great  military  leader  and  the  contem¬ 
porary  records  give  an  account  of  his  victories.  While  he  was  still 
very  young  he  defeated  the  king  of  Gauda,  which  probably  means 
that  he  participated  in  the  battle  which  was  fought  by  Vijayasena 
with  the  Pala  Madanapala.  He  is  also  said  to  have  defeated  the 
king  of  Kalinga  in  his  youth,  and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  fought 
this  battle  also  under  the  leadership  of  his  grandfather.  During 
his  reign  he  entered  into  a  war  with  the  king  of  KasI,  who  must 
be  the  Gahadavala  Jayachandra.  Some  time  between  A.D.  1183 
and  1192  Jayachandra  succeeded  in  pushing  the  eastern  boundary 
of  his  kingdom  at  least  up  to  Bodh-Gaya  in  Magadha.  By  de¬ 
feating  him  Lakshmanasena  seems  to  have  succeeded  in  checking 
the  eastward  progress  of  the  Gahadavalas.  He  also  invaded 
Pragjyotisha  or  Kamarupa,  and  won  a  victory  over  its  king.  The  in¬ 
scriptions  of  the  successors  of  Lakshmanasena  refer  to  the  king’s 
victory  over  the  rulers  of  Kalinga  and  KasI,  and  add  that  Laksh- 
manasena  set  up  pillars  commemorating  his  military  victory  at 


38 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

Puri,  KasI  and  TrivenI  (Allahabad).  This  may  be  an  exaggeration 
of  the  facts  mentioned  in  the  Madhainagar  and  Bhawal  copper-plates 
of  Lakshmanasena.  These  two  inscriptions,  one  of  which  was  issued 
long  after  the  close  of  Lakshmanasena’s  career  of  conquest,  do  not 
mention  any  thing  about  his  conquest  of  Allahabad. 

The  kingdom  of  the  Senas  began  to  disintegrate  in  the  closing 
years  of  the  twelfth  century.  Khadl-raarcdala  was  under  the  sway 
of  Lakshmanasena  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign.  But  in  or  before 
A.D.  1196  one  Dommanapala  set  up  an  independent  kingdom  in 
this  region.  While  the  Sena  power  was  weakened  by  disruption 
within,  it  had  to  face  the  invasion  of  the  Muslims  who  had  by  this 
time  overrun  the  greater  part  of  Northern  India.  Muhammad 
Bakhtyar  Khalji,  a  Turkish  officer,  conquered  the  city  of  Bihar,  and 
entered  Bengal  with  a  large  army.  According  to  the  account  given 
by  Minhaj -ud-dln  in  his  Tabaqat-i-Nasiri,  the  news  of  the  advance 
of  Muhammad  Khalji  created  such  a  panic  into  the  minds  of  the 
citizens  of  Nadiya,  the  capital  city  of  Lakshmanasena,  that  most  of 
them  took  to  flight,  but  the  king  stayed  on  in  the  almost  deserted 
city.  Muhammad  Khalji,  at  the  end  of  his  march,  advanced  with 
only  eighteen  soldiers  a  little  forward  from  the  main  body  of  the 
army,  and  entered  Nadiya  without  any  opposition,  as  the  guards 
and  inhabitants  of  the  city  took  them  to  be  horse-dealers.  By  the 
time  Muhammad  reached  the  royal  palace,  the  main  body  of  his 
soldiers  also  got  into  the  city,  and  Muhammad  forced  his  way  through 
the  palace-gate  with  a  drawn  sword.  The  royal  guards  being 
attacked  unawares,  raised  a  hue  and  cry  which  reached  the  ears 
of  Lakshmanasena,  when  he  was  taking  his  mid-day  meal.  The 
king  at  once  fled  by  the  back  door,  and  proceeded  to  Vahga.  Minhaj 
does  not  say  from  whom  he  heard  this  narrative,  but  it  is  clear 
that  he  had  no  reliable  source  of  information.  The  whole  story, 
however,  reads  like  a  romance  and  is  hardly  credible.  It  is,  for 
example,  very  difficult  to  believe  that  though  Lakshmanasena  knew 
that  the  Muslims  were  advancing  against  him,  he  awaited  their 
arrival  in  the  capital  without  making  any  proper  arrangement  for 
its  defence,  or  that  a  body  of  Muslim  horsemen  would  be  admitted 
into  the  city  without  any  question.  That  Nadiya  was  conquered 
by  Muhammad  Khalji  by  defeating  Lakshmanasena  admits  of  no 
doubt,  but  the  details  of  the  conquest,  as  given  by  Minhaj,  cannot 
be  accepted  as  the  whole  truth.  Even  if  we  accept  his  story,  we 
must  admit  that  Lakshmanasena  showed  great  bravery  by  not  de¬ 
serting  his  capital  in  the  company  of  the  other  panic-stricken 
citizens  long  before  the  actual  attack  by  the  Muslim  army,  and  con¬ 
sidering  the  circumstances  which  forced  him  to  leave  the  city,  we 
can  hardly  blame  him  or  regard  it  as  an  act  of  cowardice. 

39 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Muhammad  Khalji  conquered  Nadiya  in  c.  A.D.  1202,  and 
shortly  afterwards  wrested  North  Bengal  from  Lakshmanasena. 
But  East  Bengal,  and  probably  also  South  Bengal,  remained  under 
the  control  of  the  Senas.  In  the  27th  year  of  his  reign  (A.D.  1205), 
i-e.  three  years  after  the  loss  of  Nadiya,  Lakshmanasena  granted 
lands  in  the  Bhawal  Pargand  of  the  Dacca  District. 

Lakshmanasena  changed  his  ancestral  faith  and  became  a  de¬ 
vout  Vaishnava.  He  was  not  only  a  distinguished  soldier,  but  also 
a  great  poet,  and  some  verses  composed  by  him  found  place  in 
Sridharadasa’s  Saduktikarndmrita.  It  has  already  been  noticed 
that  he  completed  the  text  of  Adhkutasdgara,  which  was  begun  by 
his  father.  His  court  was  graced  by  a  number  of  famous  poets  such 
as  Jayadeva,  the  author  of  Gitagovinda,  and  Dhoyi,  the  author  of 
Pavanaduta,  as  well  as  scholars  like  Halayudha,  the  author  of  Brah- 
manasarvasva,  and  Sridharadasa,  the  son  of  the  Mahasamanta- 
chuddmani  Vatudasa.  Sridharadasa  himself  was  Mahdmdndalika 
under  Lakshmanasena.  The  great  writer  Halayudha  was  his  chief 
minister,  and  Sankaradhara,  the  minister  for  peace  and  war.  Laksh¬ 
manasena  had  a  number  of  queens,  viz.,  SriyadevI,  Kalyanadevi 
and  ChandradevI  and  two  sons,  Visvarupasena  and  Kesavasena. 

An  era  which  was  in  use  in  Bihar  after  the  downfall  of  the  Senas 
is  associated  with  the  name  of  Lakshmanasena.  Different  records 
yield  different  dates,  ranging  from  A.D.  1108  to  1119,  as  the  initial 
year  of  this  era.  If  Lakshmanasena  was  the  founder  of  this  era,  it  is 
curious  that  he  did  not  use  it  in  his  own  records.  Moreover, 
Lakshmanasena  was  probably  not  even  born  in  A.D.  1119.  For 
Minhaj  states  that  at  the  time  of  the  Muslim  invasion  of  Nadiya 
Lakshmanasena  was  eighty  years  old,  and  this  fixes  the  date  of  the 
king’s  birth  in  c.  A.D.  1122.  Laghubhdrata,  a  late  work,  states  that 
Vallalasena  received  the  news  of  Lakshmanasena’s  birth  when  he 
was  marching  against  Mithila.  If  there  is  any  truth  in  this  state¬ 
ment,  Lakshmanasena  was  obviously  born  after  the  death  of  Ramapala 
in  c.  A.D.  1120  when  alone  Vallalasena  could  have  led  an  expedition 
against  Mithila.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  origin  of  the  Lakshmanasena 
era  cannot  be  ascertained  now. 

Lakshmanasena  probably  died  shortly  after  A.D.  1205,  his  last 
known  date.  He  was  succeeded  by  Visvarupasena,  who  assumed  the 
title  Vrishabhdnka- Sankara.  Visvarupasena  granted  lands  in  the 
region  of  Vikramapura  from  his  victorious  camp  at  Phalgugrama. 
Minhaj  states  that  about  this  time  the  Muslims  ruled  Radha  and 
Varendrl  from  their  capital  Lakhnawati,  and  in  A.D.  1226  Ghiyas-ud- 
din  Twaz,  the  Sultan  of  Lakhnawati,  made  an  abortive  attempt  to 


40 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

conquer  Vanga.  This  is  corroborated  by  the  Sena  records  according 
to  which  Visvarupasena  defeated  the  Yavanas,  i.e.  the  Muslims.  He 
had  two  sons  Kumarasena  and  Purushottamasena.  but  these  princes 
are  not  known  to  have  ever  ruled.  Visvarupasena  ruled  for  more 
than  14  years  and  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Kesavasena 
who  assumed  the  title  Asahya-Sarikara®h  He  also  granted  lands  in 
the  region  of  Vikramapura  from  Phalgugrama.  Minhaj  relates  that 
Malik  Saif-ud-dln  (A.D.  1231-1233)  sent  an  expedition  to  Vanga 
where  he  captured  some  elephants.  Kesavasena,  in  all  probability, 
succeeded  in  repulsing  this  invasion,  for  he  is  also  stated  to  have 
won  a  victory  over  the  Yavanas.  The  descendants  of  Lakshmanasena 
thus  frustrated  successive  attempts  of  the  Muslims  to  assert  their 
supremacy  over  Vanga.  How  long  Kesavasena  ruled  cannot  be  as¬ 
certained.  It  appears  from  Minhaj  that  the  Senas  occupied  the  throne 
of  Vanga  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1245,  if  not  up  to  A.D.  1260.  They  were 
supplanted  in  Vanga  by  Danujamadhava  Dasarathadeva  of  the  Deva 
family  not  long  after  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century.  Both 
Visvarupasena  and  Kesavasena  were  devotees  of  Surya.  But  a  king 
known  as  Madhusena,  who  was  a  devotee  of  Buddha,  is  known  to 
have  been  ruling  in  some  part  of  Bengal  in  A.D.  1289.  His  relation 
with  the  Senas  of  Vikramapura  is  not  known. 

3.  The  Royal  Family  of  Pattikera 

The  Varmans  and  the  Senas  are  not  known  to  have  ever  asserted 
their  supremacy  over  that  part  of  Bengal  which  lay  to  the  east  of  the 
Brahmaputra.  From  the  eleventh  century  onward  the  capital  of  this 
region  seems  to  have  been  Pattikera,  the  extensive  ruins  of  which 
have  been  discovered  on  the  Mainamati  Hills,  in  the  Tippera  Dis¬ 
trict.  All  memory  of  this  kingdom  is  lost,  but  even  now  there  is  a 
Pargana  named  Patikera,  or  Paitkera  which  extends  up  to  the  Maina¬ 
mati  Hills.  A  miniature  label  in  a  Nepalese  manuscript,  copied  in 
A.D.  1015,  mentions  the  city  of  Pattikera.  According  to  the  Burmese 
chronicles,  the  kingdom  of  Burma,  under  Anoratha  (A.D.  1044-1077) 
was  bounded  on  the  west  by  Patikkara.  These  Burmese  sources 
narrate  romantic  stories  which  indicate  that  there  was  a  close  and 
intimate  contact  between  the  rulers  of  Pattikera  and  Burma  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  Unfortunately  the  Burmese  annals 
do  not  mention  the  name  of  any  king  of  Pattikera.  We  learn  from  an 
inscription,  discovered  in  the  Mainamati  Hills,  that  a  king  known  as 
Harikaladeva  Ranavankamalla  ascended  the  throne  of  Pattikera  in 
A.D.  1202-1203,  and  ruled  there  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1219.  Harikala¬ 
deva  or  his  successor  was  overthrown  by  the  Deva  dynasty. 


41 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


4.  The  Deva  Dynasty  oj  Samatata  and  Vanga 

The  earliest  known  member  of  the  Deva  family  is  Purushottama, 
who  was  a  headman  of  a  village  ( gramani ),  possibly  under  the  royal 
dynasty  of  Pattikera.  His  son  Madhusudana,  also  known  as  Madhu- 
mathana,  is  described  as  a  king  ( nripati ),  and  seems  to  have  founded 
an  independent  principality  in  the  southern  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Pattikera.  His  son  and  successor  was  Vasudeva,  who  was  again 
succeeded  by  his  son  Damodara.  Damodara,  who  claims  to  have 
been  the  overlord  of  all  kings,  issued  inscriptions  dated  A.D.  1234 
and  1243.  He  granted  the  village  Mehara  (now  in  the  Chandpur  sub¬ 
division  of  the  Tippera  District)  in  the  Samatata -mandala,  and  seems 
to  have  put  an  end  to  the  rule  of  Harikaladeva’s  family  in  Pattikera. 
King  Danujamadhava  Dasarathadeva  of  the  Deva  family,  who  issued 
an  inscription  from  Vikramapura,  was  the  son  and  successor  of 
Damodara.  He  claims  to  have  obtained  the  kingdom  of  Gauda 
through  the  grace  of  Narayana.  This  probably  means  that  he  wrest¬ 
ed  Vanga  from  the  Senas,  who  claimed  to  have  been  the  lords  of 
Gauda  even  long  after  its  conquest  by  the  Muslims.  As  will  be 
noted  in  Chapter  V,  Sultan  Balban  came  to  Sonargaon  (now  a  Par - 
gana,  in  the  Narayanganj  sub-division,  Dacca  District)  in  A.  D.  1283 
and  entered  into  an  agreement  with  Danuj  Rai  to  guard  against  the 
flight  of  Tughril  Khan  by  water.  There  is  no  doubt  that  this  Danuj 
Rai  is  identical  with  Danujamadhava  Dasarathadeva.  The  Ta’rikh-i- 
Mubarak  Shahi  mentions  an  interesting  episode  connected  with  tjie 
meeting  of  Balban  with  Danuj  Rai  at  Sonargaon.  After  the  reign 
of  Dasarathadeva  in  the  latter  part  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D. 
the  kingdom  of  the  Deva  dynasty  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Muslims. 


III.  ASSAM 

It  has  been  mentioned  above7  that  after  the  death  of  king 
Tyagasiihha,  the  last  ruler  of  the  Salambha  or  Pralambha  dynasty, 
towards  the  close  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.,  the  people  elected  his 
kinsman  named  Brahmapala  as  the  king  of  Pragjyotisha.  The 
capital  of  this  newly  established  dynasty  was  at  Durjaya,  which  is 
identified  by  some  with  Gauhati.  Brahmapala  may  be  placed  in  the 
first  part  of  the  eleventh  century.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Ratnapala  who  granted  lands  in  Uttarakula,  which  seems  to  be 
referring  to  the  north  bank  of  the  Brahmaputra  river.  He  is  said  to 
have  fought  successfully  with  the  kings  of  Gurjara,  Gauda,  Kerala, 
and  Dakshinatya,  and  with  the  Bahikas  and  Taikas.  This  seems  to 
be  a  hyperbole.  The  kings  of  Gurjara,  Gauda,  and  the  Deccan  about 
this  time  were  respectively  the  Chaulukya  Bhima  I  of  Gujarat, 


42 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


Nayapala,  and  the  Chalukya  Somesvara  I.  Bhima  I  and  Nayapala 
are  not  known  to  have  led  any  expedition  against  Assam,  but 
Somesvara  Fs  son  Vikramaditya  VI  is  known  to  have  led  a  successful 
expedition  against  Kamarupa  shortly  before  A.D.  1068.  Ratnapala 
ruled  for  more  than  twenty-six  years.  His  son  Purandarapala,  who 
was  a  poet,  predeceased  him.  So  after  the  death  of  Ratnapala 
Purandarapala’s  son  Indrapala  ascended  the  throne.  He  is  described 
in  his  own  inscription  as  the  light  of  the  East  (Prdchi-pradlpa) .  It 
was  probably  during  his  reign  that  Jatavarman  of  the  Yadava 
dynasty  of  East  Bengal  invaded  Kamarupa.  Indrapala  was  succeed¬ 
ed  by  his  son  Gopala,  who  was  again  succeeded  by  his  son  Harsha- 
pala.  Harshapala’s  son  and  successor  was  Dharmapala,  who  may  be 
taken  to  have  flourished  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  cen¬ 
tury  A.D.  Dharmapala  is  mentioned  as  the  king  of  Kamarupa- 
nagara,  which  was  probably  identical  with  Durjaya.  He  was  a  man 
of  learning,  and  composed  a  part  of  his  own  inscription  discovered 
on  the  bank  of  the  Pushpabhadra.  He  was  the  last  ruler  of  the  family 
founded  by  Brahmapala  and  seems  to  have  been  overthrown  by  Tim- 
gyadeva,  in  the  reign  of  Ramapala  of  Gauda.  As  already  mentioned, 
Timgyadeva  revolted  and  was  defeated  by  Vaidyadeva,  who  subse¬ 
quently  ruled  Kamarupa  as  an  independent  king.  Whether  he  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother  Budhadeva  is  not  known. 

A  copper-plate  inscription  from  Assam  mentions  that  in  the 
Chandra vamsa  there  was  Bhaskara,  whose  son  was  the  king  Rayari- 
deva  Trailokyasimha.  Rayarideva  is  said  to  have  vanquished  the 
king  of  Vanga,  who  may  be  identified  with  Vijayasena.  He  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  son  Udayakarna  Nihsankasimha,  and  the  latter  by  his 
son  Vallabhadeva,  one  of  whose  known  dates  is  A.D.  1185.  It  is 
probable,  therefore,  that  the  three  kings  Rayarideva,  Udayakarna 
and  Vallabhadeva  ruled  in  Kamarupa  after  Vaidyadeva.  Vallabha¬ 
deva  was  probably  the  king  who  suffered  defeat  at  the  hands  of 
Lakshmanasena. 

Minhaj  states  that  in  A.D.  1205  Muhammad  Bhaktyar  Khalji 
advanced  with  an  army  via  Bardhankot  along  the  bank  of  the  Beg- 
mati  river  (identified  with  Karatoya)  for  the  conquest  of  Tibet. 
Before  ten  days  had  elapsed  he  had  to  cross  a  stone  bridge  within 
the  territory  of  the  king  of  Kamrud  (Kamarupa).  While  returning 
from  the  Tibetan  expedition  he  found  the  bridge  broken  by  the 
Hindus  of  Kamrud  and,  realising  the  gravity  of  the  situation,  order¬ 
ed  his  army  to  take  shelter  in  a  neighbouring  temple.  The  ‘Rae 
of  Kamrud’  attacked  the  Muslims  and  killed  a  large  number  of 
them.  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khalji,  with  a  few  followers,  jumped 
into  the  river  and  swam  to  the  opposite  bank.  Mr.  Blochmann 


43 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


places  this  bridge  near  Darjeeling.  An  inscription  on  a  rock  at 
Kanaibarshi,  a  mile  to  the  north-east  of  North  Gauhati,  states  that 
in  A.D.  1205  the  Turushkas,  who  came  to  Kamarupa,  were  slain. 
There  is  a  broken  old  stone  bridge  on  the  channel  of  the  Barnadi, 
eleven  miles  to  the  west  of  Kanaibarshi.  Some  scholars  are  in¬ 
clined  to  identify  this  bridge  with  that  mentioned  by  Minhaj.  This 
view  does  not  seem  to  be  convincing  as  Gauhati  lies  far  off  from 
the  normal  route  to  Tibet  from  Lakhnawati.  As  a  matter  of  fact 
the  genuineness  of  the  Kanaibarshi  inscription  may  be  doubted. 
There  is,  however,  no  doubt  about  a  conflict  between  Muhammad 
Bakhtyar  Khaljl  and  the  king  of  Assam  in  which  the  former  suffered 
severe  losses.  It  cannot  however  be  said  definitely  whether  Vall- 
bhadeva  or  his  successor  was  the  adversary  of  Muhammad  Bakhtyar 
Khaljl. 

The  chronology  of  the  Kamarupa  kings  after  Vallabhadeva 
cannot  be  definitely  determined,  but  their  conflict  with  the  Muslim 
rulers  continued.  In  A.D.  1227  Ghiyas-ud-dln  Twaz  of  Lakhna¬ 
wati  made  an  abortive  attempt  to  conquer  Kamarupa.  In  A.D.  1257 
Ikhtiyar-ud-din  Yuzbak  Tughril  Khan  invaded  Kamarupa  and  at 
first  obtained  some  success.  Subsequently  the  Sultan  was  defeated 
and  captured.  He  died  of  his  wounds  and  his  army  was  destroyed. 
The  invasion  of  Kamarupa  by  Mahmud  Shah  in  A.D.  1337  also  ended 
in  disaster  for  the  Muslim  army. 

In  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century  the  Mahamdndalika 
Isvaraghosha  was  ruling  at  Dhekkarl.  He  granted  land  after  bath¬ 
ing  in  the  Jatoda  river  in  the  Gallitipyaka-insha^a  of  the  Piyolla- 

mandala .  The  Kdlika  Pur  ana  mentions  that  the  Jatoda  flows 

•  •  • 

through  Kamarupa.  The  river  now  passes  through  Jalpaiguri  and 
Cooch-Behar.  Isvaraghosha  ruled  for  more  than  thirty-five  years, 
and  was  either  a  feudatory  under  the  Palas  of  Gauda  or  a  vassal  under 
Ratnapala  of  the  Pala  dynasty  of  Kamarupa. 

In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  a  line  of  kings  ruled 
in  the  kingdom  of  Srihatta.  There  were  kings  Kharavana,  Gokula- 
deva,  Narayana,  Kesavadeva,  and  isanadeva,  each  being  the  son  of 
his  predecessor.  Isanadeva  ruled  for  more  than  seventeen  years. 
Srihatta  or  Sylhet  was  conquered  by  Sikandar  Khan  GhazI  in 
A.D.  1303  during  the  reign  of  the  Sultan  Firuz  Shah. 

The  Ahoms,  a  branch  of  the  Shan  tribe,  started  under  their 
leader  Sukapha  from  Maulung  in  A.D.  1215,  and  crossed  the  hilly 
country  of  Patkai.  They  came  in  course  of  their  wandering  march 
to  Eastern  Assam,  and  settled  at  Charaideo  in  A.D.  1253.  Sukapha 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Suteupha,  during  whose  reign  the  Kach- 
aris  gave  the  country  to  the  east  of  the  Dikhu  river  to  the  Ahoms. 


44 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

Suteupha,  who  died  in  A.D.  1281,  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Subin- 
pha,  and  the  latter  by  his  son  Sukhanghpha  in  A.D.  1293.  During 
this  period  the  Ahoms  carried  on  a  protracted  war  with  the  Raja 
of  Kamata  which  was  concluded  by  a  treaty.  Sukhanghpha  mar¬ 
ried  RajanI,  the  daughter  of  the  Raja  of  Kamata,  and  died  in  A.D. 
1332.  The  Ahoms,  who  thus  consolidated  their  kingdom  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  gave  the  name  Assam  to  the  country  which  was 
called  Kamarupa  and  Pragjyotisha  in  ancient  days. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  the  Kacharis  also  founded  a  kingdom 
along  the  south  bank  of  the  Brahmaputra  from  Dikhu  to  Kallang. 
It  also  included  the  valley  of  Dhansiri  and  the  North  Kachar  sub¬ 
division. 


IV.  NEPAL 

As  we  have  seen  above,8  the  dynasty  of  Guijakama  was  ruling 
in  Nepal  at  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  and  king 
Nirbhaya  was  ruling  jointly  with  Rudra  in  A.D.  1007.  Rudradeva 
was  succeeded  by  Bhoja.  It  appears  from  a  palm-leaf  manuscript, 
dated  A.D.  1015,  that  when  Bhoja  was  ruling,  half  the  kingdom  was 
enjoyed  by  Lakshmlkamadeva.  Some  take  this  to  mean  that  Bhoja 
and  Lakshmikama  ruled  conjointly.  But  an  undated  manuscript  refers 
to  the  reign  of  Bhoja  only,  and  another  manuscript,  dated  A.D.  1033, 
mentions  the  name  of  Lakshmikama  alone.  According  to  the  Tibe¬ 
tan  sources,  when  Dipankara  Atlsa  visited  Nepal  in  c.  A.D.  1039, 
on  his  way  to  Tibet,  the  king  of  the  country  was  Grags-pa-mtha-yas, 
which  is  restored  as  Anantakirtti.  The  relation  between  Ananta- 
kirtti  and  Lakshmikama  is  not  known.  Lakshmlkama’s  successor 
was  Jayakama,  also  known  as  Vijaya.  Jayakama  revived  the  wor¬ 
ship  of  Naga.  The  tradition  runs  that  he  had  no  issue,  and  after  his 
death  the  Thakuris  of  Nayakot  elected  one  of  them,  named  Bhaskara- 
deva,  as  king. 

Bhaskaradeva  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1046.  He 
is  stated  to  have  “repaired  his  paternal  crown,”  which  probably 
means  that  his  remote  predecessors  were  royal  personages.  He 
was  succeeded  by  Baladeva,  also  known  as  Balavantadeva,  who  was 
ruling  in  A.D.  1059.  Baladeva’s  successor  Pradyumnakamadeva, 
also  known  as  Padmadeva,  is  known  to  have  been  on  the  throne  in 
A.D.  1064  and  1065.  Pradyumnakamadeva  was  followed  in  suc¬ 
cession  by  Nagarjunadeva  and  Sankaradeva.  The  known  dates  of 
Sahkaradeva  range  from  A.D.  1068  to  1077.  Vamadeva  of  the 
Thakuri  family  of  Patan,  a  remote  descendant  of  Amsuvarman, 
overthrew  the  Thakuris  of  Nayakot  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eleventh 
century  A.D. 


45 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Vamadeva  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1081.  He 
may  be  taken  as  identical  with  Vamadeva,  son  of  king  Yasodeva, 
whose  inscription  on  the  pedestal  of  an  image  of  Surya,  found  at 
Lalitapattana,  is  dated  A.D.  1083.  Vamadeva’s  successor  Harsha- 
deva  was  ruling  in  A.D.  1090  and  1093.  The  Vamsavall  of  Nepal 
mentions  a  date  of  Harshadeva  as  N.E.  219  (=  A.D.  1098),  which 
Bendall  takes  as  the  year  of  the  king’s  death.  After  Harshadeva 
the  throne  was  occupied  by  Sivadeva.  The  Vamsavall,  discovered 
by  Bendall,  mentions  him  as  the  son  of  Sahkaradeva.  This  shows 
that  the  Thakuris  of  Nayakot  again  came  to  power.  The  known 
dates  of  Sivadeva’s  reign  range  from  A.D.  1118  to  1123.  The  tradi¬ 
tion  relates  that  he  built  a  city  named  Klrttipura  near  Kantipura 
and  Lalitapattana.  He  secured  a  large  amount  of  gold  by  raiding 
the  neighbouring  countries  and  built  with  it  a  new  roof  for  Pasu- 
patinatha.  He  introduced  a  new  coin,  made  of  copper  and  iron, 
and  marked  with  the  figure  of  a  lion.  His  son  and  successor  Indra, 
also  called  Mahendra,  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1128. 
The  next  king  was  Manadeva.  An  inscription  of  the  Rajadhiraja 
Manadeva,  dated  A.D.  1139,  has  been  found  near  Katmandu.  He 
was  associated  in  the  government  with  his  son  Narendradeva 
(Narasirhha),  the  known  dates  of  whose  reign  are  A.D.  1134 
and  1141.  Narendradeva’s  successor  Anandadeva  is  known  to 
have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1146  and  1166.  Anandadeva  is  mentioned 
as  the  son  of  Sihadeva  who  may  be  taken  as  identical 
with  Narasiihha  (Narendradeva).  Anandadeva  was  succeeded  by 
Rudradeva  who,  according  to  the  chronicle,  abdicated  his  throne, 
after  seven  years’  reign,  in  favour  of  his  son,  and  devoted  himself  to 
religious  practices.  Wright’s  chronicle  mentions  the  name  of  this 
son  of  Rudradeva  as  Mitradeva.  Bendall’s  chronicle,  however, 
states  that  Amritadeva,  who  was  the  other  son  of  Sihadeva  (Nara- 
siihhadeva),  succeeded  Rudradeva.  Amritadeva  (A.D.  1176)  was 
followed  in  succession  by  Ratnadeva  (A.D.  1183)  and  Somesvara- 
deva,  son  of  Mahendra.  After  Somes  vara  ruled  Gunakamadeva  II 
(A.D.  1187),  Lakshmlkamadeva  (A.D.  1193),  Vijayakamadeva 

(A.D.  1196,  1197),  Arimalladeva  (A.D.  1201,  1216),  Ranasura 
(A.D.  1221)  and  Abhayamalla  (A.D.  1223-1252)  one  after  the  other. 
It  is  probable  that  Arimalla  referred  to  above,  was  the  founder  of  the 
Malla  dynasty  in  Nepal.  During  the  reign  of  Abhayamalla  there 
were  frequent  earthquakes  and  a  famine  in  Nepal.  Wright’s  chronicle 
mentions  that  Abhayamalla  had  two  sons,  Jayadevamalla  and  Anan- 
damalla.  Anandamalla  founded  a  city  named  Bhaktapura  (Bhat- 
gaon),  and  established  his  headquarters  there.  He  also  founded 
seven  more  towns,  viz.  Banapur,  Panavati,  Nala,  Dhankhel,  Khadpu, 
Chankot,  and  Sanga.  Jayadevamalla  (A.D.  1255,  1257),  who  ruled  in 


46 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

Patan  and  Kantipura,  was  followed  in  succession  by  Jayabhima 
(A.D.  1260),  Jayasaha(slha)malladeva,  and  Anantamalla  (A.D. 
1279-1307).  Tradition  relates  that  during  the  reign  of  Anantamalla 
the  Khasas  and  the  Magars  of  the  western  mountains,  under  the 
leadership  of  Jayatari  and  Mukundasena,  led  a  series  of  invasions 
against  Nepal,  some  time  between  A.D.  1287  and  1290,  and  carried 
on  depredations  and  plunder.  A  pestilence,  which  broke  out  there 
about  this  time,  forced  the  invaders  to  withdraw.  Anantamalla 
was  followed  in  succession  by  Jayanandadeva  (A.D.  1318)  and 
Jayarudramalla  (A.D.  1320,  1326).  Jayarimalla  was  a  co-regent  of 
•Jayarudramalla,  who  died  in  A.D.  1326.  Some  time  before  his 
death  Nepal  was  invaded  by  Harisirhha  of  the  Karnataka  dynasty 
of  Simraon.  Henceforth  Harisimha  and  his  successors  were  the 
supreme  rulers  of  the  Nepal  valley,  and  Jayarudramalla’s  succes¬ 
sors,  Jayarajadeva  (A.D.  1347-1355)  and  Jayarjunamalla  (A.D. 
1363-1376),  ruled  Nepal  as  their  subordinates. 

V.  BIHAR 

1 .  The  Karnataka  Dynasty  of  Mithila 

The  Palas  of  Gauda,  as  we  have  seen  above,  held  sway  over 
Magadha  and  Tirabhukti  for  a  long  time.  Tlrabhukti  (modern  Tir- 
hut),  which  was  also  known  as  Mithila,  was  bounded  by  the  Gan- 
dak,  Kosi,  Himalaya,  and  the  Ganga.  Some  time  about  A.D.  1097 
Nanyadeva  of  the  Karnataka  dynasty  established  his  supremacy  over 
this  region,  probably  with  the  help  of  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya 
VI,  who  is  known  to  have  invaded  Nepal  shortly  before  A.D.  1068 
Sylvain  Levi  thinks  that  Nanyadeva  at  first  accepted  service  under 
an  unknown  king  and,  taking  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  his 
master,  wielded  the  sovereignty.  It  has  already  been  noted  that 
the  Palas  of  Gauda  had  under  them  many  Karnata  officers.  It  is 
not  unlikely  that  Nanyadeva  was  an  officer  under  the  Palas,  and 
established  a  kingdom  in  Tirabhukti  during  the  Kaivarta  revolt. 
“A  new  danger”  which  confronted  Ramapala  on  the  eve  of  his  fight 
with  the  Kaivarta  Bhlrna,  mentioned  in  the  Rama-charita,  may  be 
referring  to  this  incident.  The  capital  of  the  Karnataka  dynasty 
was  at  Simaramapura,  modern  Simraon,  within  the  border  of  Nepal 
north  of  the  Champaran  District. 

Nanyadeva  came  in  conflict  with  kings  of  Gauda  and  Vanga, 
who  seem  to  have  been  respectively  the  Pala  king  Kumarapala  and 
the  Yadava  ruler  Harivarman.  Vijayasena  of  the  Sena  dynasty  of 
Radha  invaded  Mithila  and  won  a  victory  over  Nanyadeva.  Tradi¬ 
tion  relates  that  Nanyadeva  conquered  Nepal.  If  it  be  true,  he 
could  not  certainly  keep  the  conquered  country  under  his  control 
for  a  long  time.  For  the  contemporary  king  of  Nepal,  §ivadeva, 


47 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


and  his  successors  are  known  to  have  assumed  the  title  Rdjddhirdja. 
According  to  tradition  Nanyadeva  ruled  for  fifty  years.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Gahgadeva.  A  manuscript  of  Rdmdyana 
was  copied  in  Tlrabhukti  in  Sam.  1076  during  the  reign  of  the 
Maharajadhiraja  Gangeyadeva  of  the  Soma  family.  Bendall,  re¬ 
ferring  the  date  to  Vikrama  Sam  vat,  takes  it  as  equivalent  to  A.D. 
1019,  and  identifies  Gangeyadeva  with  the  king  of  this  name  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  Kalachuri  dynasty  of  Tripuri.  Dr.  R.  C.  Majumdar,  by 
referring  the  year  to  Saka  era,  identifies  Gangeyadeva  with  Gahga¬ 
deva,  successor  of  Nanyadeva.  Tradition  assigns  forty-one  years’ 
reign  to  Gahgadeva.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Nrisirhha,  who  is 
said  to  have  ruled  for  thirty-one  years.  Nrisimha’s  son  and  successor 
Ramasimha  is  assigned  thirty-nine  years’  rule.  Ramasirhha’s  suc¬ 
cessor  Saktisimha,  after  a  rule  of  fifty-eight  years,  was  succeeded 
by  Bhupalasimha.  Bhupalasimha  was  succeeded  by  Harisimha,  also 
known  as  Harasimha. 

The  famous  jurist  Chandesvara,  his  father,  Viresvara,  and  his 
grandfather  Devaditya  served  Harisimha  as  ministers  of  peace  and 
war  one  after  the  other.  Devaditya’s  second  son  Ganesvara  also 
acted  as  a  minister  under  the  same  king.  Ziya-ud-dln  BaranI 
states  that  in  A.D.  1324  Ghiyas-ud-dln  Tughluq  invaded  Tirhut, 
whose  king  submitted  without  any  fight.  Firishta  relates  that  after 
conquering  Tirhut  Ghiyas-ud-dln  Tughluq  handed  it  over  to  Ahmud 
Khan.  But  it  is  known  from  other  contemporary  sources  that 
Harisiriiha  and  his  minister  Chandesvara  succeeded  in  repulsing  the 
attack  of  the  Suratrana  (Sultan).  It  seems,  therefore,  that  Hari¬ 
simha  was  able  to  resist  the  Muslims  for  some  time.  Chandesvara 
claims  that  he  conquered  Nepal  for  his  master  and  then  performed 
the  religious  gift  of  Tuldpurusha  in  A.D.  1314;  but  the  traditional 
date  of  the  conquest  of  Nepal  by  Harisimha  is  A.D.  1324.  Hence¬ 
forward  the  chiefs  of  Nepal  ruled  their  territory  as  vassals  of  Hari- 
simha’s  family.  Tradition  relates  that  Harisimha  established  him¬ 
self  at  Bhatgaon  and  ruled  Nepal  from  that  city.  This  indicates 
that,  having  failed  to  defend  Tirhut  along  with  Simraon  against 
the  incursion  of  the  Muslims,  he  transferred  his  capital  to  Bhat¬ 
gaon.  That  Tirhut  was  lost  to  the  Karnatakas  is  proved  by  the  fact 
that  Ghiyas-ud-din  Tughluq’s  son  Muhammad  Tughluq  issued  coins 
from  the  mint  of  Tirhut.  The  Vamsavali  of  Nepal  mentions  Hari- 
simha’s  successors  as  rulers  of  Nepal. 

2.  The  Guptas  of  Jayapura 9 

In  the  twelfth  century  A.D.,  a  Gupta  dynasty  ruled  from  Jaya¬ 
pura,  identified  with  modern  Jayanagar,  near  Lakhisarai,  in  the 

48 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


Monghyr  District.  King  Yajnesagupta,  alias  Jay  a,  was  succeeded 
by  Damodaragupta,  also  known  as  Chamundaraja,  whose  son  and 
successor  was  king  Devagupta.  These  three  kings,  who  may  be 
taken  to  have  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century, 
were  obviously  feudatories  of  the  Palas,  for,  as  mentioned  above, 
Monghyr  formed  a  part  of  the  Pala  kingdom  up  to  the  middle  of 
the  twelfth  century,  though  for  a  short  period  in  the  fourth  decade 
of  that  century  it  was  occupied  by  Gahadavala  Govindachandra. 
Devagupta  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Mahtirajadhiraja  Mahtimanda- 
lika  Rajadityagupta.  It  appears  from  these  titles  that  after  the 
decline  of  the  power  of  the  Palas  Rajadityagupta  assumed  indepen¬ 
dence.  His  son  Rajaputra  Krishnagupta  seems  to  have  predeceased 
his  father.  Rajadityagupta  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson  Mahd- 
rajadhiraja  MakdmdndaUka  Samgramagupta,  the  son  of  Krishna- 
gupta.  Samgramagupta  may  be  taken  to  have  been  a  contem¬ 
porary  of  Lakshmanasena,  as  the  inscriptions  of  both  have  been 
referred  on  palaeographic  grounds  to  the  same  period.  He  ruled 
for  more  than  seventeen  years.  The  power  of  the  Guptas  seems  to 
have  been  destroyed  by  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khaljl. 

3.  The  Senas  of  Pithi 

A  Sena  dynasty  is  known  to  have  ruled  in  Pithi,  wThich  included 
the  region  round  Gaya.  Names  of  only  two  kings  of  this  family 
are  known.  They  are  Buddhasena  and  his  son  Jayasena,  who  are 
to  be  placed  in  the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

4.  Khayaravala  Dynasty  of  Jdpila 

The  Khayaravala  dynasty  ruled  in  the  Shahabad  District,  which 
formed  part  of  Magadha,  in  the  twelfth  century  A.D.  Sadhava  is 
the  earliest  known  member  of  this  family.  His  son  was  king 
Ranadhavala,  whose  son  Pratapadhavala  is  referred  to  as  a  Maha- 
nayaka  of  Japila.  Stone  inscriptions  of  Pratapadhavala  dated 
A.D.  1158  and  1169  have  been  found  in  the  Shahabad  District.  He 
acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  Gahadavala  Vijayachandra. 
Pratapadhavala’s  son  and  successor  was  king  ( narapaU )  Sahasa. 
He  had  two  sons  Vikrama  and  Indradhavala  who  occupied  the 
throne  of  their  father  in  succession.  Indradhavala,  who  is  known 
to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1197,  is  mentioned  as  a  great  king 
( maha-nripati )  and  Japilya.  Nothing  definite  is  known  of  the  fa¬ 
mily  after  Indradhavala.  A  king  named  Pratapa.  who  is  known 
to  have  been  ruling  in  the  Shahabad  District  in  A.D.  1223,  might 
have  been  a  successor  of  Indradhavala. 

49 

S.E.— 4 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


VI.  KANAUJ 
1.  The  Rashtrakutas 

As  we  have  seen  above,10  the  Imperial  Pratiharas  ruled  Kanauj 
up  to  A.D.  1019,  and  Rajyapala  was  the  last  king  of  this  dynasty 
to  be  associated  with  that  city.  After  the  invasion  of  Mahmud  of 
Ghazni  Rajyapala  and  his  successors  ruled  from  Bari,  about  30  miles 
to  the  east  of  Kanauj,  which  was  in  ruins  even  when  Al-Biruni 
visited  it  some  time  before  A.D.  1030.  But  an  inscription  of  the 
Chaulukya  dynasty  of  Lata,  dated  A.D.  1050,  associates  a  Rashtra¬ 
kuta  dynasty  with  Kanauj.  Another  inscription,  found  at  Budaun, 
gives  some  account  of  a  Rashtrakuta  dynasty  ruling  in  the  Pan- 
chala  country  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  The  fourth 
king  of  this  dynasty  Gopala  is  mentioned  as  the  ruler  of  Gadhipura 
i.e.  Kanauj,  and  it  may  be  assumed  that  the  early  members  of  this 
Rashtrakuta  family  were  all  associated  with  this  imperial  city.  The 
first  known  king  of  this  family  is  Chandra,  who  seems  to  have  esta¬ 
blished  his  supremacy  over  Kanauj  during  the  period  of  disorder 
that  followed  the  invasion  of  Mahmud  of  Ghazni.  He  was  succeed¬ 
ed  by  his  son  Vigrahapala,  and  the  latter  by  his  son  Bhuvanapala, 
who  may  be  taken  to  have  flourished  in  the  third  quarter  of  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.  During  this  period  Chalukya  Somesvara  I 
of  the  Deccan  and  the  Chola  Virarajendra  of  South  India  invaded 
Kanauj.  Bhuvanapala’s  son  and  successor  was  Gopala,  who,  as  has 
already  been  noticed,  is  referred  to  as  the  king  of  Gadhipura.  It 
was  apparently  during  the  reign  of  Gopala  that  Mahmud,  son  of 
the  Sultan  Ibrahim  of  Ghazni,  conquered  Kanauj.  After  this  dis¬ 
aster  the  Rashtrakutas  appear  to  have  settled  at  Vodamayuta  or 
modern  Budaun  which  soon  grew  into  importance.  Hasan  Nizami 
states  that  Budaun  is  “one  of  the  mothers  of  cities,  and  one  of  the 
chief est  of  the  country  of  Hind.”  Gopala  was  succeeded  by  his 
eldest  son  Tribhuvana.  Tribhuvana’s  younger  brother  and  succes¬ 
sor  was  Madanapala,  who  was  ruling  in  A.D.  1119,  and  whose  king¬ 
dom  extended  up  to  Sahet  Mahet,  in  the  Gonda  District.  Madana¬ 
pala  repulsed  an  attack  of  Sultan  Mas’ud  III  of  Ghazni.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  youngest  brother  Devapala.  By  the  year  A.D. 
1128  Sahet  Mahet  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Gahadavalas.  Deva¬ 
pala  was  followed  in  succession  by  Bhimapala,  ^urapala  and  Amri- 
tapala,  each  being  the  son  of  his  predecessor.  Amritapala  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  younger  brother  Lakhanapala,  who  ruled  in  the  clos¬ 
ing  years  of  the  twelfth  century.  In  A.D.  1202  Qutb-ud-din  con¬ 
quered  the  kingdom,  probably  from  Lakhanapala,  and  made  Iltut- 
mish  its  governor.  In  the  early  years  of  the  thirteenth  century 
the  Mahasamanta  Bharahadeva  of  the  Rashtrakuta  dynasty  ruled 


50 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

somewhere  in  the  country  of  Kanyakubja  (Kanyakubja-desa).  He 
might  have  been  a  successor  of  Lakhanapala.  The  Gahadavala 
Adakkhamalla  was  probably  his  overlord. 

2.  The  Gahadavalas 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  eleventh  century  a  dynasty  known  as 
Gahadavala  came  to  power  in  Kanauj.  No  authentic  evidence  has 
hitherto  been  discovered  to  support  the  theory  that  the  Gahada¬ 
valas  are  identical  with  the  Rashtrakutas  or  the  Rathors.  Yasovi- 

•  •  • 

graha,  the  earliest  known  member  of  the  family,  is  said  to  have 
flourished  when  the  kings  of  the  Solar  race  departed  from  this 
world.  His  son  Mahlchandra,  also  known  as  Mahitala  and  Mahl- 
yala,  is  described  as  a  king,  and  ruled  in  some  part  of  Uttar  Pradesh. 
Mahlchandra’s  son  and  successor  was  Chandradeva,  during  the  early 
part  of  whose  reign  there  was  a  great  upheaval  in  the  kingdom  of 
Kanauj.  After  the  invasion  of  Northern  India  by  Ahmad  Niyal- 
tigln  in  A.D.  1034  the  Muslims  did  not  launch  any  military  cam¬ 
paign  against  Hindustan  for  some  time.  The  cause  of  this  inactivi¬ 
ty  on  their  part  is  not  far  to  seek.  During  this  period  the  Para- 
mara  Bhoja  and  Kalachuri  Karna,  who  occupied  dominant  position 
in  Northern  India,  struck  terror  into  the  minds  of  the  Muslims  by 
their  military  power.  Both  are  known  to  have  led  expeditions  even 
into  the  heart  of  the  Muslim  territory  of  the  Punjab.11  After  the 
death  of  Bhoja  (c.  A.D.  1055)  and  Kama  (c.  A.D.  1072)  the  Muslims 
again  cast  their  greedy  eyes  on  Hindustan.  Some  time  between 
A.D.  1086  and  1090  prince  Mahmud,  the  governor  of  the  Punjab, 
plundered  Kanauj  and  Kalanjara  and  invaded  Ujjain.12  On  that 
occasion  he  found  an  ally  in  Kanauj  named  Chand  Rai,  who  may 
be  identified  with  Chandradeva.  During  the  troublesome  period 
that  followed  the  departure  of  Mahmud  from  Northern  India  Chan¬ 
dradeva  seized  the  throne  of  Kanauj  from  the  Rashtrakuta  ruler 
Gopala,  mentioned  above.  The  inscriptions  of  the  Gahadavalas, 
dating  from  A.D.  1090,  mention  a  tax  called  Turushkadanda .  Some 
suggest  that  it  was  an  impost  on  the  subjects  of  the  Gahadavalas  to 
meet  the  expenses  of  resisting  the  invasion  of  the  Muslims.  Others 
think  that  the  Gahadavala  kings  realised  this  tax  from  the  people 
in  order  to  make  annual  payment  of  tribute  to  the  Sultans  of 
Ghazni.  If  Chandradeva  really  got  some  political  advantage  from 
Mahmud,  the  latter  view  seems  preferable.  It  was  probably  to  en¬ 
force  the  regular  payment  of  this  tribute  that  the  Muslims  led  ex¬ 
peditions  against  Northern  India  from  time  to  time. 

Chandradeva  is  said  to  have  defeated  the  Gajapati,  Narapati, 
Trisankupati,  and  the  ruler  of  Panehala.  The  ruler  of  Panehala 
was  obviously  the  Rashtrakuta  ruler  Gopala.  Chandradeva  claims 


51 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


to  have  protected  the  holy  places  of  Kusika  (Kanauj),  Kasi,  Uttara- 
Kosala  (Ayodhya)  and  Indrasthana.  His  further  progress  towards 
the  east  was  checked  by  Bhlmayasas,  ruler  of  Magadha.  The  in¬ 
scriptions  of  Chandradeva,  the  dates  of  which  range  from  A.D.  1090 
to  1100,  prove  that  he  was  in  possession  of  Kanauj,  Banaras, 
and  Ayodhya.  He  conquered  all  the  countries  from  Allahabad  to 
Banaras  from  the  Kalachuri  Yasahkarna,  king  of  Dahala.  Banaras 
(Kasi)  was  made  the  second  capital  of  the  Gahadavalas.  Some  are 
inclined  to  identify  Indrasthana  with  Indraprastha  or  Delhi,  and 
take  it  as  the  western  boundary  of  Chandradeva’s  kingdom.  But 
this  is  hardly  likely,  as  about  this  time  the  Tomaras  were  ruling 
independently  in  Delhi.  There  was  a  city  named  Indrapura,  mo¬ 
dern  Indore,  in  the  Aramshahar  sub-division  of  the  Bulandshahar 
District.  Indrasthana  may  be  identified  with  this,  but  no  definite 
conclusion  is  possible.  Chandradeva  was  succeeded  by  Madana- 
chandra,  also  known  as  Madanapala,  some  time  between  A.D.  1100 
and  1104. 

Madanachandra’s  inscriptions  bear  dates  A.D.  1104  and  1109, 
and  prove  that  he  was  in  possession  of  Banaras,  Bithaur  sub¬ 
division  of  the  Etawah  District,  and  a  part  of  ancient  Panchala 
country.  According  to  Muslim  chroniclers  Ala-ud-Daulah  Mas’ud 
III  (A.D.  1099-1115)  invaded  Hindustan,  the  capital  of  which  was 
Kanauj.  He  took  Malhi,  king  of  Kanauj,  prisoner,  who  purchased 
his  release  by  paying  a  large  sum  of  money.13  Malhi  is  evidently 
identical  with  Madanachandra.  Govindachandra,  son  of  Madana- 
chandra,  is  known  from  Indian  records  to  have  defeated  the  Mus¬ 
lims  during  the  lifetime  of  his  father.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  he 
forced  the  Muslim  chief  to  release  his  father.14  Govindachandra, 
who  was  the  de  facto  ruler  of  the  country  during  the  reign  of  his 
father,  also  repulsed  an  attack  of  Ramapala  of  Gauda.  He  ascended 
the  throne  of  his  father  before  A.D.  1114. 

About  forty-two  inscriptions  of  Govindachandra’s  reign,  bear¬ 
ing  dates  extending  from  A.D.  1114  to  1154,  have  been  dis¬ 
covered.  They  prove  that  his  kingdom  extended  at  least  up  to 
Banaras,  Fatehpur  and  Kanpur  Districts  on  the  south,  Kanauj  on 
the  west,  Gonda  and  Gorakhpur  Districts  on  the  north,  and  Dina- 
pur,  in  the  Patna  District,  in  Bihar,  on  the  east.  Shortly  after 
c.  A.D.  1143  he  conquered  all  the  countries  up  to  Monghyr  from 
Madanapala.  But  he  had  to  surrender  Monghyr  to  this  Pala  king 
some  time  before  A.D.  1158.  He  conquered  the  Gonda  District 
from  the  Rashtrakuta  Madanapala15  or  his  successor  before 
A.D.  1129. 


52 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


The  Prakritci-paihgalam  states  that  the  king  of  KasI  fought 
successfully  with  the  kings  of  Gauda,  Vanga,  Kalinga,  Telanga, 
Maharashtra,  Saurashtra,  Champarana,  Nepala,  Bhota,  China  Loha- 
vara  (Lahore),  Odra,  and  Malava.  There  are  good  grounds  to  be¬ 
lieve  that  the  king  of  Kail,  referred  to,  is  Govindachandra.  That 
Govindachandra  came  into  conflict  with  most  of  the  kings  men¬ 
tioned  above  can  be  proved  by  other  evidence.  His  wars  with  the 
Palas  of  Gauda  and  the  Muslims  of  Lahore  have  already  been  notic¬ 
ed.  The  king  of  the  West  against  whom  Vijayasena  advanced 
through  the  upper  course  of  the  Ganga  was  in  all  probability 
Govindachandra.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Govindachandra  checked 
the  westward  progress  of  Anantavarman  Chodagahga,  king  of  Ka- 
linga  and  Orissa,  who  conquered  the  countries  up  to  the  bank  of 
the  Ganga.  Nanyadeva  of  Mithila  was  the  immediate  neighbour  of 
Govindachandra,  and  there  might  have  been  a  clash  between  these 
two  kings.  Somesvara  III,  the  Chalukya  king  of  the  Deccan,  who 
invaded  Magadha,  must  have  come  into  conflict  with  Govindachan¬ 
dra.  It  cannot  be  ascertained  whether  Govindachandra  came  into 
clash  with  the  Kakatiyas  of  Telihgana.  It  may  be  mentioned  in 
this  connection  that  the  Kalachuri  Jajalladeva,  king  of  Dakshina- 
Kosala,  to  the  south-west  of  which  lies  the  Telihgana  country,  proud¬ 
ly  asserts  that  he  was  honoured  with  fortune  on  account  of  his 
prowess  by  the  king  of  Kanyakubja.  This  king  of  Kanyakubja 
was  evidently  Govindachandra.  Nayachandra’s  RambhamanjarH 
states  that  Govindachandra  conquered  Dasarna  (Eastern  Malava) 
on  the  day  of  the  birth  of  his  grandson  Jayachandra.  Dasarna  was 
in  the  possession  of  the  Chandella  Madanavarman  (A.D.  1129-1163), 
who  is  known  to  have  been  at  war  with  the  king  of  KasI.  Saura¬ 
shtra  formed  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Chaulukyas  of  Anahilla- 
pataka.  Jayasimha-Siddharaja  of  this  dynasty  is  stated  to  have 
sent  a  diplomatic  agent  to  the  court  of  Jayachandra,  king  of  Bana- 
ras,  which  seems  to  be  an  error  for  Govindachandra  in  view  of  the 
fact  that  the  Chaulukya  king  closed  his  reign  in  c.  A.D.  1143.  The 
statement  that  Govindachandra  invaded  Nepala,  China,  and  Tibet 
is  obviously  an  exaggeration.  It  will  appear  from  the  above  obser¬ 
vations  that  Govindachandra  came  into  conflict  with  the  Palas, 
Senas,  Gangas,  Kakatiyas,  Chalukyas,  Chandellas,  Chaulukyas  the 
Muslims,  and  the  Karnatakas  of  Mithila. 

Govindachandra  sent  his  ambassador  Suhala  to  the  court  of 
king  Jayasimha  of  the  Lohara  dynasty  of  Kashmir.  An  incomplete 
Inscription  at  Gangaikondachola-puram,  the  capital  of  the  Imperial 
Cholas,  which  was  executed  shortly  after  A.D.  1111,  draws  the 
genealogy  of  the  Gahadavalas  from  Yasovigraha  to  Chandra.  It 
seems  that  the  inscription  was  issued  by  a  Gahadavala  princess, 


53 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


who  was  married  to  a  king  or  a  scion  of  the  Chola  dynasty,  with 
a  view  to  record  some  grants  made  by  her.  This  reminds  us  of  the 
inscriptions  of  the  Vakataka  queen  Prabhavatidevi,  who  took 
scrupulous  care  to  mention  in  them  the  names  of  her  father,  grand¬ 
father,  and  great-grandfather.  Gold  and  copper  coins  of  Govinda- 
chandra  have  been  found.  The  king  was  acquainted  with  the 
various  branches  of  arts.  He  had  a  number  of  queens  one  of  whom 
was  Buddhist  Kumaradevi,  the  daughter  of  Devarakshita,  king  of 
PithI  and  daughter’s  daughter  of  the  Rashtrakuta  Mathanadeva, 
maternal  uncle  of  Ramapala.  Govindachandra  had  three  sons, 
Asphotachandra,  who  was  appointed  a  Yuvardja,  Vijayachandra, 
and  Rajyapala.  Asphotachandra  seems  to  have  predeceased  his 
father,  and  Vijayachandra  succeeded  to  the  throne  some  time  after 
A.D.  1154. 

The  known  dates  of  Vijayachandra  are  A.D.  1168  and  1169. 
Pratapadhavala  of  the  Khayaravala  dynasty  was  his  vassal  in 
western  Magadha.  Vijayachandra  repulsed  an  attack  of  the 
Muslims,  which  was  probably  led  by  Khusrav  Malik.  He  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  son  Jayachandra  in  A.D.  1170. 

The  inscriptions  of  Jayachandra  bear  dates  ranging  from 
A.D.  1170  to  1189.  They  prove  that  his  kingdom  included  the 
Gaya  District  besides  the  Doab,  Allahabad,  Banaras  and  Patna.  The 
Gaya  District  is  known  to  have  been  ruled  by  Govindapala  up  to 
A.D.  1162. 16  Probably  in  his  attempt  to  extend  the  boundary  of 
his  kingdom  further  east  Jayachandra  was  opposed  by  Lakshmana- 
sena  of  Bengal.  The  Sena  king  claims  to  have  defeated  the  king 
of  Kasi,  who  was  obviously  Jayachandra.  The  bards  narrate  a 
romantic  story  about  the  marriage  between  Jayachandra’s  daughter 
Samyogita  and  the  Chahamana  Prithviraja  III  of  Ajmer,  but  its 
authenticity  has  rightly  been  doubted  by  modern  scholars.  Jaya¬ 
chandra  was  a  patron  of  poets,  and  according  to  some  scholars, 
Srlharsha,  the  author  of  Naishadha-clnarita,  lived  in  his  court. 
Jayachandra  ruled  his  kingdom  peacefully  for  more  than  two  decades, 
but  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  he  met  with  a  severe  disaster. 
Mu‘izz-ud-dm  Muhammad  Ghuri,  after  conquering  Delhi  and  Ajmer 
from  the  Chahamanas,  advanced  with  a  large  army  against  Jaya¬ 
chandra  in  A.D.  1193.  Jayachandra  opposed  him  with  all  his  forces 
in  the  vicinity  of  Chandawar  in  the  Etawah  District.  In  the  battle 
that  followed  Jayachandra  lost  his  life  when  seated  on  an  elephant, 
and  the  Gahadavala  army  was  totally  defeated.  The  Muslims  next 
captured  the  fort  of  Asni  (in  the  Fatehpur  District)  where  the 
treasure  of  the  king  of  Banaras  was  deposited.  They  then  proceed¬ 
ed  to  Banaras  and  plundered  the  city.  The  government  of  the 


54 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


country  was  entrusted  to  a  responsible  officer,  but  the  Muslims 
could  not  keep  their  hold  on  the  newly  conquered  territory  for  a 
long  time.  As  Harischandra,  son  of  Jayachandra,  who  was  only 
18  years  old  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Chandawar,  was  in  possession 
of  Kanauj,  Jaunpur,  and  Mirzapur  Districts  in  A.D.  1197,  it  is 
obvious  that  he  succeeded  in  wresting  his  paternal  kingdom  from 
the  hands  of  the  Muslims.  The  Chandella  king  Trailokyavarman 
won  a  victory  over  a  king  of  Kanyakubja,  who  may  be  identified 
with  Harischandra.  Adakkamalla,  wTho  belonged  to  the  Gahadavala 
dynasty,  seems  to  have  been  Harischandra’s  successor.  During  the 
reign  of  Iltutmish  one  Bartu  was  the  ruler  of  Awadh.  Bartu  fought 
with  Iltutmish  and  is  said  to  have  killed  one  hundred  and  twenty 
thousand  Muslim  soldiers.  He  was  overthrown  and  killed  by 
Malik  Nasir-ud-din  Muhammad  Shah,  the  eldest  son  of  Iltutmish, 
in  A.D.  1226.  Bartu  might  have  been  a  feudatory  of  Adakkamalla, 
and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  is  identical  with  Bharahadeva  of  the 
Rashtrakuta  family.17  Kanauj  was  finally  conquered  by  Iltutmish. 
After  being  deprived  of  his  paternal  kingdom  Adakkamalla  settled 
in  the  Nagod  State,  Central  India.  His  feudatory  Mahamandadeva 
is  known  to  have  ruled  there  in  V.S.  1294(=  A.D.  1237).  The  name 
of  the  successor  of  Adakkamalla  is  not  known. 

VII.  THE  YADUVAMs!  KINGS  OF  BAYANA-SRIPATHA 

Tradition  relates  that  a  Yadu  dynasty  ruled  in  Bayana,  the 
modern  Bayana,  in  the  old  Bharatpur  State,  Rajputana  the  an¬ 
cient  name  of  which  was  Srlpatha.  The  traditional  list  of  kings  of 
this  dynasty,  as  given  by  the  bards,  is  partly  verified  by  the  epigra- 
phic  records.  These  records  prove  that  the  kingdom  of  this  dynasty 
comprised  the  old  Bharatpur  State  and  the  Mathura  District.  The 
king  Jaitapala  of  the  traditional  list  may  be  placed  in  the  first  half 
of  the  eleventh  century.  His  successor  was  Vijayapala,  who  may 
be  identified  with  the  king  Vijaya  of  the  Bayana  inscription,  dated 
A.D.  1044.  Vijayapala’s  successor  was  Tahanapala  who,  according 
to  tradition,  built  the  fort  of  Tahangarh,  14  miles  south  of  Bayana. 
Tahanapala  was  followed  in  succession  by  Dharmapala,  Kunwar- 
pala  and  Ajayapala.  Cunningham  suggests  that  there  is  a  chrono¬ 
logical  error  in  placing  Kunwarpala  before  Ajayapala.  It  is  known 
from  the  Mahaban  prasasti,  found  near  Mathura,  that  Maharaja - 
dhiraja  Ajayapala  was  ruling  in  A.D.  1150.  The  tradition  mentions 
Haripala  as  the  son  and  successor  of  Ajayapala.  An  inscription  of 
Haripala,  dated  A.D.  1170,  has  been  found  at  Mahaban.  Haripala 
was  succeeded  by  Sohapala.  An  image  inscription  of  the  reign  of 
Sahanapaladeva,  dated  A.D.  1192,  has  been  discovered  at  Aghapur, 


55 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


in  the  old  Bharatpur  State.  The  traditional  list  describes  Ananga- 
pala  as  the  successor  of  Sohapala  or  Sahanapala.  But  Sohapala’s 
successor  seems  to  have  been  Kunwarpala  who,  according  to  tradition, 
was  the  predecessor  of  Ajayapala.  For  Taj-ul-Ma’asir  states  that 
in  A.D.  1196  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  Ghuri  defeated  Kiinwar- 
pala,  the  Rai  of  Thangarh  (Tahangarh),  and  handed  the  fort  over 
to  Baha-ud-dln  Tughril.  Anangapala  may  be  taken  to  have  ascended 
the  throne  after  Kunwarpala.  Anangapala  was  followed  in  succes¬ 
sion  by  Prithvipala,  Rajapala  and  Trilokapala,  the  last  of  whom  may 
be  placed  at  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D. 

VIII.  THE  KACHCHHAPAGHATAS 

The  Kachchhapaghatas  are  generally  taken  to  be  the  pre¬ 
decessors  of  the  Rajput  clan  Kachwaha,  but  this  assumption  is  not 
based  on  any  historical  evidence.  Three  branches  of  the  Kachchha- 
paghata  family  are  known.  They  ruled  in  Gwalior,  Dubkund,  and 
Narwar. 

The  earliest  known  chief  of  the  Gwalior  (ancient  Gopadri) 
branch  is  Lakshmana,  but  the  territory  over  which  he  ruled  is  not 
known.  Gwalior  was  under  the  sway  of  the  Chandella  Dhanga,  a 
feudatory  of  the  Pratihara  Vinayakapala  of  Kanauj,  in  the  third  quar¬ 
ter  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.  In  or  before  A.D.  977  Maharajadhiraja 
Vajradaman,  son  of  Lakshmana,  established  his  supremacy  over 
Gwalior  by  defeating  the  king  of  Gadhinagara  (Kanauj),  who  may  be 
identified  with  the  Pratihara  Vijayapala.18  Vajradaman  was  follow¬ 
ed  in  succession  by  Mangalaraja  and  Klrttiraja.  Klrttiraja  repulsed 
an  attack  of  the  king  of  Malava,  who  may  be  identified  with  the  Para- 
mara  Bhoja.  It  is  probably  Klrttiraja  who  surrendered  to  Mahmud 
of  Ghazni  when  the  latter  invaded  Gwalior  in  A.D.  1021.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Muladeva,  Devapala  and  Padmapala,  one  after  the 
other.  Padmapala  probably  had  no  son  and,  after  his  death,  his 
brother  (cousin?)  Mahlpala,  son  of  Suryapala,  ascended  the  throne. 
Suryapala  was  probably  a  brother  of  Devapala.  Mahlpala,  who  is 
known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1093,  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Ratnapala  some  time  before  A.D.  1104.  Names  of  the  successors  of 
Ratnapala  are  not  known.  In  A.D.  1196  the  Muslims  conquered 
Gwalior  after  repeated  assaults  extending  over  a  year,  as  will  be 
related  later. 

During  the  weak  rule  of  Aram  Shah  (A.D.  1210-11),  son  of 
Qutb-ud-din,  the  Pratihara  chief  Vigraha  established  the  supremacy 
of  his  family  in  Gwalior  by  defeating  the  Muslims.  His  son  and 
successor  Malayavarman,  who  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D. 
1220,  married  the  daughter  of  the  Chahamana  Kelhana  of  Nadol. 


56 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


Cunningham  ascribes  some  coins,  the  dates  of  which  extend  from 
A.D.  1223  to  1230,  bearing  the  name  Malayavarman,  to  this  king. 
Iltutmish  conquered  Gwalior  by  defeating  Dewbul  (Devavarma?), 
probably  the  successor  of  Malayavarman.  It  was  probably  during 
the  rule  of  Rukn-ud-dln,  son  of  Iltutmish,  that  Gwalior  was  recon¬ 
quered  by  Nrivarman  (Naravarman),  brother  of  Malayavarman, 
who  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1247.  Naravarman’s 
successor  seems  to  have  been  Hariraja,  who  suffered  a  defeat  at  the 
hands  of  the  Chandella  Viravarman.  Balban  conquered  Gwalior 
in  A.D.  1258  and  placed  Malik  Nusrat-ud-din  in  charge  of  it. 

A  branch  of  the  Kachchhapaghata  family  ruled  apparently 
from  the  city  of  Chadobha,  which  is  to  be  identified  with  Dubkund, 
on  the  Kunu  river,  76  miles  south-west  of  Gwalior.  The  earliest 
known  ruler  of  the  family  is  Arjuna,  the  son  of  Yuvaraja,  and  a 
feudatory  of  the  Chandella  Vidyadhara.  He  killed  the  Pratihara 
Rajyapala  of  Kanauj,  and  his  son  and  successor  Abhimanyu  was  an 
ally  of  the  Paramara  Bhoja.  Abhimanyu  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Vijayapala,  who  was  again  succeeded  by  his  son  Vikramasimha,  the 
known  date  of  whose  reign  is  A.D.  1088. 

A  third  branch  of  the  Kachchhapaghata  family  ruled  in  Narwar, 
the  ancient  Nalapura.  Three  generations  of  kings  of  this  family 
are  known  to  us.  They  are  Gangasimha,  his  successor  Saradasimha, 
and  the  latter’s  successor  Virasimha,  who  issued  an  inscription  from 
the  Nalapura-dwrgfa  (fort)  in  A.D.  1120. 

In  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  Yajvapala  or 
Jajapella  dynasty  established  its  supremacy  over  Narwar.  The 
earliest  known  chief  of  this  dynasty  is  Ya(Pa)ramadiraja,  whose 
son  was  Chahadadeva.  Chahadadeva  captured  Narwar  and  esta¬ 
blished  his  supremacy  there.  He  was  the  greatest  of  the  kings  in 
the  region  of  Gwalior,  Chanderi,  Narwar  and  Malava  during  this 
period.  He  had  5000  cavalry  and  200,000  footmen.  He  built  a 
fortress  among  the  defiles  and  passes  near  Narwar,  and  inflicted  a 
severe  defeat  on  Malik  Nusrat-ud-din  Tayasai,  a  general  of  Iltutmish, 
on  the  bank  of  the  small  river  Sindh  in  A.D.  1234.  Tayasai  is  said 
to  have  never  shown  his  back  to  the  enemies  in  Hindustan  except 
on  this  occasion.  In  A.D.  1251  during  the  Sultanate  of  Nasir-ud-dln 
his  general  Balban  inflicted  a  defeat  on  Chahadadeva  and  plundered 
his  fort  but  could  not  establish  his  supremacy  there.  Chahadadeva’s 
coins  bear  dates  extending  from  A.D.  1237  to  1254.  He  was  succeed¬ 
ed  by  his  son  Nrivarman,  who  was  again  succeeded  by  his  son 
Asalladeva.  Asalladeva  ruled  from  A.D.  1254  to  1279  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Gopala,  who  suffered  a  defeat  at  the  hands 


57 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

of  the  Chandella  VIravarman.  The  reign  of  Gopala’s  son  Ganapati 
covers  the  period  A.D.  1291  to  1298.  Ganapati  conquered  Kirttidurga, 
which  is  identified  with  Deogarh,  in  the  Jhansi  District.  Nothing 
is  known  of  the  family  after  Ganapati. 

IX.  THE  CHANDELLAS 

The  Chandella  king  Dhanga,  who  raised  his  family  to  the  rank 

of  the  principal  ruling  dynasties  of  the  age,  was  succeeded  by  his 

son  Ganda  some  time  after  A.D.  1002.  Ganda’s  son  and  successor 
•  •  •  • 

was  Vidyadhara  whose  feudatory,  Kachchhapaghata  Arjuna,  killed 
the  Pratlhara  Rajyapala.  Once  in  A.D.  1019,  and  again  in  A.D.  1022, 
Mahmud  of  Ghazni  invaded  Kalanjara,  but  could  not  plunder  it. 
He  received  a  large  amount  of  money  from  Vidyadhara,  and  esta¬ 
blished  a  friendly  relation  with  him.  Vidyadhara  fought  success¬ 
fully  with  the  Paramara  Bhoja,  and  Kalachuri-chandra,  who  seems 
to  have  been  no  other  than  Kokalla  II  of  Tripurl.  Vidyadhara’s  son 
and  successor  Vijayapala  won  a  victory  over  the  Kalachuri  Gangeya- 
deva.  Vijayapala  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Devendravarman,  who 
is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1050.  After  Devendravarman 
his  younger  brother  Kirttivarman  ascended  the  throne  some  time 
before  A.D.  1073.  In  the  early  part  of  his  reign  the  Kalachuri  Karna 
defeated  him  and  occupied  his  kingdom  for  some  time.  But  even¬ 
tually  Gopala,  the  chief  of  the  vassals  of  Kirttivarman,  succeeded  in 
defeating  Karna  and  reconquering  the  country  for  his  master.  Some 
time  before  A.D.  1090  Kirttivarman  fought  successfully  with  Mah« 
mud,  governor  of  the  Punjab  under  the  Ghaznavids,  who  invaded 
Kalanjara.  Kirttivarman,  who  is  described  as  the  crest-jewel  of 
Pltasaila,  and  who  is  known  to  have  resided  for  some  time  in  the  Pita 
mountain,  fought  a  battle  there  with  an  enemy,  who  was  probably 
Vapullaka,  a  general  of  Kalachuri  Karna.  His  minister  Vatsaraja 
wrested  from  the  enemy  the  whole  of  the  Mandala  and  built  the  fort 
of  Klrttigiri,  which,  as  already  mentioned,  is  identified  with  Deogarh, 
in  the  Jhansi  District,  where  Kirttivarman’s  inscription  has  been 
found  engraved  on  a  rock.  Some  gold  coins  of  his  reign  have  been 
discovered.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sallakshanavarman,  who 
plundered  Malava  after  defeating  the  Paramara  Naravarman,  and 
won  a  victory  over  a  Chedi  king  who  was  probably  the  Kalachuri 
Yasahkarna.  Sallakshanavarman  crushed  the  refractory  elements 
in  the  AntarvedI  (the  land  between  the  Ganga  and  Yamuna),  which 
was  then  ruled  by  the  Gahadavalas.  In  or  before  A.D.  1117  he 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Jayavarman  who,  after  a  short  reign,  ab¬ 
dicated  his  throne  in  favour  of  his  uncle  Prithvivarman,  younger 


58 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

brother  of  Sallakshanavarman.  Prithvlvarman  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Madanavarman,  the  extreme  known  dates  of  whose  reign 
are  A.D.  1129  and  1163.  Madanavarman’s  inscriptions  prove  that 
his  kingdom  included  Bhilsa,  Mau  in  the  Jhansi  District,  Ajaigarh, 
20  miles  south-west  of  Kalanjara,  and  Chhatarpur,  besides  Khaj- 
raho  (also  spelt  as  Khajuraho),  Mahoba,  and  Kalanjara.  He  annex¬ 
ed  Bhilsa  by  defeating  the  Paramara  Yasovarman.  He  fought  with 
the  Gahadavala  Govindachandra,  who  also  claims  to  have  conquered 
Dasarna  or  the  Bhilsa  region.  He  vanquished  in  a  fierce  fight  the 
king  of  Chedi,  who  is  to  be  identified  with  the  Kalachuri  Gayakarna. 
The  Chaulukya  Jayasimha-Siddharaja  of  Gujarat  invaded  Mahoba 
after  his  conquest  of  Dhara.  Madanavarman  successfully  defended 
his  capital,  though  he  had  to  surrender  Bhilsa  to  the  invader.  The 
coins  of  Jayavarman,  Prithvlvarman,  and  Madanavarman  have  been 
found.  Madanavarman  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson  Paramardi, 
son  of  Yasovarman,  shortly  before  A.D.  1165. 

Inscriptions  of  Paramardi’s  reign,  which  bear  dates  ranging 
between  A.D.  1165  and  1201,  prove  that  he  succeeded  in  maintain¬ 
ing  his  paternal  kingdom  intact  for  a  very  long  time.  The  fact  that 
he  assumed  the  title  “the  lord  of  Dasarna”  indicates  that  he  was  able 
to  recover  Bhilsa  from  the  Chaulukyas  some  time  after  A.D.  1173, 
up  to  which  date  it  is  known  to  have  formed  a  part  of  the  kingdom 
of  Gujarat.  In  or  before  A.D.  1182  the  Chahamana  Prithviraja  III 
defeated  Paramardi  and  overran  Jejakabhukti-mandaZa.  In  A.D. 
1202  Qutb-ud-din  invested  Kalanjara.  After  offering  some  opposition 
Paramardi  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  Muslim  general  on  condition 
of  payment  of  tribute  and  elephants.  His  minister  Aj  Deo  (Ajaya- 
deva)  disapproved  of  the  ignominious  conduct  of  his  master,  killed 
him  before  he  could  fulfil  the  treaty  conditions,  and  renewed  the 
fight.  Ajayadeva  had  ultimately  to  surrender  after  a  valiant  de¬ 
fence  due  to  shortage  of  water  in  the  fort.  Qutb-ud-din  plundered 
Kalanjara  and  conquered  Mahoba.  Hazabbar-ud-dln  Hasan  Arnal 
was  appointed  governor  of  Kalanjara. 

The  Muslims  could  not  keep  Kalanjara  under  their  control  for 
a  long  time.  Paramardi’s  son  Trailokyavarman,  also  known  as 
Trailokyamalla,  inflicted  a  severe  defeat  on  the  Muslims  at  Kakada- 
daha,  modern  Kakadwa,  south-east  of  Bedwara,  some  time  before 
A.D.  1205,  and  recovered  all  the  territories  including  Kalanjara. 
His  inscriptions,  which  bear  dates  from  A.D.  1205  to  1241, 
prove  that  Lalitpur,  Chattarpur  State,  Panna  State,  Ajaigarh 
State,  and  Rewah  State  were  included  in  his  kingdom.  In 
A.D.  1211-1212  he  wrested  Rewah,  in  Baghelkhand,  and  probably  the 


59 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


whole  of  Dahala-matidala  from  the  Kalachuri  Vijayasirhha.  Dahala 
formed  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  his  grandson  Hammlravarman. 
Samanta  (feudatory)  Sallakshanavarman  of  the  Kaurava  Vamsa, 
whose  headquarters  were  at  Kakaredika,  modern  Kakeri  on  the 
border  of  the  Panna  and  the  Rewah  States,  owed  allegiance  to  the 
Kalachuris.  His  son  Hariraja  and  his  grandson  Kumarapala  trans¬ 
ferred  their  allegiance  to  Trailokyavarman.  One  Bhojuka  overran 
Bundelkhand  and  reduced  Trailokyavarman  to  a  critical  position. 
Vaseka,  an  officer  of  Jayadurga  i.e.  Ajaigarh,  defeated  and  killed 
Bhojuka  and  “made  Trailokyavarman  again  the  ornament  of  the 
princely  families.”  Kielhorn  identifies  Bhojuka  with  the  father  of 
Abhayadeva,  who  is  known  to  have  lived  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Ajaigarh  in  or  before  A.D.  1268  during  the  reign  of  the  Chandella 
Viravarman.  Vaseka’s  brother  Ananda,  who  was  in  charge  of  Jaya¬ 
durga,  claims  to  have  established  peace  and  order  in  the  kingdom 
of  Trailokyavarman  by  subduing  the  wild  tribes  of  the  Bhillas, 
Sabaras,  and  the  Pulindas.  Malik  Nusrat-ud-din  Tayasal,  a  general 
of  Iltutmish,  invaded  Kalanjara,  and  obtained  vast  wealth  by 
plundering  the  townships  of  that  territory.  Trailokyavarman  had 
not,  however,  to  suffer  any  loss  of  territory  on  that  occasion.  He 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Viravarman  whose  earliest  known  date 
is  A.D.  1254.  Viravarman’s  inscriptions  prove  that  he  succeeded  in 
maintaining  intact  the  kingdom  which  he  had  inherited  from  his 
father.  His  officer  Mallaya  won  victories  over  Hariraja  of  Gwalior, 
Gopala  of  Nalapura  (Narwar),  and  the  king  of  Mathura.  His  sub¬ 
ordinate  Rauta  Abhi  showed  great  valour  in  a  tussle  with  Dabhyu- 
hadavarman  in  a  battle  at  Sondhi,  which  is  identified  with  the  Seon- 
dha  fort,  now  called  Kanhargarh,  on  the  bank  of  the  Sindh  river 
in  old  Datia  State.  Viravarman  -was  succeeded  by  Bhojavarman,  who 
was  probably  his  son,  some  time  between  A.D.  1285  and  1288.  Bhoja¬ 
varman  ruled  for  a  very  short  period  and  was  succeeded  in  A.  D.  1289 
by  Hammlravarman,  who  seems  to  have  been  his  younger  brother. 
Hammlravarman’s  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1289,  draws  the  genea¬ 
logy  from  ParamardI,  but  does  not  mention  the  name  of  Bhoja¬ 
varman.  It  gives  the  title  Shahi  to  all  the  Chandella  kings  it  men¬ 
tions.  Hammlravarman’s  inscriptions  prove  that  he  was  in  possession 
of  the  Damoh  and  Jabalpur  Districts,  which  were  situated  in  the 
ancient  Dahala  country.  The  last  known  date  of  his  reign  is 
A.D.  1308.  In  A.D.  1309  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Khaljl  wrested  Damoh  District 
from  Hammlravarman  or  his  successor.  The  next  known  king  of 
Bundelkhand  is  Viravarman  II,  who  is  known  to  have  been  ruling 
in  A.D.  1315.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  successors  of  Viravarman  II. 


60 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 
X.  THE  KALACHURIS 
1.  The  Kalachuris  of  Tripurl 

The  Kalachuris  of  Dahala,  the  country  round  Jabalpur,  in 
Madhya  Pradesh,  acquired  more  power  and  prestige  during  the  reign 
of  Kokalla  II’s  son  Gangeyadeva,  who  assumed  the  title  Vikram- 
dditya.  He  involved  himself  in  a  number  of  wars  with  his  neighbours 
for  the  expansion  of  his  kingdom.  He  made  a  confederacy  with  the 
Paramara  Bhoja  and  Rajendra  Chola,  and  invaded  the  Deccan,  which 
was  then  ruled  by  the  Chalukya  Jayasimha  II.  But  the  Chalukyas 
succeeded  in  dispersing  them.  An  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1019,  states 
that  Jayasimha  defeated  Bhoja  and  put  to  fight  the  confederacy 
of  Malava.  This  indicates  that  Gangeyadeva  came  to  the  throne 
before  A.D.  1019.  He  invaded  Kosala,  and  defeated  its  kings,  who 
seems  to  have  been  the  Somavaiiasi  Mahasivagupta  Yayati.  It  is 
known  from  another  source  that  Mahasivagupta  Yayati  laid  waste 
the  Dahala  country  after  defeating  the  Chedis  before  the  8th  year  of 
his  reign.  His  adversary  on  that  occasion  was  either  Gangeyadeva 
or  his  father  Kokalla  II.  After  victory  over  the  Somavamsls 
Gangeyadeva  conquered  Utkala  and  reached  the  shore  of  the  sea.v 
He  was  assisted  in  that  expedition  by  Kamalaraja  of  the  Kalachuri 
family  of  Tummana.  It  was  probably  after  this  that  Gangeyadeva 
assumed  the  title  ‘Trikalingadhipati’  or  the  lord  of  Trikalinga.  Sub¬ 
sequently  he  quarrelled  with  his  former  ally  Bhoja,  who  inflicted  a 
defeat  on  him.  His  attempt  to  assert  supremacy  over  Bundelkhand 
was  frustrated  by  Chandella  Vijayapala.  On  the  north-east,  how¬ 
ever,  he  achieved  a  unique  success.  He  was  already  in  possession  of 
Baghelkhand.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1034  he  conquered  Banaras 
and  annexed  it  to  his  kingdom.  Banaras  formed  part  of  the  kingdom 
of  Chandella  Dhahga  but,  as  suggested  above,  Pala  Mahipala  I  was 
probably  in  possession  of  it  in  A.D.  1026,  and  Gangeyadeva  conquer¬ 
ed  it  from  him.  As  about  this  time  Pratihara  Yasahpala  was  in 
possession  of  the  Allahabad  region,  Gangeyadeva  could  not  evidently 
extend  his  supremacy  beyond  Banaras  on  the  west.  On  the  east  he 
led  a  successful  expedition  against  Anga  or  Bhagalpur,  which  was 
within  the  kingdom  of  Mahipala  I  of  Gauda,  but  could  not  annex  any 
part  of  Magadha  or  Tirabhukti.  In  A.D.  1034  Gangeyadeva  had  to 
bear  the  brunt  of  an  attack  of  the  Muslims.  Ahmad  Niyaltigin, 
governor  of  the  Punjab  under  the  Ghaznavids,  plundered  Banaras, 
and  carried  away  immense  riches.  Gangeyadeva  launched  a  success 
ful  expedition  against  the  Kira  country,  modern  Kangra  valley  in 
the  Punjab,  which  was  under  the  sway  of  the  Muslims. 

Gold,  silver,  and  copper  coins  of  Gangeyadeva  have  been  found 
in  large  number.  He  is  said  to  have  died  in  the  sacred  city  of  Prayaga 


61 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(Allahabad)  along  with  his  one  hundred  wives.  He  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Lakshmlkama  better  known  as  Karna.  The  latest  defi¬ 
nite  date  of  Gangeyadeva’s  reign  is  A.D.  1034  when,  as  Baihaqi  tells 
us,  Gangeyadeva  was  ruling  in  Banaras.  The  date  of  the  Paiwan 
rock  inscription  of  his  reign  is  read  by  Cunningham  as  (K.E.)  789  (= 
A.D.  1038),  but  both  Kielhorn  and  Bhandarkar  regard  it  as  doubtful. 
Karna  performed  the  annual  sraddha  ceremony  of  his  father  in 
A.D.  1042  and  this  has  been  taken  by  some  to  prove  that  Gangeya- 
deva  died  in  A.D.  1041.  But  this  inference  can  hardly  be  regarded 
as  correct.  Attention  may  be  drawn  to  the  fact  that  Gahadavala 
Govindachandra  performed  in  A.D.  1117  the  annual  sraddha  cere¬ 
mony  of  his  father  Madanachandra,  who  died  before  A.D.  1114.  So 
the  date  of  Kama’s  accession  to  the  throne  is  to  be  placed  between 
A.D.  1034  and  1042. 

Karna  was  one  of  the  greatest  generals  of  the  age.  His  inscrip¬ 
tions  prove  that  Banaras  and  Allahabad  were  included  in  his  kingdom 
and  that  he  occupied  Radha  (West  Bengal)  for  some  time.  He 
wrested  Allahabad  from  Pratihara  Yasahpala  some  time  after 
A.D.  1037  and,  in  course  of  conquest,  reached  the  Kira  country  where 
he  won  a  victory  over  the  Muslims.  His  kingdom  in  U.P.  was  bound¬ 
ed  on  the  west  by  that  of  the  Rashtrakutas  of  Kanauj.  On  the  east 
he  led  two  expeditions,  one  against  the  Pala  Nayapala,  and  the  other 
against  the  latter’s  son  Vigrahapala  III.  Both  these  expeditions 
eventually  proved  to  be  abortive.  He  concluded  a  treaty  with  the 
Palas  by  giving  his  daughter  Yauvanasri  in  marriage  to  Vigrahapala. 
Though  he  could  not  assert  his  supremacy  over  any  part  of  the  king¬ 
dom  of  the  Palas  he  succeeded  in  occupying  Radha  probably  by 
defeating  king  Ranasura  or  his  successor.  He  invaded  Vahga,  and 
claims  to  have  conquered  it.  The  king  of  Vahga  at  this  time  was  Jata- 
varman  who  concluded  a  treaty  with  him  and  married  his  daughter 
Virasri.  The  Rewah  inscription  of  Kama,  dated  A.D.  1048,  states 
that  “the  ship  of  the  king  of  the  Eastern  country  ( Purvavaniraja - 
pota),  being  driven  by  the  storm  of  unparalleled  arrogance,  was  sub¬ 
merged  in  the  ocean  of  his  ( i.e .  Karna’s)  forces,  its  joints  being  rent 
by  (dashing  against)  the  promontories  of  the  mountains  of  his  ele¬ 
phants.”  It  means  that  a  king  of  the  eastern  country  led  an  aggres¬ 
sive  campaign  against  Karna  but  was  repulsed  by  the  latter.  Accord¬ 
ing  to  the  lexicographers  of  this  age  Purva-desa  or  the  Eastern 
country  lay  to  the  east  of  Banaras.  So  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain 
whether  the  king  of  the  eastern  country,  referred  to,  was  Nayapala  of 
Gauda,  Vajravarman  or  Jatavarman  of  Vanga,  or  a  successor  of 
Ranasura  of  Radha.  How  long  Kama  succeeded  in  keeping  his  hold 
over  Radha  cannot  be  ascertained.  After  the  decline  of  the  supre¬ 
macy  of  Karna  in  that  country,  the  Sena  dynasty  rose  into  power. 


62 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


Karna  led  successful  expeditions  against  Odra  and  Kalinga.  His 
adversary  in  Kalinga  was  Vajrahasta  V  of  the  Ganga  dynasty.  He 
overran  Kanchl -vishaya,  modern  Conjeeveram,  Madras,  which  was 
then  ruled  by  the  Chola  Rajadhiraja  or  Rajendradeva.  He  claims  to 
have  defeated  the  Pallavas  (of  Nolambavadi) ,  the  Kungas  of  Salem 
and  Coimbatore  Districts,  Madras,  the  Muralas  of  the  Malabar  coast, 
and  the  Pandyas  of  Madura.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  chiefs  of  all 
these  countries  formed  a  confederacy  under  the  leadership  of  the 
Chola  king,  and  opposed  Karna.  Karna  won  a  victory  over  the  king 
of  Kuntala,  who  was  obviously  the  Chalukya  Somesvara  I.  His  in¬ 
vasion  of  Southern  India  and  the  Deccan  must  have  been  completed 
before  A.D.  1048,  the  date  of  the  Rewah  inscription,  which  mentions 
his  fight  with  the  people  of  those  countries.  Some  time  after 
A.D.  1051  Karna  captured  Bundelkhand  by  defeating  the  Chandella 
Klrttivarman.  Subsequently  Gopala,  a  feudatory  of  the  Chandellas, 
drove  him  out,  and  helped  Klrttivarman  in  regaining  his  throne. 
Karna  raided  the  Huna-raancZala,  which  was  situated  to  the  north¬ 
west  of  Malava.  He  made  an  alliance  with  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  I 
of  Gujarat  for  a  simultaneous  attack  on  the  kingdom  of  the  Paramara 
Bhoja  from  the  east  and  west.  When  the  battle  between  the  Kala- 
churis  and  the  Chaulukyas  on  one  side  and  the  Paramaras  on  the 
other  was  in  progress,  Bhoja  died  of  a  disease  in  c.  A.D.  1055,  and 
Malawa  was  taken  possession  of  by  the  invaders.  In  that  difficult 
circumstance  Bhoja’s  son  Jayasimha  appealed  to  the  Chalukya 
Somesvara  I  for  help.  Somesvara  I  sent  his  son  Vikramaditya  VI 
to  render  assistance  to  the  Paramaras.  Vikramaditya  drove  out 
Karna  and  Bhima  and  secured  the  throne  of  Malava  for  Jayasimha. 
Subsequently  a  quarrel  broke  out  between  Karna  and  Bhima  on  the 
division  of  the  spoils  of  their  victory  in  Malava.  Bhima  invaded 
Dahala  with  a  large  army  and  forced  Karna  to  surrender  to  him  the 
golden  mandapika,  which  he  had  wrested  from  Bhoja  together  with 
elephants  and  horses.  Thus  though  Karna  fought  a  number  of  battles 
with  many  powers  far  and  near,  throughout  the  greater  part  of  his 
life,  he  did  not  get  much  material  advantage  from  them.  Allahabad 
is  the  only  country  which  he  succeeded  in  adding  to  his  paternal 
kingdom. 

Karna  assumed  the  title  Trikalingadhipati.  He  built  a  temple 
at  Banaras  and  founded  a  city  near  Jabalpur.  He  married  Aval- 
ladevi  of  the  Huna  family,  who  gave  birth  to  a  son  Yasahkarna.  In 
his  old  age  Karna  seems  to  have  abdicated  his  throne  in  favour  of 
Yasahkarna  shortly  before  A.D.  1073. 

In  the  early  part  of  his  reign  Yasahkarna  led  two  aggressive 
campaigns,  one  against  Champaranya,  modern  Champaran  in  North 
Bihar,  and  the  other  against  the  Andhra  country,  which  was  then 


63 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ruled  by  Vijayaditya  VII  of  the  Eastern  Chalukya  dynasty.  He  had 
to  fight  a  number  of  battles  in  defence  of  his  kingdom.  Jayasimha, 
younger  brother  of  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI,  raided  Dahala 
before  A.D.  1081,  while  Chandradeva  of  the  Gahadavala  dynasty 
wrested  Allahabad  and  Banaras.  Paramara  Lakshmadeva  plun¬ 
dered  his  capital  Tripuri,  and  encamped  on  the  Reva  for  some  time. 
The  Chandella  Sallakshanavarman  claims  to  have  defeated  a  king 
of  Chedi,  who  was  in  all  probability  Yasahkarna.  All  these  succes¬ 
sive  foreign  invasions  weakened  the  foundation  of  the  Kalachuri 
kingdom.  Yasahkarna  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Gayakarna  some 
time  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D. 

Gayakarna  suffered  a  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Chandella 
Madanavarman.  Merutunga  relates  a  story  that  Karna,  king  of 
Dahala,  led  an  army  against  king  Kumarapala  of  Gujarat.  Once 
in  course  of  his  march  when  he  fell  asleep  on  the  back  of  his  ele¬ 
phant  in  the  night  time  his  necklace,  caught  in  a  branch  of  a  tree, 
hanged  him  to  death.  If  there  is  any  truth  in  the  narrative,  the 
Dahala  king,  referred  to,  is  to  be  identified  with  Gayakarna,  who  is 
known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1151.  He  was  succeeded  by  his 
elder  son  Narasimha  before  A.D.  1155.  Some  time  between  A.D. 
1159  and  1167  Narasimha  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  bro¬ 
ther  Jayasirhha.  The  Kauravas  of  Kakaredika,  modern  Kakeri,  on 
the  border  of  the  Panna  and  Rewah  States,  were  his  vassals.  In 
the  early  part  of  his  reign  Jayasimha  fought  successfully  with  the 
king  of  Gurjara,  evidently  Chaulukya  Kumarapala,  and  the  king  of 
Kuntala,  who  is  to  be  identified  with  the  Kalachuri  Bijjala  of  the 
Deccan.  About  this  time  he  repulsed  an  attack  of  the  Turushkas. 
This  Turushka  invasion  is  obviously  the  one  led  by  Khusrav  Malik 
which  was  repulsed  by  the  Gahadavala  Vijayachandra.  It  cannot 
be  said  definitely  whether  Jayasimha  made  a  common  cause  with 
the  Gahadavalas  against  the  Muslims  on  that  occasion.  Some  time 
between  A.D.  1177  and  1180  Jayasiriiha  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Vi  jayasimha,  the  last  known  king  of  this  branch  of  the  Kalachuri 
dynasty.  Inscriptions  of  Vijayasimha’s  reign  prove  that  he  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  maintaining  his  hold  over  Baghelkhand  and  the  Dahala- 
mandala  up  to  A.D.  1211,  but  within  a  year  Chandella  Trailokya- 
varman  wrested  from  him  Baghelkhand,  and  possibly  the  whole  of 
the  Dahala-mandala.  He  had  a  son,  named  Mahakumara  Ajaya- 
simha,  but  nothing  is  known  of  him. 

2.  The  Kalachuris  of  Ratanpur 

Kalihgaraja,  a  remote  descendant  of  one  of  the  younger  sons  of 
Kokalla  I,  the  founder  of  the  Kalachuri  dynasty  of  Tripuri,  conquered 
Dakshina-Kosala  and  established  his  capital  at  Tummana,  modern 


64 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

village  of  Tumana,  in  the  Lapha  zamindari ,  Bilaspur  District,  Madhya 
Pradesh,  in  the  early  years  of  the  eleventh  century.  He  ruled 
there  as  a  feudatory  of  the  Kalachuris  of  Tripuri.  His  son  and 
successor  Kamalaraja  helped  his  overlord  Kalachuri  Gangeyadeva  in 
conquering  Utkala.  Kamalaraja  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Ratna- 
raja,  who  founded  the  city  of  Ratnapura,  modern  Ratanpur,  16  miles 
north  of  Bilaspur.  Ratnaraja  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Prithvldeva, 
who  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1079.  It  was  probably 
during  his  reign  that  Ratanpur  was  made  the  second  capital  of  his 
family.  His  son  and  successor  Jajalladeva  I,  who  issued  an  inscrip¬ 
tion  in  A.D.  1114,  became  independent  during  the  latter  part  of 
Yasahkarna’s  reign  when  the  power  of  the  Kalachuris  of  Tripuri 
began  to  decline.  He  was  in  friendly  relation  with  Gahadavala 
Govindachandra  and  Chandella  Sallakshanavarman.  He  took  as 
prisoner  Somes  vara,  the  Naga  ruler  of  Chakrakota  (in  the  Bastar 
State),  who  had  occupied  a  part  of  Dakshina-Kosala.  He  invaded 
Orissa  and  defeated  Bhujavala,  the  chief  of  Suvarnapura,  modern 
Sonpur.  He  claims  to  have  received  tributes  from  the  chiefs  of  the 
Mandalas  of  Dakshina-Kosala,  Andhra,  Khimidi,  Vairagara,  Lanjika, 
Bhanara,  Talahari,  Dandakapura,  Nandavall  and  Kukkuta.  Khimidi 
is  Khimidi  in  the  Ganjam  District,  Orissa;  Vairagara  is  Wairagarh 
in  the  Chanda  District,  Madhya  Pradesh;  Lanjika  is  Lanji  in  the 
Balaghat  District,  Madhya  Pradesh;  and  Dandakapura  may  be  identi¬ 
fied  with  Dandaka  on  the  border  of  Seuna -dcsa.  It  is  hardly  likely 
that  he  levied  any  tribute  from  Andhra,  which  was  within  the  king¬ 
dom  of  Kulottunga  Chola  I.  Jajalladeva  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Ratnadeva  II  before  A.D.  1126. 

Ratnadeva  II  repulsed  an  attack  of  Anantavarman  Chodaganga, 
who  was  joined  by  one  Jatesvara,  and  of  Gokarna,  a  feudatory  of 
the  Kakatlya  Prola  II;  and  his  minister  Jagapala  conquered  for  him 
Talahara-bhiimi.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Prithvldeva  II  some 
time  between  A.D.  1128  and  1141.  Prithvldeva  II  also  repulsed  an 
attack  of  king  Jatesvara,  and  his  minister  Jagapala  conquered  the 
forts  of  Saraharagadh,  Mavakasiha(va),  and  Bhramaravadra- 
desa,  and  took  Kantara,  Kusuma-bhoga,  Kandase(hva)ra,  and 
Kakayara-desc.  His  younger  son  Jajalla  II  succeeded  him  after 
A.D.  1158,  and  this  new  king’s  reign  period  covered  the  years 
A.D.  1161  to  1167.  Jajalla  II  succeeded  in  averting  the  trouble 
created  by  one  Dhlru,  who  reduced  him  to  such  a  critical  posi¬ 
tion  that  he  was  about  to  lose  his  sovereignty.  He  was  succeeded 
by  his  elder  brother  Jagaddeva  who  lived,  before  his  accession,  in 
the  Eastern  country  {prag-desa) .  Some  time  before  A.D.  1181  Jagad¬ 
deva  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Ratnadeva  III,  who  was  followed 
on  the  throne  by  his  sons  Prithvldeva  III  and  Pratapamalla  in 

65 


S.E. — 5 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


succession.  Pratapamalla  was  a  boy  at  the  time  of  his  accession 
and  his  kingdom  seems  to  have  been  invaded  by  Vishnu,  a  minister 
of  the  Ganga  Anahga-Bhima  III  of  Kalinga.  He  reigned  at  least  up 
to  A.D.  1218,  but  nothing  definitely  is  known  of  his  successor. 

Petty  chiefs  of  a  Kalachuri  family  are  known  to  have  ruled 
in  the  region  of  Kasia  in  the  Gorakhpur  District,  U.P.,  from  the 
ninth  to  twelfth  century  A.D. 

XI.  THE  PARAMARAS 
1.  The  Paramaras  of  Mdlava 

The  Paramaras,  who  consolidated  their  power  and  position 
under  Munja  and  Sindhuraja,19  rose  to  imperial  rank  during  the 
reign  of  Sindhuraja’s  son  and  successor  Bhoja,  who  ascended  the 
throne  of  Malava  in  c.  A.D.  1000.  Inscriptions  of  his  reign  bear 
dates  ranging  from  A.D.  1020  to  1047,  and  his  kingdom  extended 
up  to  Chitor,  Banswara,  Dungarpur,  Bhilsa,  Khandesh,  Konkan,  and 
upper  courses  of  the  Godavari.  In  the  early  part  of  his  reign  he 
made  a  confederacy  with  the  Kalachuri  Gangeyadeva  and  Rajendra 
Chola  of  Tanjore  for  an  invasion  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Chalukya 
Jayasimha  of  Kalyana.  Though  he  and  his  allies  at  first  won  some 
victories  they  were  ultimately  routed  by  Jayasimha.  Jayasimha’s 
son  Somesvara  I,  who  came  to  the  throne  of  the  Deccan  in  A.D. 
1042,  avenged  himself  of  the  wrong  done  to  his  father  by  plunder¬ 
ing  Dhara,  Ujjain,  and  Mandu,  and  forcing  Bhoja  to  flee  away  from 
his  capital. 

During  his  southern  campaign  Bhoja  inflicted  a  defeat  on  Indra- 

ratha,  the  ruler  of  Adinagara,  or  Nagara,  modern  Mukhalingam, 

in  the  Ganjam  District,  Orissa.  He  probably  fought  this  battle  in 

association  with  Rajendra  Chola,  who  also  claims  to  have  defeated 

this  ruler  of  Adinagara.  In  A.D.  1020  Bhoja  conquered  Konkana, 

apparently  by  defeating  the  Silahara  Kesideva,  and  annexed  it  to 

his  kingdom.  Klrttiraja  of  the  Chaulukya  dynasty  of  Lata  or 

southern  Gujarat,  whose  kingdom  lay  to  the  north  of  that  of  the 

Silaharas,  had  also  to  bear  the  brunt  of  his  sword.  Bhoja’s  attempt 

to  assert  his  supremacy  over  Bundelkhand  was  frustrated  by  Chan- 

della  Vidyadhara.  Bhoja  made  an  alliance  with  Kachchhapaghata 

Abhimanyu  of  Dubkund  and  received  military  assistance  from  him 

in  his  northern  campaigns.  He  tried  to  capture  Gwalior  but  was 

stoutly  resisted  by  the  Kachchhapaghata  Klrttiraja.  About  this 

time  he  seems  to  have  come  into  clash  with  the  Rashtrakutas  of  Kan- 

•  • 

yakubja,  but  could  not  gain  any  material  advantage  over  them.  He 
invaded  Sakambharl  and  forced  Chahamana  Viryarama  to  submit. 
His  endeavour  to  conquer  Nadol,  in  southern  Marwar,  by  defeating 


66 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

the  Chahamanas  met  with  disaster.  The  Chahamana  Anahilla  killed 
his  general  Sadha,  and  routed  the  Paramara  army.  Bhoja’s  general 
Suraditya  claims  to  have  stabilised  the  royal  fortune  of  Bhoja  by 
killing  one  Sahavahana  in  the  battle.  In  A.D.  1008  Bhoja  sent  an 
army  to  help  the  Shahi  Anandapala  against  Mahmud  of  Ghazni. 
About  A.D.  1019  he  gave  shelter  to  Anandapala’s  son  Trilochana- 
pala,  who  was  hard  pressed  by  Mahmud.  In  A.D.  1043  he  seems  to 
have  joined  a  confederacy  of  the  Hindu  chiefs  and  conquered  HansI, 
Thaneswar,  Nagarkot  and  other  dependencies  of  the  Muslims  and 
besieged  the  fortress  of  Lahore  for  seven  months.20  Bhoja’s  contri¬ 
bution  to  the  defence  of  Northern  India  against  the  incursions  of  the 
Muslims  was  remembered  by  the  Gahadavalas  even  long  after  his 
death.21 

Bhoja’s  relation  with  his  western  neighbour,  the  Chaulukyas 
of  Gujarat,  was  anything  but  friendly.  In  the  early  part  of  his  reign 
he  humiliated  the  Chaulukya  Chamundaraja,  son  of  Mularaja,  by 
forcing  him  to  give  up  his  royal  robe  when  the  latter  was  passing 
through  Malava  in  course  of  his  pilgrimage  to  Banaras.  Chamunda- 
raja’s  two  sons  Vallabharaja  and  Durlabharaja  naturally  assumed  a 
hostile  attitude  towards  the  Paramaras.  Bhoja  sacked  Anahillapa- 
taka,  the  capital  of  Gujarat,  during  the  reign  of  Durlabharaja’s  suc¬ 
cessor  Bhlma  I,  who  had  wrested  Mt.  Abu  from  the  Paramara  Dhan- 
dhuka,  a  protege  of  Bhoja.  Bhlma,  probably  realising  that  he  alone 
would  not  be  able  to  cope  with  the  Paramaras,  looked  for  an  ally. 
Fortunately  for  him  Bhoja  also  antagonised  his  eastern  neighbour, 
the  Kalachuris  of  Tripurl,  by  waging  war  against  his  former  confede¬ 
rate  the  Kalachuri  Gangeyadeva,  who  had  to  yield  to  his  forces.  Now 
Bhlma  found  a  good  ally  in  Gangeyadeva ’s  son  Karna  against  Bhoja, 
and  invaded  Malava.  While  engaged  in  conducting  the  war  against 
his  neighbours  in  the  east  and  in  the  west,  Bhoja  died  of  a  disease, 
and  Malava  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Kalachuris  and  Chaulukyas  in 
c.  A.D.  1055. 

Though  Bhoja  fought  numerous  battles  throughout  his  reign  he 
could  not  acquire  any  new  territory  except  Konkana.  He  was  not 
only  a  great  soldier  but  also  an  erudite  scholar.  The  authorship  of 
more  than  twenty-three  books  on  varied  subjects  is  ascribed  to  him. 
He  established  schools  for  the  education  of  his  subjects.  Dhanapala, 
Uvata,  and  many  other  men  of  letters  lived  in  his  court.  He  found¬ 
ed  a  city  named  Bhojapura  and  built  a  large  number  of  temples  in 
honour  of  Siva.  All  these  attainments  of  Bhoja  in  different  spheres 
of  life  establish  his  claim  to  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  greatest  kings 
of  mediaeval  India.  He  was  succeeded  by  Jayasimha,  who  was  pro¬ 
bably  his  son. 


67 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Jayasimha  got  back  his  throne  with  the  help  of  prince  Vikrama¬ 
ditya  VI  of  the  Deccan,  who  forced  the  Chaulukyas  and  the  Kala- 
churis  to  leave  Malava.  Henceforward  Jayasimha  became  a  staunch 
ally  of  Vikramaditya.  He  accompanied  the  Chalukya  prince  in  his 
invasion  of  the  Andhra  country  and  occupied  Vehgl.  The  Eastern 
Chalukya  king  Vijayaditya  VII  eventually  drove  them  out  of  the 
Andhra  country  with  the  help  of  the  Chola  Virarajendra.  Jaya- 
sirhha,  by  establishing  friendly  relation  with  Vikramaditya,  antago¬ 
nised  king  Somes  vara  II,  who  suspected  that  his  younger  brother 
Vikramaditya  was  conspiring  against  him.  In  order  to  punish  Jaya¬ 
simha  king  Somesvara  II  made  an  alliance  with  the  Chaulukya  Karna, 
son  of  Bhima  I  of  Gujarat,  and  invaded  Malava.  In  the  battle  that 
followed  Jayasimha  lost  his  life  and  Malava  was  occupied  by 
Somesvara  II  and  Karna.  In  that  serious  situation  Udayaditya,  a 
brother  or  cousin  of  Bhoja,  sought  help  from  the  Chahamanas  of 
Sakambharl.  He  recovered  Malava  after  inflicting  a  severe  defeat 
on  the  invaders  with  the  help  of  the  cavalry  which  the  Chahamana 
Vigraharaja  III  had  sent  to  his  assistance. 

The  inscriptions  of  Udayaditya’s  reign  bear  dates  A.D.  1080  and 
1086.  His  kingdom  extended  at  least  up  to  the  Nimar  District 
on  the  south,  Jhalawar  State  on  the  north,  and  Bhilsa  on  the  east. 
He  built  the  famous  temple  of  Nilakanthesvara  at  Udepur,  in  Bhilsa. 
He  had  a  number  of  sons  and,  according  to  an  inscription  dated 
A.D.  1104,  two  of  them,  Lakshmadeva  and  Naravarman,  ruled  one 
after  the  other  after  his  death. 

Lakshmadeva’s  name  is  not  found  in  any  other  record.  He 
raided  Gauda  which  was  then  under  the  supremacy  of  the  Kaivar- 
tas,  and  plundered  Anga  and  Kalinga,  which  were  respectively  ruled 
by  the  Rashtrakuta  Mathanadeva  and  Anantavarman  Chodagahga. 
During  this  campaign  he  seems  to  have  come  into  clash  with  the 
Cho]a  Kulottunga  I  whose  kingdom  extended  up  to  Andhra.  The 
statement  that  he  conquered  Pandya  and  Ceylon  is  an  obvious  exag¬ 
geration.  He  won  a  victory  over  the  Kalachuri  Yasahkarna  and 
repulsed  an  attack  of  Mahmud,  governor  of  the  Punjab,  when  the 
latter  invaded  Ujjain.  On  the  north  he  is  said  to  have  led  his  army 
to  the  Kira  country,  i.e.  Kangra  valley  in  the  Punjab. 

It  is  known  from  various  contemporary  records  that  Udayaditya 
had  a  son  named  Jagaddeva,  who  is  mentioned  in  some  Hoysala  in¬ 
scriptions  as  the  Emperor  of  Malava.  As  regards  his  military  achieve¬ 
ments  it  is  known  that  he  invaded  Dorasamudra  in  alliance  with 
Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI,  but  was  ultimately  repulsed  by  the  sons 
of  Hoysala  Ereyahga.  He  conquered  Chakradurga  in  old  Bastar 
State,  and  defeated  the  kings  of  Malahara  and  the  Andhra  country. 


68 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

He  also  defeated  near  Mt.  Abu  the  king  of  Gurjara,  who  may  be  iden¬ 
tified  with  Chaulukya  Karna.  There  are  good  grounds  for  assum- 
ing  that  Lakshmadeva  and  Jagaddeva  are  identical.  Jagaddeva  was  - 
the  youngest  of  the  sons  of  Udayaditya.  After  a  rule  of  some  years 
he  abdicated  his  throne,  apparently  in  favour  of  Naravarman,  “for 
fear  of  incurring  the  sin  of  superseding  the  elder  brother.”  On 
being  invited  by  Vikramaditya  VI  he  went  to  the  Chalukya  court 
and  lived  there  for  some  time.  After  his  abdication  he  ruled,  at 
least  up  to  A.D.  1112,  the  southern  part  of  the  Paramara  kingdom 
which  included  the  Yeotmal  District  in  Berar  and  Adilabad  District 
in  the  Hyderabad  State.  The  Prabandha-chintamani  states  that 
Jagaddeva  was  given  a  province  to  rule  by  Vikramaditya  VI. 
Jagaddeva’s  military  valour  was  proverbial  and  formed  the  theme 
of  many  romantic  stories  in  the  folk-lore  of  Western  India  in  the 
subsequent  ages. 

Naravarman,  who  assumed  the  title  Nirvana-N  dray  ana,  ascend¬ 
ed  the  throne  of  Malava  before  A.D.  1094,  which  is  the  earliest  known 
date  of  his  reign.  His  kingdom  extended  up  to  old  Bundi  State  on 
the  north,  and  Chanda  District,  Madhya  Pradesh,  on  the  south.  The 
Nagpur  region,  which  was  under  the  sway  of  Chalukya  Vikramaditya 
VI  in  A.D.  1087,  passed  into  his  hands  before  A.D.  1104.  Naravar¬ 
man  had  to  acknowledge  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Chandella  Sallak- 
shanavarman  and  the  Chahamana  Ajayadeva  of  §akambharl,  who 
took  prisoner  Sulhana,  the  commander  of  the  Malava  army.  A  Pal- 
lava  general  under  Vikrama  Chola  claims  to  have  won  a  victory  over 
a  Malava  king,  who  was  in  all  probability  Naravarman.  But  Nara¬ 
varman  received  the  most  severe  blow  from  the  Chaulukyas  of  Guja¬ 
rat.  After  fighting  for  twelve  years  with  Chaulukya  Jayasimha- 
Siddharaja  he  fell  a  prisoner  in  his  hands.  He  succeeded  no  doubt 
in  securing  his  release,  but  his  discomfiture  on  this  occasion  shook 
the  foundation  of  the  imperial  power  of  the  Paramaras.  He  gave 
shelter  to  Bhikshachara,  a  fugitive  from  the  court  of  Kashmir,  in  or 
after  A.D.  1128.  He  was  a  poet  and  patron  of  men  of  letters. 

Yasovarman,  who  succeeded  his  father  Naravarman  before  A.D. 
1133,  inherited  a  kingdom  which  was  greatly  shattered  by  the  in¬ 
vasion  of  the  Chaulukyas.  It  produced  disruptive  forces  which  he 
failed  to  control.  One  Vijayapala  established  an  independent  prin¬ 
cipality  in  the  Dewas  State  in  the  heart  of  Malava.  Chandella  Mada~ 
navarman  forcibly  occupied  the  Bhilsa  region.  Last  of  all  the  Chau¬ 
lukya  Jayasimha-Siddharaja,  accompanied  by  the  Chahamana  Asaraja 
of  Nadol,  fell  on  him  and  took  him  prisoner.  Jayasiihha  annexed 
the  whole  of  Malava,  and  assumed  the  title  Avantinatha.  Malava 
remained  under  the  sway  of  Jayasimha  up  to  A.D.  1138.  What  hap- 


69 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


pened  to  Yasovarman  is  not  definitely  known,  but  his  son  Jayavar- 
man  seems  to  have  succeeded  in  recovering  Malava  during  the 
closing  years  of  Jayasimha’s  reign.  He  issued  an  inscription  from 
his  residence  at  Vardhamanapura,  which  cannot  be  identified.  He 
could  not  retain  Malava  under  his  control  for  a  long  period.  Cha- 
lukya  Jagadekamalla  of  Kalyana  and  the  Hoysala  Narasimha  I  in¬ 
vaded  Malava,  destroyed  his  power,  and  seem  to  have  placed  one 
Ballala  on  the  throne  of  that  country.  Shortly  after  A.D.  1143  the 
Chaulukya  Kumarapala,  successor  of  Jayasimha-Siddharaja,  de¬ 
throned  Ballala,  and  annexed  the  whole  of  Malava  up  to  Bhilsa  to 
his  kingdom. 

For  nearly  twenty  years  Malava  remained  a  part  and  parcel  of 
the  kingdom  of  Gujarat.  During  this  period  the  princes  of  the  Para¬ 
mara  dynasty,  designated  as  the  ‘Mahakumaras’ ,  ruled  Bhopal  and 
the  districts  of  Nimar,  Hoshangabad  and  Khandesh  as  petty  rulers. 
But  in  the  seventh  decade  of  the  twelfth  century  Vindhyavarman, 
son  of  the  Paramara  Jayavarman,  recovered  Malava  by  defeating 
the  Chaulukya  Mularaja  II. 

Vindhyavarman  could  not  rule  his  newly  conquered  ancestral 
kingdom  in  peace.  The  decline  of  the  power  of  the  Chalukyas  in 
the  Deccan  gave  him  no  relief  as  the  Hoysalas  and  the  Yadavas,  the 
successors  of  the  Chalukyas,  led  successive  invasions  against  Malava. 
Some  time  before  A.D.  1190  Vindhyavarman,  in  alliance  with  the 
Cholas,  invaded  the  Hoysala  territory  in  order  to  crush  the  growing 
power  of  the  Hoysalas,  but  Ballala  II  succeeded  in  repulsing  them. 
Yadava  Bhillama  plundered  Malava  some  time  before  A.D.  1189. 

In  spite  of  all  these,  Vindhyavarman  ultimately  succeeded  in 
repulsing  his  enemies,  and  when  he  died,  shortly  after  A.D.  1193, 
the  Paramara  kingdom  was  firmly  consolidated.  His  son  and  suc¬ 
cessor  Subhatavarman  turned  his  arms  against  the  kingdom  of  Guja¬ 
rat  which  began  to  decline  after  the  death  of  Ajayapala.  He  forced 
the  Chaulukya  feudatory,  Simha  of  Lata,  to  transfer  his  allegiance  to 
him.  He  plundered  a  large  number  of  Jain  temples  at  Dabhoi  and 
Cambay,  stormed  Anahillapataka,  and  reached  Somanatha  with  his 
army.  There  his  progress  was  checked  by  Sridhara,  the  governor  of 
that  place  under  Bhima  II.  Eventually  Bhima’s  minister  Lava- 
naprasada  forced  him  to  withdraw  from  Gujarat.  Subhatavarman 
had  to  suffer  a  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Yadava  Jaitugi.  He  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Arjunavarman  before  A.D.  1210. 

Arjunavarman  fought  successfully  with  Jayasiihha,  who  had 
usurped  the  throne  of  Gujarat  for  some  time  by  dethroning  Bhima  II. 
Arjunavarman’s  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Jayasiihha,  following 
a  battle  between  the  two  kings,  is  the  main  theme  of  the  drama  named 


70 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


Pdrijatamanjari  or  Vijayasri,  composed  by  Arjunavarman’s  precep¬ 
tor  Madana.  Arjunavarman,  like  his  predecessors,  miserably  fail¬ 
ed  in  his  contest  with  the  Yadavas,  who  were  then  led  by  king 
Singhana.  In  this  encounter  Arjunavarman’s  feudatory  Sindhu- 
raja,  brother  of  Siihha  of  Lata  lost  his  life.  Arjunavarman  wrote 
a  number  of  books  and  his  court  was  graced  by  Madana,  Asadhara, 
and  many  other  men  of  learning.  Some  time  between  A.D.  1215  and 
1218  he  was  succeeded  by  Devapala,  son  of  Mahakumdra  Haris- 
chandra,  grandson  of  Mahakumdra  Lakshmivarman,  who  was  the 
younger  brother  of  Jayavarman. 

Devapala’s  kingdom  extended  from  Broach  District,  Bombay, 
to  Bhilsa,  and  included  Nimar  and  Hoshangabad  Districts.  Singhana, 
the  Yadava  king,  attacked  Lata  and  took  prisoner  Devapala’s  vassal 
Samgramasimha,  also  known  as  Sahkha,  son  of  Sindhuraja.  Sahkha 
was  released  and  a  treaty  was  concluded  between  Singhana  and 
Devapala.  Shortly  afterwards,  taking  advantage  of  the  absence  of 
the  Chaulukya  minister  Viradhavala,  who  went  to  the  north  to  resist 
an  invasion  of  the  Muslims,  Devapala  and  Sahkha,  in  alliance  with 
Singhana,  attacked  southern  Gujarat.  Vastupala,  governor  of  Cam- 
bay  under  Viradhavala,  averted  the  danger  by  bringing  about  a  dis¬ 
sension  between  Devapala  and  Singhana  with  the  help  of  secret  emis¬ 
saries.  Subsequently  Viradhavala  wrested  Broach  from  Sahkha. 
Malava  was  invaded  by  the  Muslims  during  Devapala’s  reign.  In 
A.D.  1233  Iltutmish  captured  Bhilsa  and  plundered  Ujjain,  but  the 
Muslim  victory  was  shortlived.  Devapala  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Jaitugideva  before  A.D.  1243. 

During  the  reign  of  Jaitugi  Malava  suffered  a  series  of  invasions. 
Krishna,  the  Yadava  king,  raided  Malava;  in  A.D.  1250  Balban  in¬ 
vaded  it  and,  about  the  same  time,  Vaghela  Visaladeva,  king  of  Guja¬ 
rat,  sacked  Dhara.  Jaitugi  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother 
Jayavarman  II  before  A.D.  1256.  After  Jayavarman  II  the  succes¬ 
sion  of  the  Paramara  kings  can  be  traced  only  with  the  help  of  the 
known  dates  of  the  kings  who  followed  him,  but  their  relation  with 
one  another  cannot  be  ascertained.  The  next  known  king  after 
Jayavarman  II  is  Jayasimha  II,  who  was  ruling  in  A.D.  1269 
and  1274.22  The  kingdom  of  Jayasimha  II  was  invaded  by  the  Cha- 
hamana  Jaitrasimha  of  Ranthambhor.  The  Paramara  army  was 
worsted  by  the  Chahamanas  at  Jhampaithaghatta,  and  Jayasimha 
himself  was  forced  to  retire  to  the  fort  of  Mandapa  (Mandu).  After 
his  death  in  c.  A.D.  1270  a  quarrel  broke  out  between  his  successor 
Arjunavarman  II,  who  was  probably  his  son,  and  his  minister.  After 
a  severe  contest  each  of  them  occupied  a  part  of  Malava.  During 
the  reign  of  Arjunavarman  II  the  Chahamana  Hammlra  of  Rantham¬ 
bhor,  the  Yadava  Ramachandra,  and  the  Vaghela  Sarangadeva  in- 

71 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


vaded  Malava.  The  next  known  king  after  Arjunavarman  II  is 
Bhoja  II,  who  came  to  the  throne  shortly  after  A.D.  1283.  During 
his  reign  Malava  was  again  plundered  by  the  Chahamana  Hammira, 
and  Sultan  Jalal-ud-din  Khalji  also  carried  on  depredation  in  that 
country.  After  Bhoja  II  we  find  Mahlak  Deo  ruling  in  Malava  in 
A.D.  1305  when  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji  invaded  the  country.  Mahlak 
Deo,  having  lost  his  general  Kokaaeva  in  the  battle,  took  shelter 
in  the  fort  of  Mandu.  There  he  was  killed  by  ‘Ala-ud-din’s  general 
‘Ain-ul-Mulk  and  Malava  was  finally  conquered  by  the  Muslims. 

2.  Minor  Branches  of  the  Paramaras  in  Rajput  ana 

(i)  Mt.  Ahu 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  tenth  century  Vakpati-Munja,  king  of 
Malava,  placed  his  son  Aranyaraja  on  the  throne  of  Mt.  Abu,  Sirohi 
State,  Rajputana,  with  its  capital  at  Chandravati.  Aranyaraja’s  suc¬ 
cessors  were  Krishnaraja,  Dharanivaraha,  Mahipala  alias  Dhruva- 
bhata  (A.D.  1002),  and  Dhandhuka.  Dhandhuka  was  dethroned  by 
the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  I  of  Gujarat  before  A.D.  1030,  but  was  subse¬ 
quently  restored  to  power  by  the  Chaulukya  king  at  the  request  of 
Vimala  of  the  Pragvata  family.  Dhandhuka  had  three  sons,  Purna- 
pala,  Dantivarman,  and  Krishna  II,  all  of  whom  ascended  the  throne 
one  after  the  other.  Purnapala  (A.D.  1042,  1045)  declared  indepen¬ 
dence,  but  Bhlma  I  brought  Mt.  Abu  again  under  his  control  in  the 
later  part  of  his  reign.  Since  then  the  country  remained  a  part  and 
parcel  of  the  Chaulukya  kingdom.  Krishna  II  was  succeeded  by 
Dantivarman’s  son  Yogaraja,  who  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Rama- 
deva.  After  the  reign  of  Ramadeva  the  throne  of  Mt.  Abu  seems 
to  have  been  usurped  by  Krishna  II’s  son  Kakaladeva,  who  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  son  Vikramasimha.  Vikramasimha  revolted  against 
the  Chaulukyas  but  was  defeated  and  thrown  into  prison  by  king 
Kumarapala,  who  then  placed  Ramadeva’s  son  Yasodhavala  on  the 
throne  of  Mt.  Abu.  Yasodhavala,  who  is  known  to  have  been  ruling 
in  A.D.  1145  and  1150,  fought  with  Ballala,  king  of  Malava,  on  be¬ 
half  of  his  overlord  Kumarapala,  and  killed  him.  He  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Dhar&varsha  some  time  before  A.D.  1063.  Dharavarsha 
helped  Kumarapala  in  his  war  against  Mallikarjuna  of  Konkana,  and 
his  younger  brother  Prahladana  saved  the  power  and  prestige  of  the 
Chaulukya  Ajayapala,  successor  of  Kumarapala,  by  defeating  the 
Guhila  Samantasirnha  of  Medapata.  It  is  stated  that  Ranasimha,  son 
of  the  Paramara  Vikramasimha,  defeated  the  warriors  of  Malava  on 
the  banks  of  the  Parla  and  obtained  Antara.  It  is  further  stated  that 
Dharavarsha  got  back  his  territory  through  the  favour  of  Rajnasimha. 
It  may  only  be  suggested  that  Ranasimha,  son  of  the  deposed  Vik- 


72 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


ramasimha,  usurped  the  throne  of  Mt.  Abu  some  time  after  the  death 
of  Kumarapala,  but  restored  Dharavarsha  to  power  after  a  short 
reign.  Dharavarsha  repulsed  an  attack  of  the  Chahamana  Prithvl- 
raja  III  against  Bhima  II  of  Gujarat.  In  A.D.  1197  he  suffered  a  de¬ 
feat  at  the  hands  of  Qutb-ud-din’s  general  Khusrav  near  the  foot  of 
Mt.  Abu.  He  helped  Viradhavala  of  Gujarat  in  repulsing  an  attack 
of  Sultan  Iltutmish,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Prah¬ 
ladana  after  A.D.  1219.  Prahladana  is  the  author  of  the  drama 
Partha-parakrama.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1230  Prahladana  was 
succeeded  by  Dharavarsha’s  son  Somasimha,  who  declared  indepen¬ 
dence.  Somasimha’s  son  and  successor  was  Krishnaraja.  Krish- 
naraja’s  son  Pratapasimha,  also  known  as  Patala,  reconquered,  with 
the  help  of  the  Vaghelas,  his  paternal  throne,  which  was  occupied 
by  Guhila  Samarasimha.  He  ruled  his  kingdom  as  a  vassal  of  the 
Vaghela  Sarangadeva,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Arjuna,  who  is 
known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1290.  Some  time  before  A.D. 
1320  Mt.  Abu  passed  into  the  hands  of  Chahamana  Luntiga  of  South 
Marwar. 


( ii )  Vagada 

In  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.  Dhanika,  a  remote  des¬ 
cendant  of  Dambarasirhha,  younger  son  of  Upendra,23  founded  a 
kingdom  in  Vagada,  modern  Banswara  and  Dungarpur  States,  the 
capital  of  which  was  Utthunaka,  modern  Arthuna  in  the  Banswara 
State.  Dhanika’s  successor  Chachcha  fought  on  the  side  of  Slyaka  II 
against  Rashtrakuta  Khottiga,  and  lost  his  life  in  the  battle.  Cha¬ 
chcha  was  followed  by  Chandapa  and  Satyaraja  one  after  the  other. 
Satyaraja  assisted  Bhoja  in  his  war  against  the  Chaulukyas.  After 
Satyaraja  ruled  Limbaraja,  Mandalika  (A.D.  1059),  Chamundaraja 
(A.D.  1079,  1100),  and  Vijayaraja  (A.D.  1108-09).  About  the  middle 
of  the  twelfth  century  Vagada  was  occupied  by  the  Guhilas. 

(Hi)  Jalor  ( Jabalipura ) 

Vakpati-Muhja’s  son  Chandana  was  the  first  king  of  the  Jalor 
branch  of  the  Paramara  family.  He  was  followed  in  succession  by 
Devaraja,  Aparajita,  Vijjala,  Dharavarsha,  and  Vlsala  (A.D.  1117). 
The  last  known  king  of  the  family  is  Kurhtapala,  who  had  to  surren¬ 
der  Jalor  to  the  Chahamana  KIrttipala  of  Nadol  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  twelfth  century. 


(iv)  Bhinmal 

Sindhuraja’s  son  Dusala  is  the  founder  of  the  Bhinmal  branch 
of  the  Paramara  dynasty.  In  the  early  years  of  the  eleventh  century 
Devaraja  of  this  family  obtained  Maru-mandala  from  the  Chahamana 


73 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Durlabharaja  of  Sakambhari.  Krishnaraja  (A.D.  1060,  1066),  grand¬ 
son  of  Devaraja,  was  put  into  prison  by  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  I.  He 
was  released  by  the  Chahamana  Balaprasada  of  Nadol  and  ruled  as 
an  independent  king.  After  Krishnaraja  his  son  Sochharaja,  Uda- 
yaraja  and  his  son  Somesvara  (A.D.  1140,  1161)  occupied  the  throne. 
Udayaraja’s  might  is  said  to  have  spread  as  far  as  Choda,  Gauda, 
Karnata  and  Malava,  but  his  son  Somesvara  is  said  to  have  regained 
his  lost  kingdom  through  the  Chaulukya  Jayasimha-Siddharaja.  The 
next  known  king  after  Somesvara  is  Jayatasimha  (A.D.  1182),  who 
seems  to  have  been  succeeded  by  Salakha.  In  the  early  years  of  the 
thirteenth  century  Bhinmal  came  under  the  supremacy  of  the  Cha- 
hamanas  of  Southern  Mar  war. 

XII.  THE  CHAULUKYAS  OF  GUJARAT 

By  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  the  Chaulukyas 
had  firmly  established  themselves  in  Gujarat.  In  A.D.  1009-10,  king 
Chamundaraja,  after  the  death  of  his  son  Vallabharaja,  handed  the 
sovereignty  over  to  his  second  son  Durlabharaja  to  whom  Chahamana 
Mahendra  gave  his  sister  in  marriage  in  a  svayamvara  scibha  (an 
assembly  for  the  selection  of  bridegroom)  at  Nadol.  The  chiefs  of 
Malava,  Mathura,  Huna  country  etc.,  the  disappointed  suitors  for  the 
hand  of  the  princess,  attacked  Durlabha  on  his  way  back  to  his  own 
country,  but  he  defeated  them  all.  He  plundered  Lata,  which  was 
then  ruled  by  Kirttiraja  (A.D.  1018),  son  of  Gohgiraja,  and  grandson 
of  the  Chaulukya  Barappa.  Lata  was  not,  however,  annexed  to  the 
kingdom  of  the  Chaulukyas  on  that  occasion.  After  Kirttiraja  his 
son  Vatsaraja  and  his  grandson  Trilochanapala  ruled  Lata  at  least  up 
to  A.D.  1051.  In  his  old  age  in  c.  A.D.  1022,  Durlabha  abdicated 
the  throne  in  favour  of  his  nephew  Bhimadeva  I,  son  of  Nagadeva. 

Bhima  had  to  suffer  a  great  disaster  three  years  after  his  acces¬ 
sion.  In  A.D.  1025  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  overran  Gujarat  and  plunder¬ 
ed  Somanatha.  Bhima  had  fled  to  Kanthakot  in  Kutch  at  the  ap¬ 
proach  of  the  Muslim  army,  but  returned  to  his  capital  after  the  depar¬ 
ture  of  the  invader.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1031  he  wrested  Mt.  Abu 
from  Paramara  Dhandhuka,  and  appointed  Vimala  of  the  Pragvata 
family  as  its  governor.  Vimala  built  there  the  famous  temple  of 
Adinatha.  Subsequently  Bhima  restored  Dhandhuka  to  power,  whose 
son  Purnapala  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  there  in  A.D.  1042 
as  an  independent  chief.  The  Mt.  Abu  inscription  of  Bhima,  dated 
A.D.  1062,  proves  that  the  country  again  passed  into  his  hands  in  the 
closing  years  of  his  reign.  It  remained  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of 
Gujarat  till  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century.  Bhima  annexed  Bhin- 
m&l  and  threw  its  ruler,  the  Paramara  Krishnaraja,  into  prison.  His 


74 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

attempts  to  assert  his  supremacy  over  southern  Mar  war  were,  how¬ 
ever,  baffled  by  the  Chahamana  Ahila  of  Nadol  and  the  latter’s  suc¬ 
cessor  Anahilla.  Anahilla’s  son  Balaprasada  forced  him  to  release 
Krishnaraja.  The  Dvyasraya  relates  that  Bhlma  went  to  the  Punjab, 
crossed  the  Sindhu  by  means  of  a  stone  bridge  built  by  him,  and 
defeated  Hammuka,  ruler  of  Sindh.  Merutuhga  relates  that  during 
this  time,  taking  advantage  of  Bhlma’s  absence,  the  Paramara  Bhoja’s 
general  Kulachandra  plundered  Anahillapataka.  After  his  return 
to  Gujarat  Bhlma  sent  batches  of  soldiers  to  Malava  from  time  to 
time  for  marauding  purposes.  It  has  been  noticed  above  that  in 
the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century  Bhima  and  his  ally  the  Kala- 
churi  Karna  made  an  organised  attack  on  Malava.  Bhlma’s  final 
battle  with  Bhoja  and  his  subsequent  quarrel  with  Karna  have  been 
noticed  above.24  The  statement  in  the  Dvyasraya  that  he  won  vic¬ 
tories  over  Bhadrabhat,  the  ruler  of  the  distant  Gajabandh  desa, 
and  defeated  the  kings  of  Dasarna,  Kasi,  Ayodhya,  and  Yantri  desa , 
does  not  find  support  in  any  other  record.  The  same  source  relates 
that  the  rulers  of  Pundra  and  Andhra  entered  into  friendly  relation 
with  him. 

Bhima  had  three  sons,  Mularaja,  Kshemaraja,  and  Karna. 
Mularaja  predeceased  his  father,  and  Kshemaraja,  whose  mother 
was  of  low  birth,  declined  to  ascend  the  throne.  So  Bhlma  handed 
the  sovereignty  over  to  Karna  in  c.  A.D.  1064,  and  retired  to  a  place 
of  pilgrimage  for  penance. 

The  kingdom  of  Karna,  who  assumed  the  title  Trailokyamalla, 
extended  on  the  south  up  to  Navsari,  in  Bombay  State.  In  alliance 
with  the  Karnatas,  he  conquered  Malava  by  defeating  and  killing 
Paramara  Jayasimha,  but  was  ultimately  repulsed  by  the  Paramara 
Udayaditya.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  he  had  to  suffer  a 
defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Paramara  Jagaddeva.  He  subdued  a 
Bhilla  chief  named  Asa,  residing  at  Asapalll,  modern  Asaval,  near 
Ahmadabad.  His  invasion  of  Southern  Mar  war  was  repulsed  by  the 
Chahamana  Prithvipala  of  Nadol.  He  married  MayanalladevI,  the 
daughter  of  the  Kadamba  Jayakesin,  king  of  Goa,  and  was  succeed¬ 
ed  by  his  minor  son  Jayasimha  in  c.  A.D.  1094.  MayanalladevI  acted 
as  a  regent  for  her  son  for  some  time. 

Jayasimha,  who  assumed  the  title  Siddharaja,  was  one  of  the 
greatest  kings  of  his  dynasty.  Inscriptions  of  his  reign  prove  that 
his  kingdom  extended  up  to  Bali  in  Jodhpur  and  Sambhar  in  Jaipur 
on  the  north,  Bhilsa  on  the  east,  and  Kathiawar  and  Kutch  on  the 
west.  He  put  down  the  revolt  of  the  non-Aryan  Barbara,  who  was 
troubling  the  ascetics  of  Siddhapura.  After  a  protracted  battle  he 
defeated  and  imprisoned  Navaghana,  the  chief  of  the  AbhTras  of 

75 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Saurashtra,  and  appointed  his  Dandadhipati  Sajjana  governor  of 
that  country.  On  the  north  he  annexed  Bhinmal  by  defeating  the 
Paramaras  before  A.D.  1129,  and  continued  his  hereditary  fight  with 
the  Chahamanas  of  Nadol.  It  seems  that  when  Jayasimha  was 
young,  Chahamana  Jojalla  sacked  Anahillapataka.  Jojalla’s  succes¬ 
sor  Asaraja  submitted  to  Jayasimha  and  ruled  his  territory  as  his 
vassal.  Jayasimha  pushed  his  arms  further  north  and  conquered 
Sakambharl,  modern  Sambhar,  after  defeating  the  Chahamana  Arno- 
raja.  He  gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  Arnoraja  and  allowed 
him  to  rule  his  territory  as  his  vassal.  He  conquered  Vagada,  and 
being  assisted  by  Asaraja  of  Nadol,  invaded  Malava.  After  a  long- 
drawn  battle  he  took  Paramara  Naravarman  prisoner,  but  subsequent¬ 
ly  released  him.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1138  he  took  Naravarman’s 
son  Yasovarman  prisoner  and  annexed  Avanti  to  his  kingdom.  He 
invaded  Kalanjara  and  Mahoba,  and  forced  the  Chandella  Madana- 
varman  to  surrender  Bhilsa  to  him.  On  the  south  Jayasimha  came 
into  conflict  with  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI  of  Kalya  na  and 
won  a  victory  over  him.  He  was  in  friendly  relation  with  the  king 
of  Dahala,  who  seems  to  have  been  Gayakarna.  During  the  clos¬ 
ing  years  of  his  reign  Jayasimha  could  not  keep  his  control  over 
some  of  the  newly  annexed  territories.  The  Paramara  Jayavarman, 
son  of  Yasovarman,  became  independent  in  Malava,  and  the  Chaha¬ 
mana  Asaraja  of  Nadol,  having  freed  himself  from  the  control  of  the 
Chaulukyas,  declared  hostility  against  Jayasimha. 

Jayasimha  was  a  devotee  of  Siva  and  built  the  temple  of  Rudra- 
Mahakala  at  Siddhapura.  He  established  schools  for  learning 
Jyotisha  £astra,  Nyaya  Sastra,  and  Purana ,  and  his  court  was  graced 
by  the  great  Jain  scholar  Hemachandra.  The  last  known  date  of 
Jayasimha  is  V.  S.  1200  (=  A.D.  1143).  He  had  no  son,  and  Kumara¬ 
pala,  the  great-grandson  of  Kshemaraja,  who  was  a  son  of  Bhlma  I 
by  a  concubine,  was  a  claimant  to  the  throne.  In  view  of  the  low 
origin  of  Kumarapala  Jayasimha  did  not  approve  of  his  claim,  and 
adopted  Bahada,  the  son  of  his  minister  Udayana,  as  his  successor. 
Kumarapala’s  father  Tribhuvanapala  was  killed,  and  he  was  driven 
into  exile.  But  after  the  death  of  Jayasimha,  some  time  between 
A.D.  1143  and  1145,  Kumarapala  secured  the  throne  for  himself  with 
the  help  of  the  Jains  and  his  brother-in-law  Krishna.  Bahada  fled  to 
Sakambharl,  and  took  service  under  the  Chahamanas. 

The  inscriptions  of  Kumarapala’s  reign  show  that  his  kingdom 
extended  up  to  Barmer  in  Mallani,  Pali  in  Jodhpur,  and  Chitor  in 
Udaipur  on  the  north,  Bhilsa  on  the  east,  and  Kathiawar  on  the 
west.  Immediately  after  his  accession  Kumarapala  put  to  death  the 
ministers  who  conspired  to  kill  him,  and  blinded  for  insolence  his 
sister’s  husband  Krishna,  who  had  helped  him  in  securing  the  throne. 


76 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


In  the  early  part  of  his  reign  he  was  threatened  with  invasions  by 
his  northern  and  eastern  neighbours.  The  Chahamana  Arnoraja  of 
Sakambharl  took  up  the  cause  of  Bahada  and  made  an  alliance  with 
Ballala,  king  of  Ujjain,  and  the  chiefs  ruling  on  the  banks  of  the 
Para  river  against  Kumarapala.  Arnoraja  and  Ballala  made  a 
simultaneous  attack  on  Gujarat  from  the  north  and  the  east. 
Kumarapala  despatched  his  generals  Vi  jay  a  and  Krishna  against 
Ballala,  and  himself  marched  with  an  army  to  meet  Arnoraja. 
Arnoraja  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  battle,  and  concluded  peace 
which  was  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  his  daughter  to  the  Chau- 
lukya  king.  Kumarapala  then  attacked  Mt.  Abu,  dethroned  Paramara 
Vikramasimha,  who  had  become  hostile  to  him  during  his  war  with 
the  Chahamanas,  and  made  the  nephew  of  the  latter,  Paramara 
Yasodhavala,  its  king  some  time  before  A.D.  1145.  He,  then,  along 
with  Yasodhavala,  joined  his  generals  Vi  jay  a  and  Krishna,  who  were 
fighting  with  Ballala.  Ballala  was  killed  in  the  battle  and  the  whole 
of  Malava  up  to  Bhilsa  was  again  annexed  to  the  kingdom  of  Gujarat. 
At  this  time  Sumvara,  a  chief  of  Saurashtra,  revolted,  and  the 
Chaulukya  minister  Udayana  lost  his  life  in  an  attempt  to  put  him 
down.  Kumarapala  sent  another  contingent  to  Saurashtra  and 
brought  Sumvara  under  his  control.  The  Chahamana  Ahladana,  son 
of  Asaraja  of  Nadol,  gave  him  substantial  help  on  this  occasion  and 
probably  in  recognition  of  this  service  he  gave  him  Kiratakupa  (near 
Barmer)  and  some  other  territories  to  rule.  Kumarapala  defeated 
Rajyapala  of  Nadol  and  handed  the  kingdom  over  to  his  Dandanayaka 
Vaijalladeva,  who  administered  it  from  c.  A.D.  1154  to  c.  A.D.  1159. 
Paramara  Somes  vara  of  Bhinmal,  whose  kingdom  extended  up  to 
Kiradu,  acknowledged  his  sway.  In  A.D.  1150  Kumarapala  led  an 
aggressive  campaign  against  the  Chahamana  Arnoraja  of  Sakam- 
bhari,  as  the  latter  had  insulted  his  queen,  the  daughter  of  the 
Chaulukya  Jayasimha.  He  devastated  the  Sapadalaksha  country  and 
defeated  Arnoraja,  but  allowed  him  to  rule  his  territory.  Some 
time  between  A.D.  1160  and  1162  he  despatched  his  minister 
Ambada  with  a  large  army  against  Mallikarjuna  of  Konkana,  who 
was  killed  and  whose  kingdom  was  annexed  to  Gujarat.  The  Para¬ 
mara  Dharavarsha  and  prince  Somesvara,  second  son  of  the  Chaha¬ 
mana  Arnoraja,  assisted  the  Chaulukya  army  in  this  battle. 

The  Jain  chronicles  of  Gujarat  claim  that  Kumarapala  came 
under  the  influence  of  Hemachandra,  the  erudite  Jain  scholar  and 
author  of  a  large  number  of  books,  who  lived  in  his  court,  and 
embraced  Jainism.  This  is  corroborated  by  an  epigraphic  record 
which  further  shows  that  the  king  changed  his  creed  before  A.D. 
1164.  The  Gujarat  chroniclers  state  that  the  king  forbade  animal 
sacrifice,  and  his  order  was  obeyed  in  Saurashtra,  Lata,  Malava, 


77 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Abhlra,  Medapata,  Meru,  and  Sapadalaksha.  The  Brahmanas,  who 
were  not  allowed  to  violate  this  order,  had  to  offer  sacrifices  of 
grains.  There  are  epigraphic  records  to  prove  that  Kumarapala ’s 
feudatories  in  Southern  Marwar  issued  order  prohibiting  the  slaugh¬ 
ter  of  animals.  The  inscriptions  of  Kumarapala  show  that  though 
he  changed  his  creed,  he  was  reverential  to  his  family  deity  Siva, 
and  built  temples  for  both  the  Jains  and  the  Brahmanas.  He  abro¬ 
gated  the  law  empowering  the  State  to  confiscate  the  property  of 
those  who  died  intestate,  and  stopped  gambling,  which  was  very 
popular  both  with  the  nobles  and  the  common  people. 

After  the  death  of  Kumarapala  in  A.D.  1171-72  there  was  a 
struggle  for  the  throne  between  his  sister’s  son  Pratapamalla,  who 
was  apparently  backed  by  the  Jains,  and  Ajayapala,  son  of  Kumara- 
pala’s  brother  Mahipala,  who  seems  to  have  been  supported  by  the 
Brahmanas.  Ajayapala  came  out  victorious,  and  ascended  the 
throne.  He  maintained  his  control  over  the  kingdom  of  Malava, 
which  extended  up  to  Bhilsa  on  the  east,  and  Purna-Pathaka,  on  the 
bank  of  the  Purna,  on  the  south.  He  led  an  army  against  Sakambhari 
and  forced  its  king  Somesvara  to  surrender  to  him  a  golden  manda - 
pika  as  a  tribute.  The  Guhila  chief  Samantasimha  of  Mewar  invad¬ 
ed  Gujarat  and  wounded  Ajayapala  in  the  battle.  On  that  occasion 
the  Paramara  Prahladana,  younger  brother  of  Dharavarsha  of  Mt. 
Abu,  saved  the  prestige  of  the  Chaulukya  king  by  inflicting  defeat  on 
the  invader.  The  Jain  chronicles  allege  that  Ajayapala  was  a  per¬ 
secutor  of  the  Jains,  that  he  demolished  Jain  temples,  mercilessly 
executed  the  Jain  scholar  Ramachandra,  and  killed  Ambada,  a  minis¬ 
ter  of  Kumarapala,  in  an  encounter. 

Ajayapala  lost  his  life  at  the  hands  of  the  Pratlhara  Vayajaladeva 
in  c.  A.D.  1176,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  young  son  Mularaja  II, 
whose  mother,  queen  Naikidevi,  the  daughter  of  the  Kadamba  Para- 
mardin,  king  of  Goa,  acted  as  regent.  In  A.D.  1178  Mu‘izz-ud-din 
Muhammad  Ghuri  attacked  the  kingdom  of  Gujarat.  Naikidevi, 
“taking  her  son  (Mularaja)  in  her  lap,”  led  the  Chaulukya  army 
against  the  Muslims  and  defeated  them  at  Gadaraghatta  near  the 
foot  of  Mt.  Abu.  Though  the  Muslim  historians  mention  the  name 
of  Mu‘izz-ud-din  Muhammad  Ghuri’s  adversary  on  this  occasion  as 
Bhlma  (II),  the  overwhelming  internal  evidence  leaves  no  doubt 
that  the  battle  was  fought  during  the  reign  of  Mularaja  II.  About 
this  time  the  Paramara  Vindhyavarman  wrested  Malava  from  the 
Chaulukyas.  Mularaja  II  died  in  the  early  part  of  A.D.  1178,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Bhima  II,  who  was  obviously 
a  minor. 


78 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


Bhlma  IPs  inscriptions,  the  dates  of  which  extend  from  A.D.  1178 
to  1239,  prove  that  he  was  in  possession  of  Barmer,  Godwar  in 
Jadhpur,  Dungarpur,  and  Kathiawar.  Internal  disorder  and  foreign 
invasions  reduced  Bhima  to  the  position  of  a  titular  king,  and  taking 
advantage  of  his  young  age  the  provincial  governors  and  the  minis¬ 
ters  divided  the  kingdom  among  themselves.  In  that  predicament 
Bhlma  had  to  rely  on  the  support  of  the  Vaghelas  who  rose  into 
prominence  in  Bhlmapalll  under  Dhavala  of  the  Chaulukya  family, 
the  husband  of  Kumarapala’s  maternal  aunt.  Dhavala’s  son  Arno¬ 
raja  had  fought  on  the  side  of  Kumarapala  against  the  chiefs  of 
Medapata  and  Chandravati.  In  recognition  of  this  service  Kumara¬ 
pala  granted  him  the  village  Vyaghrapalli,  10  miles  south-west  of 
Anahillapataka,  where  he  settled  along  with  his  family.  It  is  after 
the  name  of  this  village  that  the  successors  of  Arnoraja  are  called 
Vaghelas.  Arnoraja  came  to  the  rescue  of  young  Bhlma  II,  and 
brought  the  recalcitrant  elements  under  control,  but  lost  his  life  while 
thus  consolidating  the  power  of  Bhlma.  Arnoraja’s  son  Lavana¬ 
prasada  then  took  charge  of  the  administration  on  behalf  of  the 
Chaulukya  king.  He  fixed  his  headquarters  at  Dholka,  the  chief  city 
in  Khetaka,  modern  Kaira,  and  the  two  brothers  Tejahpala  and 
Vastupala  of  the  Pragvata  family  served  him  as  ministers.  The 
weakness  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  Chaulukyas  invited  the  foreigners 
to  invade  Gujarat  about  this  time.  The  Yadava  Bhillama  and  his 
son  Jaitugi  led  successive  expeditions  against  Bhima.  The  Paramara 
Subhatavarman  annexed  Lata  and  overran  Gujarat,  but  was  ulti¬ 
mately  routed  by  Lavanaprasada.  The  Muslims  under  Qutb-ud-din 
occupied  Ajmer  in  A.D.  1193-94.  In  1195  Bhima  sent  an  army  to  help 
the  Mhers  against  the  Muslims,  and  the  Chaulukya  army  pursued 
the  Muslims  up  to  the  vicinity  of  Ajmer.  In  A.D.  1197  Qutb-ud-din, 
with  a  fresh  contingent  from  Ghazni,  invaded  Gujarat.  He  forced 
his  way  through  Mt.  Abu  by  defeating  Rai  Karan  and  Dharavarsha, 
and  plundered  Anahillapataka,  but  shortly  after  withdrew  from 
Gujarat.  In  the  early  years  of  the  thirteenth  century  the  Chaulukyas 
under  Bhima  established  their  supremacy  over  Godwar,  in  Jodhpur, 
by  defeating  Samantasimha,  and  posted  there  the  Chahamana 
Dhamdhaladeva  as  their  governor. 

Some  time  before  A.D.  1210  one  Jayasirhha  usurped  the  throne 
of  Anahillapataka.  The  usurper,  who  had  suffered  defeat  at  the  hands 
of  the  Paramara  Arjunavarman  of  Malava,  was  dethroned  by 
Bhima  II  some  time  between  A.D.  1223  and  1226.  Bhima  is  not 
known  to  have  taken  any  part  in  defending  Gujarat  against  the 
aggression  of  the  foreigners,  and  all  arrangements  for  defence  were 
made  by  Lavanaprasada  and  his  able  son  Viradhavala.  They  put 
Tejahpala  in  charge  of  Dholka  and  posted  Vastupala  at  Stambha 


79 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(Cambay)  as  a  governor  to  defend  southern  Gujarat.  Lavanapra¬ 
sada  repulsed  a  number  of  invasions  led  by  the  Yadava  Singhana. 
On  one  occasion,  when  Singhana  reached  the  Mahi  river  with  his 
army,  Lavanaprasada  and  VIradhavala  had  to  hurry  to  the  north  to 
meet  the  attacks  of  some  Maravada  chiefs,  who  made  an  alliance 
with  the  Chahamana  Sankha  of  Lata  and  Ghughula,  king  of  Godraha. 
Though  Singhana  did  not  press  his  advantage  further,  his  ally 
Sankha  attacked  Vastupala,  but  was  defeated  in  the  battle  at  Vata- 
kupa.  Lavanaprasada  and  his  son  succeeded  in  repulsing  the  attacks 
of  the  Maravada  chiefs  and  making  their  position  secure  on  the 
north.  On  another  occasion  Singhana,  in  alliance  with  Devapala  of 
Malava  and  Sankha,  attacked  southern  Gujarat’,  just  at  the  time 
when  the  Muslims  under  Iltutmish  had  invaded  northern  Gujarat. 
VIradhavala,  leaving  Vastupala  in  charge  of  the  southern  frontier, 
himself  went  to  the  north  and  repulsed  the  invaders.  Vastupala  also 
succeeded  in  dispersing  Singhana  and  his  allies.  Lavanaprasada 
entered  into  a  treaty  with  Singhana  before  A.D.  1231,  and  the  wo 
countries  maintained  friendly  relation  for  some  years.  Shortly  after 
A.D.  1231  Lavanaprasada  retired  and  VIradhavala  became  the 
de  facto  ruler  of  Gujarat.  VIradhavala  killed  the  two  rebel  chiefs 
Sangana  and  his  brother  Chamun^a  of  Vamanasthall,  subjugated 
Bhlmasimha  of  Bhadresvara,  and  took  king  Ghughula  of  Godraha 
prisoner.  VIradhavala  had  three  sons,  Pratapamalla,  VIrama,  and 
Visvamalla  (Vlsala).  Pratapamalla  died  at  an  early  age  leaving 
behind  a  son  named  Arjuna.  How  long  VIradhavala  ruled  Dholka 
cannot  be  ascertained.  Mahamandalesvara  Virama  is  found  ruling 
from  Vidyutpura  as  a  vassal  of  Bhlma  II  in  A.D.  1239.  A  colophon  of 
a  manuscript  of  the  Yogasastra  bears  the  date  V.S.  1295  (=A.D.  1238) 
and  is  stated  to  have  been  written  during  the  reign  of  the  Maha- 
mandalesvara  Vlsaladeva.  The  Gujarat  chroniclers  state  that  the 
two  brothers  were  hostile  to  each  other,  and  Vlsala  forced  Virama 
to  take  shelter  in  Jabalipura  (Jalor)  under  his  father-in-law  Udaya- 
simha,  where  he  was  killed  at  the  instigation  of  Vastupala.  The 
authenticity  of  this  account  cannot  be  verified.  The  Sundha  Hill 
inscription  (A.D.  1261),  on  the  other  hand,  states  that  Chachiga,  son 
of  Udayasimha  (A.D.  1206-49),  destroyed  the  Gujara  lord  Virama. 
It  follows  from  this  evidence  that  Virama  occupied  the  throne  of 
Gujarat,  and  was  defeated  by  Chachiga  some  time  after  A.D.  1249. 
This,  however,  goes  against  the  testimony  of  the  Jain  literature, 
according  to  which  Virama  never  occupied  the  throne  and  his  brother 
Vlsala  became  king  in  A.D.  1243. 

The  last  known  date  of  Bhlma  IPs  reign  from  his  inscriptions  is 
A.D.  1239.  He  was  succeeded  by  Tribhuvanapala,  who  was  ruling 
in  Anahillapataka  in  A.D.  1242.  It  seems  that  during  the  reign  of 


80 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

Tribhuvanapala  the  Yadava  Singhana,  the  Paramara  Jaitugi  of 
Malava,  and  the  Guhila  Jaitrasimha  of  Mewar  invaded  the  kingdom 
of  Gujarat.  Vlsaladeva  helped  Tribhuvanapala  in  routing  all  these 
enemies.  Tribhuvanapala  seems  to  have  been  superseded  by  Virama, 
who  was  again  deposed  by  his  brother  Visala  before  A.D.  1251. 
Vlsala  abdicated  the  throne  of  Anahillapataka  in  favour  of  his  nephew 
Arjuna,  son  of  Pratapamalla,  between  A.D.  1261  and  1264.  Arjuna 
had  two  sons,  Rama  and  Sarahgadeva,  and  was  succeeded  by  the 
latter  in  A.D.  1274.  It  is  known  from  Sarahgadeva’s  inscriptions 
that  Kaira  in  Gujarat,  Kathiawar,  Kutch,  and  Anahillapataka  were 
within  his  kingdom.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1285  he  was  reduced  to 
a  precarious  condition  by  the  Muslims  under  Balban,  but  succeeded 
ultimately  in  repulsing  them  with  the  help  of  the  Guhila  Samara- 
siihha.  Subsequently  this  Guhila  chief  became  hostile  to  Sarahga- 
deva,  who  thereupon  helped  the  Paramara  Pratapasimha  in  recon¬ 
quering  Mt.  Abu  from  Samar asiihha.  Sarahgadeva  won  a  victory  over 
Arjunavarman  II  of  Malava  and  repulsed  an  attack  of  the  Yadava 
Ramachandra  of  Devagiri.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Karna, 
son  of  Rama,  in  A.D.  1296.  In  A.D.  1299  Ulugh  Khan  and  Nusrat 
Khan,  two  generals  of  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Khaljl,  wrested  the  whole  of 
Gujarat  from  Karna  and  captured  his  queen  Kowladevi  (Kamaladevi) 
who  was  subsequently  admitted  into  the  harem  of  ‘Ala-ud-dln. 
Karna  fled  with  his  daughter  Devaladevi  to  Baglan  in  Nasik  where 
he  ruled  for  some  years.  Shortly  after  A.D.  1306  Alaf  Khan, 
governor  of  Gujarat,  attacked  Baglan.  Karna  sent  Devaladevi,  who 
was  betrothed  to  the  Yadava  Sankara,  to  Devagiri  under  an  escort. 
But  on  the  way  she  was  captured  by  the  Muslims  and  sent  to  Delhi. 
Kama  fought  bravely  for  some  time  with  Alaf  Khan  but,  having  fail¬ 
ed  to  cope  with  the  invader,  fled  to  Devagiri.  His  subsequent  career 
is  not  known.  He  was  the  last  king  of  the  dynasty,  and  evidently 
died  a  fugitive. 

Xni.  THE  CHAHAMANAS 
1.  The  Chahamanas  oj  Sakambhari 

The  Chahamanas  of  Sakambharl,  as  we  have  noted  above,26 
were  already  a  rising  power  under  Durlabharaja  at  the  close  of  the 
tenth  century.  Govindaraja  II,  also  known  as  Gandu,  son  of  Dur¬ 
labharaja,  seems  to  have  come  into  clash  with  Mahmud  of  Ghazni, 
but  did  not  suffer  much.  Govindaraja  IPs  successor  Vakpatiraja  II 
defeated  Guhila  Ambaprasada.  The  next  king  VIryarama,  younger 
brother  of  Vakpati  II,  was  badly  worsted  in  a  battle  with  the 
Chahamana  Anahilla  of  Nadol  and  subsequently  lost  his  life  in  a 
battle  with  the  Paramara  Bhoja.  VIryarama  was  followed  in  suc- 

81 


S.E, — 6 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


cession  by  his  brother  Chamundaraja,  Simghata  and  Dusala  (Dur- 
labharaja  III)*  Durlabha,  the  brother  of  Simghata,  lost  his  life 
in  a  battle  with  the  Matangas,  i.e.  the  Mlechchhas,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  brothers  Vlrasimha  and  Vigraharaja  III  one  after 
the  other.  Vigraharaja  helped  the  Paramara  Udayaditya  with  a 
cavalry  force  against  the  Chaulukya  Karna.  Vigraharaja’s  son  and 
successor  Prithviraja  I,  who  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in 
A.D.  1105,  killed  700  Chaulukvas  who  went  to  Pushkara  to  rob  the 
Brahmanas.  From  the  time  of  Prithviraja  I’s  son  and  successor 
Ajayaraja,  the  Chahamanas  of  Sakambharl  began  to  launch  aggressive 
campaigns  against  their  neighbours  in  order  to  establish  an  empire. 
Ajayaraja  invaded  Ujjain  and  captured  in  battle  Sulhana,  the  com¬ 
mander  of  the  army  of  the  king  of  Malava,  who  seems  to  have  been 
the  Paramara  Naravarman.  He  killed  three  kings,  viz.  Chachiga, 
Sindhula,  and  Yasoraja,  in  engagements,  and  founded  the  city 
of  Ajayameru,  modern  Ajmer.  Silver  and  copper  coins  of  his  reign 
have  been  found,  some  of  which  bear  the  names  of  his  queen  Somala- 
devi.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Arnoraja,  also  known  as  Anaka 
and  Annalladeva,  before  A.D.  1133. 

Arnoraja  defeated  and  killed  a  large  number  of  the  Turushkas, 
i.e.  the  Muslims,  who  attacked  the  Sapadalaksha  country  by  way  of 
Marusthali  (desert).  He  overran  the  kingdom  of  Kusavarana,  which 
cannot  be  definitely  identified.  He  had  to  acknowledge  the  suze¬ 
rainty  of  the  Chaulukya  Jayasimha,  wTho  gave  him  his  daughter 
Kanchanadevi  in  marriage,  and  suffered  two  defeats  at  the  hands  of 
the  Chaulukya  Kumarapala  who  married  his  daughter  Jalhana.  His 
wars  with  these  two  Chaulukya  monarchs  have  been  described  above. 
In  addition  to  Kanchanadevi  Arnoraja  had  another  queen  named 
Sudhava,  who  was  the  daughter  of  a  chief  of  Avlchi  in  the  desert. 
Kanchanadevi  gave  birth  to  a  son  Somesvara,  while  Sudhava  had 
three  sons.  Arnoraja  was  killed  by  the  eldest  son  of  Sudhava,  for 
some  unknown  reason,  before  A.D.  1153.  This  parricide,  who  may 
be  identified  with  Jugadeva,  ruled  for  a  short  time,  and  appears  to 
have  been  supplanted  by  his  younger  brother  Vigraharaja  IV,  also 
known  as  Vlsaladeva. 

The  known  dates  of  Vigraharaja  extend  from  A.D.  1153  to 
1163.  The  Chahamanas  established  a  big  empire  for  the  first  time 
during  his  reign.  He  conquered  Dhillika  (Delhi)  from  the  Tomaras, 
and  took  possession  of  Asika,  modern  HansI  in  the  Hissar  District  in 
the  Punjab.  While  carrying  on  conquest  in  the  Punjab,  he  fought 
a  number  of  battles  with  the  Muslims.  In  the  south  he  plundered 
Pallika  (Pali  in  Jodhpur),  burnt  Jabalipura,  modern  Jalor,  and  sack¬ 
ed  Nadol.  All  these  territories  were  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Chau- 


82 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


lukya  Kumarapala,  and  the  Paramara  Kumtapala  was  his  adversary 
at  Jabalipura.  Vigraharaja  is  said  to  have  also  defeated  one  Sajjana. 
Delhi  Siwalik  Pillar  inscriptions  of  his  reign  prove  that  his  kingdom 
extended  up  to  the  Siwalik  Hill,  Saharanpur,  U.P.,  on  the  north. 
The  epigraphic  records  of  his  reign  also  establish  that  Jajpur  District, 
in  Udaipur,  was  within  his  territory.  Vigraharaja  composed  the 
Harakeli-nataka,  fragments  of  which  are  found  engraved  on  a  stone 
at  Ajmer.  The  Mahdkavi  Somadeva  composed  in  honour  of  this  king 
the  Lalita-Vigraharaja-nataka,  some  portions  of  which  are  found 
engraved  in  a  mosque  at  Ajmer.  Vigraharaja  was  a  king  of  great 
power  and  strength,  and  his  claim  that  he  made  Aryavarta  again  the 
land  of  the  Aryas  by  repeatedly  defeating  the  Mlechchhas  or  the 
Muslims  is  not  an  empty  boast.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Apara- 
Gangeya,  who  died  young.  After  Apara-Gangeya  Prithvlbhata  or 
Prithvlraja  II,  son  of  the  eldest  son  of  queen  Sudhava,  occupied  the 
throne.  As  Prithvlbhata  claims  that  he  defeated  the  king  of  Sakam- 
bhari,  it  seems  that  he  wrested  the  sovereignty  from  young  Apara- 
Gangeya.  His  inscriptions  bear  two  dates,  A.D.  1168  and  1169.  He 
put  his  maternal  uncle,  the  Guhila  Kilhana,  in  charge  of  Asika 
(Hansi)  to  keep  the  Muslims  in  check.  Kilhana  burnt  a  city  named 
Panchapura,  which  is  identified  with  Panchapattana  on  the  Sutlej, 
and  took  its  ruler  prisoner.  His  adversary  on  this  occasion  appears 
to  have  been  Khusrav  Malik  of  the  Yaminl  dynasty,  who  came  into 
conflict  with  the  Gahadavala  Vijayachandra  of  Kanauj.  Kilhana  also 
defeated  a  prince  named  Vasata. 

Prithvlraja  II  was  succeeded  by  his  uncle  Somesvara,  son  of 
Arnoraja  by  the  Chaulukya  princess  Kanchanadevi,  in  A.D.  1168-69. 
In  the  early  part  of  his  life  Somesvara  lived  in  the  court  of  Gujarat 
during  the  reigns  of  his  grandfather  Jayasimha  and  Kumarapala. 
While  living  there  he  fought  on  the  side  of  Kumarapala  against 
Mallikarjuna  of  Konkana  and  is  said  to  have  killed  his  adversary. 
About  this  time  he  married  a  Kalachuri  princess,  who  gave  birth  to 
two  sons,  Prithvlraja  (III)  and  Hariraja.  After  the  death  of  Prithvl¬ 
raja  II,  Somesvara  went  to  Sapadalaksha  on  the  invitation  of  the 
ministers  of  State,  along  with  his  queen  and  two  sons,  and  ascended 
the  throne.  His  kingdom  extended  up  to  Bijoli  in  Udaipur  on  the 
south.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Prithvlraja  III  in  A.D.  1177. 
The  career  of  Prithvlraja  III  and  the  circumstances  under  which  the 
rule  of  the  Chahamanas  came  to  a  close  in  Ajmer  will  be  discussed 
in  the  following  chapter. 

2.  The  Chahamanas  of  Ranastambhapura 

A  collateral  branch  of  the  Chahamanas  of  Ajmer  ruled  in  Rana- 
stambhapura,  modern  Ranthambhor,  in  Jaipur,  in  the  thirteenth 


83 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


century.  The  kings  of  this  family  claim  to  have  been  born  in  the 
lineage  of  Frithvlraja  III.  The  statement  in  Nayachandra  Suri’s 
Hamrnira-Mahakavya  that  Govindaraja,  the  founder  of  the  family, 
was  a  grandson  of  Prithvlraja  III,  cannot  be  accepted  as  true  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  Prithvlraja  III  was  a  minor  in  A.D.  1177.  Govinda¬ 
raja,  who  came  to  power  in  the  closing  years  of  the  twelfth  century, 
was  a  scion  of  the  Chahamana  family  of  Ajmer.  It  is  stated  that 
having  been  banished  by  Prithvlraja  III  he  founded  a  kingdom  at 
Ranastambhapura;  and  that  after  the  capture  of  Ajmer  by  the 
Muslims,  the  family  and  followers  of  Hariraja,  younger  brother  of 
Prithvlraja  III,  took  shelter  with  Govindaraja,  who  was  very  much 
affected  at  the  news  of  Hariraja’s  death,  and  received  them  cordially. 
According  to  the  Muslim  source,  however,  Ranthambhor  came  under 
the  influence  of  the  Muslims  during  the  reign  of  Hariraja,  and  its 
ruler  was  their  protege.  Govindaraja  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Balhanadeva,  generally  identified  with  Gadhapati  Valanadeva,  who 
was  ruling  in  A.D.  1215  as  a  feudatory  of  Sultan  Iltutmish,  and  whose 
kingdom  extended  up  to  Manglana,  19  miles  west  of  Maroth,  in 
Jaipur.  Balhana  probably  threw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Muslims  some 
time  after  A.D.  1215,  but  in  A.D.  1226  Iltutmish  led  an  army  against 
Ranthambhor  and  conquered  it.  It  appears  from  Tabaqdt-i-N asiri 
that  Ranthambhor  was  under  the  supremacy  of  Iltutmish  till  his 
death  in  A.D.  1236,  but  after  the  close  of  his  reign  the  Hindus  laid 
siege  to  that  fort.  Raziyya  sent  to  its  rescue  her  general  Qutb-ud- 
dln  Hasan  Ghurl  who  took  the  Muslim  army  out  of  the  fort,  demolish¬ 
ed  it,  and  returned  to  Delhi.  It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  the  reports 
of  the  Muslim  historians  with  that  supplied  by  Nayachandra  Suri’s 
Hammira-Mahdkdvya ,  which  is  virtually  the  only  authority  that 
gives  a  continuous  narrative  of  this  branch  of  the  Chahamanas. 
Nayachandra  relates  that  Balhana  had  two  sons,  Prahlada  and  Vag¬ 
bhata.  As  he  grew  old  and  feeble  he  installed  Prahlada  on  the  throne 
and  appointed  Vagbhata  as  his  Prime  Minister.  Prahlada  lost  his 
life  in  a  hunting  excursion,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  young  son 
Vlranarayana.  It  is  said  that  once  when  Vlranarayana  started  for 
Amarapura  (Amber)  to  marry  the  daughter  of  the  Kachchhavaha 
prince  of  Jayapura  he  was  attacked  on  his  way  by  Sultan  Jalal-ud- 
din  of  Delhi.  Having  failed  to  overcome  him  the  Sultan  invited  him 
to  Delhi  and  killed  him,  and  Ranthambhor  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
Muslims,  Subsequently  Vagbhata  who,  being  insulted  by  Vlra¬ 
narayana,  had  left  his  service  and  proceeded  to  Malava,  killed  the 
Malava  king  and  wrested  Ranthambhor  from  the  Muslims.  The  fact 
that  no  Sultan  of  the  name  of  Jalal-ud-din  is  known  to  have  ruled 
in  Delhi  about  this  time  casts  doubt  on  the  whole  story.  It  may  only 
be  suggested  that  Iltutmish  occupied  Ranthambhor  by  defeating 


84 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

Viranarayana,  and  Vagbhata  reconquered  it  during  the  reign  of 
Raziyya.  Ulugh  Khan  (Balban)  led  two  invasions  against  Rantham- 
bhor  in  A.D.  1248  and  1253,  when  it  was  ruled  by  Bahar-deo,  who  is 
described  as  the  greatest  of  the  Rais  of  Hindustan  by  Minhaj.  On 
both  these  occasions  the  Muslims  had  to  rest  content  only  by  secur¬ 
ing  some  spoils.  Bahar-deo  may  be  identified  with  Vagbhata  who. 
according  to  Hamrriira-Mcihakavya,  stationed  a  large  number  of 
forces  at  different  places  along  the  frontier  to  keep  off  the  Muslims. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Jaitrasimha. 

The  Balvan  inscription  of  Hammira  supplies  some  valuable 
information  about  Jaitrasimha’s  military  activities.  The  king  ha¬ 
rassed  a  chief  named  Jayasimha  in  Mandapa,  who  is  generally 
identified  with  the  Paramara  Jayasimha  of  Malava.  The  Paramara 
Jayasimha  was  in  possession  of  Mandapa,  i.e.  Mandu  in  Dhar  State, 
but  there  was  a  Mandapa -durga  where  Balban  stopped  while  advanc¬ 
ing  towards  Ranthambhor  from  Delhi  and  a  lake  called  Jaitrasagara 
was  situated  near  that.  Jaitrasimha  defeated  hundreds  of  brave  war¬ 
riors  of  the  Malava  king  at  Jhampaithaghatta,  and  kept  them  as 
prisoners  at  Ranthambhor.  He  killed  a  Kurma  king  and  a  king  of 
Karkaralagiri.  According  to  Hammira-Mahaltavya  Jaitrasimha  paid 
tribute  to  the  Sultan  of  Delhi,  and  he  was  probably  the  king  of  Ran¬ 
thambhor  who,  according  to  Minhaj,  was  defeated  by  the  army  of 
Sultan  Nasir-ud-dln  in  A.D.  1259.  Jaitrasimha  had  three  sons,  Ham¬ 
mira,  Surattrana,  and  Virama,  and  was  succeeded  by  Hammira  in 
A.D.  1283. 

Hammira’s  kingdom  included  Seopur  District  in  the  Gwalior 
State,  and  Balvan  in  the  Kotah  State.  Sarngadhara,  whose  grand¬ 
father  Raghava  was  a  courtier  of  Hammira,  refers  to  this  king  as  a 
ruler  of  the  Sakambhari  country  in  his  Paddhati,  composed  in 
A.D.  1363.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  kings  of  this  family  held  sway 
over  Sakambhari  from  the  time  of  Balhana,  whose  kingdom  is  known 
to  have  been  extended  up  to  Maroth  in  Jaipur.  The  Hammira-Mahd- 
kdvya  gives  a  description  of  Hammira’s  digvijaya.  The  king  defeat¬ 
ed  Arjuna  of  Sarasapura,  an  unnamed  chief  of  Ga$hamandala,  and 
Bhoja  II  of  Dhara.  He  marched  to  Chitrakuta,  ravaged  Medapata, 
and  extorted  submission  from  the  ruler  of  Abu.  Then  he  sacked 
Vardhamanapura,  modern  Wadhwan  in  Kathiawar,  and  proceeded 
to  Pushkara  by  way  of  Ajayameru  (Ajmer).  From  Pushkara 
he  went  to  Sakambhari,  plundering  on  his  way  a  number  of  towns, 
and  from  that  place  to  Ranthambhor.  His  adversaries  in  Medapata 
and  Mt.  Abu  were  respectively  the  Guhila  Samarasimha  and  the 
Paramara  Pratapasimha,  a  subordinate  of  the  Vaghela  Sarangadeva 
of  Gujarat.  The  Balvan  inscription  of  his  reign  mentions  his  victory 


85 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


over  Arjuna,  king  of  Malava.  This  suggests  that  he  led  two  expedi¬ 
tions  against  Malava,  once  during  Arjunavarman’s  reign  and  again 
during  the  reign  of  Bhoja  II.  The  Prakrita-paingalam  relates  his 
victory  over  Malava  and  Gurjara  and  describes  his  prolonged  fights 
with  the  Muslims  of  Delhi.  It  is  known  from  the  Muslim  source  that 
Jalal-ud-dln  Khalji  led  an  unsuccessful  invasion  against  Rantham- 
bhor  in  A.D.  1290.  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Khalji  also  declared  war  against 
Hammlra  because  the  latter  stopped  the  payment  of  tribute  and  gave 
shelter  to  some  rebels  from  Gujarat.  He  sent  a  number  of  expedi¬ 
tions  against  Ranthambhor  under  his  general  Ulugh  Khan,  but  failed 
to  overcome  the  enemy.  Then  ‘Ala-ud-dln  himself  led  the  army. 
After  a  strenuous  fight  he  defeated  and  killed  Hammlra  and  captured 
Ranthambhor  in  A.D.  1301. 

3.  The  Chahamdnas  of  Nadol 

The  Nadol  branch  of  the  Chahamanas  played  an  important  role 
in  the  history  of  this  period.  In  the  early  years  of  the  eleventh  cen¬ 
tury  Asvapala  was  on  the  throne  of  Nadol,  and  his  son  and  successor 
Ahila  repulsed  an  attack  of  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  I.  Ahila’s  paternal 
uncle  and  successor  Anahilla,  son  of  Mahendra,  defeated  the  Chau¬ 
lukya  Bhlma  I,  killed  Sadha,  a  general  of  the  Paramara  Bhoja,  cap¬ 
tured  Sakambharl,  which  was  then  ruled  by  the  Chahamana  Vlrya- 
rama,  and  fought  successfully  with  the  Turushkas,  i.e.  the  Muslims 
of  the  Punjab.  Anahilla’s  son  and  successor  Balaprasada  forced  the 
Chaulukya  Bhlma  I  to  release  the  Paramara  ICrishnaraja  of  Bhimmal. 
Jinduraja,  the  brother  and  successor  of  Balaprasada,  whose  inscrip¬ 
tion  is  dated  A.D.  1075,  won  a  victory  in  a  battle  at  Sandera,  modern 
Sanderao  in  the  Jodhpur  State.  Jinduraja’s  son  Prithvipala  repulsed 
an  attack  of  the  Chaulukya  Kama.  Prithvlpala’s  brother,  king 
Jojalla,  whose  inscription  is  dated  A.D.  1090,  captured  Anahilla- 
pataka  for  a  short  time,  probably  during  the  early  part  of  Jayasimha’s 
reign.  Jojalla  was  succeeded  by  his  youngest  brother  Asaraja,  whose 
inscriptions  bear  dates  from  A.D.  1110  to  1143.  Asaraja  had  to 
surrender  Nadol  to  his  nephew  Ratnapala,  the  son  of  Prithvipala, 
between  A.D.  1115  and  1119.  Ratnapala  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Rayapala,  whose  inscriptions  bear  dates  from  A.D.  1132  to  1145. 
Asaraja,  being  deprived  of  his  supremacy  over  Nadol,  ruled  in  Bali 
in  Godwar.  He  acknowledged  the  sway  of  the  Chaulukya  Jaya- 
simha  and  helped  him  in  his  war  against  the  Paramara  Naravarman. 
In  the  closing  years  of  his  reign  he  became  hostile  to  Jayasimha, 
though  he  obeyed  the  authority  of  the  latter  in  A.D.  1143.  Asaraja’s 
son  Katudeva  occupied  Nadol  for  a  short  time  in  A.D.  1143-44,  but 
Rayapala  reconquered  it  before  A.D.  1145.  He  had,  however,  to  sur¬ 
render  it  to  the  Chaulukya  Kumarapala  before  A.D.  1154,  and  his 


86 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

son  Punapakshadeva  ruled  as  a  vassal  in  the  region  of  Ratanpur  in 
Jodhpur.  His  other  son  Sahajapala  was  the  ruler  of  Mandor,  north 
of  Jodhpur.  Kumarapala’s  general,  the  Chahamana  Vaijalladeva, 
took  charge  of  the  administration  of  Nadol  before  A.D.  1154  and 
continued  till  A.D.  1159.  Alhanadeva,  second  son  of  Asaraja,  helped 
Kumarapala  in  his  war  against  Saurashtra,  and  probably  in  recogni¬ 
tion  of  this  service  he  obtained  from  the  latter  Kiratakupa  (Kiradu, 
Mallani),  Latahrada,  and  Siva  before  A.D.  1152.  He  got  back  the 
throne  of  Nadol  through  the  favour  of  Kumarapala  some  time 
between  A  D.  1159  and  1161.  Alhanadeva’s  kingdom  extended 
on  the  north  up  to  Mandor,  north  of  Jodhpur.  About  this  time 
Vigraharaja  IV  of  Ajmer  plundered  Na<Jol. 

Alhanadeva  had  four  sons,  Kelhana,  Gajasiihha,  KIrttipala,  and 
Vijayasiihha.  He  was  succeeded  by  Kelhana,  the  dates  of  whose 
inscriptions  extend  from  A.D.  1163  to  1192.  Some  time  after 
A.D.  1178  Kelhana  declared  independence.  He  was  assisted  in  his 
royal  business  by  his  brother  KIrttipala,  also  known  as  Kitu,  and  the 
two  brothers,  in  alliance  with  the  Chaulukyas,  repulsed  at  Kasahrada 
an  attack  of  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  Ghurl  who  plundered  Na$ol 
in  A.D.  1178.  KIrttipala  conquered  Mewar  by  defeating  the  Guhila 
Samantasimha,  but  was  driven  out  of  that  country  by  Samantasirhha’s 
brother  Kumarasimha.  He  also  defeated  Asala  of  Kiratakupa,  the 
vassal  of  Chaulukya  Bhlma  II,  and  wrested  Jabalipura  from  the  Para- 
maras.  KIrttipala ’s  successors,  known  as  Sonigaras,  ruled  in  Jabali¬ 
pura  or  Jalor  for  more  than  a  century,  Kelhana  repulsed  an  attack  of 
the  Yadava  Bhillama,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Jayataslha 
before  A.D.  1194.  During  Jayataslha’s  reign  Qutb-ud-dln  invaded  the 
kingdom  of  Nadol  in  A.D.  1197.  Maharaja  Samantasimha,  who  was 
ruling  in  Godwar  and  over  a  part  of  the  Sirohi  State  from  A.D.  1199 
to  1201,  might  have  dethroned  him  or  might  have  been  his  legitimate 
successor.  Dr.  Bhandarkar’s  identification  of  this  Samantasimha 
with  the  Guhila  king  of  the  same  name  is  untenable  on  chronological 
ground.  Dhamdhaladeva,  son  of  one  VIsadhavaladeva  of  the  Chaha¬ 
mana  family,  ruled  Godwar  as  a  vassal  under  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma 
II  from  c.  A.D.  1209  to  1226.  The  Chaulukyas  were  superseded 
there  by  the  Chahamana  Udayasimha  of  Jalor,  and  Godwar  remained 
under  the  rule  of  the  Chahamanas  even  in  the  fourteenth  century. 

4.  The  Chahamanas  of  Jabalipura  (Jalor) 

It  has  been  noticed  above  that  KIrttipala  of  Nadol  is  the  founder 
of  the  Sonigara  branch  of  the  Chahamanas  at  Jalor.  The  name  Soni- 
gara  is  the  contraction  of  the  name  Suvarnagiri,  a  hill-fort  at  Jalor. 
KIrttipala  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Samarasiihha,  who  issued  in- 

87 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


scriptions  in  A.D.  1182.  Samarasimha  had  two  sons,  Manavasimha 
alias  Mahanasimha,  and  Udayasimha,  and  one  daughter  LiladevI, 
who  was  married  to  the  Chaulukya  Bhima  II.  After  Samarasimha, 
Udavasimha  ruled  at  Jalor.  Manavasimha,  whose  successors  consti- 
tuted  the  Devada  branch,  is  not  known  to  have  occupied  the  throne 
of  his  father.  Udayasimha,  whose  inscriptions  bear  dates  extending 
from  A.D.  1205  to  1249,  asserted  his  supremacy  over  Naddula, 
Jabalipura.  Manclavyapura,  Vagbhatameru,  Surachanda,  Ratahrada, 
Kheda,  Ramasainya,  Srimala,  Ratnapura,  and  Satyapura.  Mandavya- 
pura  is  Mandor,  Vagbhatameru  is  Barmer,  Surachanda  is  Surachand, 
Ratahrada  is  Raddhuda  in  Mallani,  Kheda  is  in  Mallani,  Ramasainya 
is  Ramsen,  Srimala  is  Bhinmal,  Ratnapura  is  Ratanpur,  and  Satya¬ 
pura  is  Sanchor.  Udayasimha’s  kingdom  thus  extended  from 
Mandor  to  Sanchor  and  from  Mallani  to  Godwar.  He  reconquered 
Nadol  after  A.D.  1226  from  the  Chaulukya  Bhima  II,  and  defeated 
the  Chahamana  Sindhuraja  of  Lata.  Iltutmish  invested  the  fort  of 
Jalor  between  A.D.  1211  and  1216.  Udayasimha,  who  capitulated 
after  a  strenuous  resistance,  was  allowed  to  rule  his  territory  by  the 
Sultan.  Some  time  later,  while  Iltutmish  advanced  against  Gujarat 
counting  upon  the  support  of  Udayasimha,  the  latter  joined  the 
Gujarat  army,  and  helped  the  Vaghela  Viradhavala  in  repulsing  the 
Muslims.  According  to  some  Jain  writers  of  Gujarat,  Udayasimha 
gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  the  Vaghela  Vlramadeva.  He  was 
a  man  of  learning  and  mastered  the  works  of  Bharata,  i.e.  Bharatiya - 
Natya-sastra.  He  was  succeeded,  before  A.D.  1262,  by  his  son 
Chachiga  who  claims  to  have  destroyed  the  power  of  the  Vaghela 
Vlramadeva  and  defeated  some  princes  named  Salya,  Patuka,  Sahga, 
and  Nahara.  Chachiga  was  succeeded  by  Samantasimha  between 
A-D.  1277  and  1282,  and  the  latter  by  his  son  Kanhada  after 
A.D.  1296.  In  A.D.  1310-1311,  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Khaljl  defeated  and  kill¬ 
ed  Kanhada  and  his  son  Vlrama,  and  captured  Jalor  and  Sanchor. 

5.  The  Chahamanas  of  Satyapura  ( Sanchor )  and  Devada 

Vijayasimha,  son  of  king  Alhana  of  Nadol,  was  the  founder 
of  the  Satyapura  (Sanchor  in  Jodhpur)  branch.  He  was  followed  in 
succession  by  Padmasimha,  Sobhita,  and  Salha,  all  of  whom  were 
feudatories  of  the  Chahamanas  of  Jalor.  Salha  claims  to  have  libe¬ 
rated  Bhinmal  from  the  hands  of  the  Muslims,  and  probably  wrest¬ 
ed  it  from  ‘Ala-ud-dln  or  his  successor  after  A.D.  1310-11,  when  the 
southern  part  of  Jodhpur  was  occupied  by  the  Muslim  army.  Salha 
was  succeeded  by  Vikramasimha,  Sarhgramasimha  and  Pratapa- 
siriiha  (A.D.  1387)  one  after  the  other. 

The  Devada  branch  of  the  Chahamanas  was  founded  by  Vijada 
also  known  as  Devaraja,  the  son  of  Pratapa,  and  grandson  of  Manava- 


88 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


simha,  who  was  the  son  of  Samarasirhha  of  Jalor.  The  name  Devada 
is  said  to  have  been  derived  from  Devaraja.  Vijada-Devaraja  is 
referred  to  as  the  lord  of  Marusthali-mandala.  He  had  four  sons,  the 
eldest  of  whom,  Luniga  (Lavanyakarna),  succeeded  his  father,  and 
conquered  Mt.  Abu  from  the  Solankis  (Vaghelas)  with  the  help  of 
his  brothers.  His  successor  was  his  younger  brother  Luntiga 
(Lundha),  who  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1315  and  1320. 
Luntiga  was  succeeded  by  Luniga’s  son  Tejasirhha  (A.D.  1330,  1336), 
who  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Kanhadadeva  in  A.D.  1337. 

XIV.  THE  GUHILAS  OF  MEWAR 

After  the  termination  of  the  reign  of  the  Guhila  Saktikumara  in 
the  closing  years  of  the  tenth  century26  his  son  Ambaprasada  ascend¬ 
ed  the  throne  of  Medapata  or  Mewar.  From  this  time  Aghata, 
modern  Ahar,  in  Udaipur,  served  as  the  second  capital  of  this 
dynasty.  Ambaprasada  lost  his  life  in  a  battle  with  the  Chahamana 
Vakpati  II  of  Sakambhari.  After  Ambaprasada  the  throne  of  Meda¬ 
pata  was  occupied  by  Suchivarman,  Naravarman,  Anantavarman, 
Kirttivarman  alias  Yasovarman,  Yogaraja,  Vairata,  Hamsapala, 
Vairisimha,  Vijayasimha,  Arisimha,  Chodasimha,  Vikramasimha, 
and  Ranasimha  alias  Karna.  Of  them  Vijayasimha,  whose  father-in 
law  was  the  Paramara  Udayaditya  and  whose  son-in-lav/  was  the 
Kalachuri  Gayakarna,  is  definitely  known  to  have  been  ruling  in 
A.D.  1108  and  1116.  Karna  had  three  sons,  Mahana,  Kshemasimha, 
and  Rahapa.  The  successors  of  Kshemasimha  were  known  as  Raval  or 
Rajakula,  and  the  successors  of  Rahapa,  wmo  ruled  as  vassals  of  the 
Ravals  at  Sisoda,  were  known  as  Ranas.  Karna  was  succeeded  by 
Kshemasimha,  whose  son  and  successor  Samantasimha  is  known  to 
have  been  ruling  in  Mewar  in  A.D.  1171.  The  Chaulukya  Kumara- 
pala  was  in  possession  of  Chitor  in  A.D.  1151,  but  it  is  not  certain 
whether  he  could  bring  the  Guhilas  of  Medapata  under  his  sway. 
Kumarapala’s  successor  Ajayapala  invaded  that  country  but  receiv¬ 
ed  a  severe  wound  in  a  battle  with  Samantasimha,  and  the  Para¬ 
mara  Prahladana  of  Mt.  Abu  saved  the  Chaulukya  king  from  disas¬ 
ter  on  that  occasion.  Shortly  after  this  battle  Kirttipala,  the  youn¬ 
ger  brother  of  Kelhana  of  Nadol,  took  possession  of  Medapata  by 
defeating  Samantasimha,  who  thereafter  ruled  only  over  a  part  of 
the  Jodhpur  State.  Kirttipala  was  driven  out  from  Mewar  by 
Kumarasirhha,  younger  brother  of  Samantasimha  who,  with  the 
help  of  the  Gurjara  king,  established  himself  at  Aghata.  The  Gur- 
jara  king  might  have  been  Ajayapala  or  Mularaja  II.  Kumarasimha 
occupied  Mewar  before  A  D.  1182  and  was  followed  in  succession 
bv  Mathanasimha,  Padmasimha,  and  Jaitrasimha. 


89 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


The  Guhilas  of  Mewar  gained  a  high  political  status  during 
the  reign  of  Jaitrasimha  whose  known  dates  range  between  A.D. 
1213  and  1252.  Chitrakuta,  modern  Chitor  in  Udaipur,  is 
known  for  the  first  time  to  have  been  included  in  the  Guhila  king¬ 
dom  during  his  reign.  In  the  early  part  of  his  reign  the  Muslims 
under  Sultan  Iitutmish  overran  Mewar  and  destroyed  the  Guhila 
capital  Nagahrada.  Jayatala,  who  was  obviously  Jaitrasimha,  king 
of  Mewar,  suffered  a  heavy  loss  of  men  and  property  on  that  occa¬ 
sion.  But  on  receipt  of  the  news  that  the  Vaghela  Viradhavala  was 
advancing  with  his  forces  to  render  assistance  to  Jaitrasimha  the 
Muslim  army  withdrew. 

Jaitrasimha  plundered  Nadol  where  his  adversary  seems  to 
have  been  the  Chahamana  Udayasimha  of  Jalor.  He  invaded  the 
territory  of  the  Chaulukyas  of  Gujarat,  and  one  of  his  generals  lost 
his  life  in  a  battle  while  capturing  Kottadaka  from  the  Chaulukya 
Tribhuvanapala.  He  was  ultimately  repulsed  by  the  Vaghela 
Visaiadeva.  Madana,  son  of  Jaitrasimha’s  officer  Kshema,  fought 
on  behalf  of  Jesala  with  the  Pafichalagudika  Jaitramalla  on  the 
battlefield  of  Utthunaka,  which  is  identified  with  Arthuna,  the  capi¬ 
tal  of  Vagada.  Jesala  may  be  taken  as  identical  with  Jaitrasimha, 
who  was  also  known  as  Jayasimha.  Jaitramalla  is  identified  with 
the  Paramara  Jaitugideva  of  Malava  but  he  seems  to  have  been 
a  chief  of  the  Guhila  dynasty  of  Vagada.  Jaitrasimha  fought  suc¬ 
cessfully  with  a  king  of  Sakambharl,  who  may  be  identified  with  a 
Chahamana  king  of  Ranthambhor.  The  Sindhuka  army,  which  he 
defeated,  cannot  be  identified. 

Jaitrasimha  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Tejasiihha,  who  is  known 
to  have  occupied  the  throne  of  Aghata  before  A.D.  1260.  An 
inscription  of  his  reign,  which  refers  to  Chitrakuta-mahadurga,  has 
been  found  at  Chitor.  This  is  the  earliest  known  epigraphic  re¬ 
cord  of  the  Guhilas  of  Mewar  found  at  Chitor.  Tejasiihha  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  son  Samarasimha  between  A.D.  1267  and  1273.  Sama- 
rasimha’s  inscriptions,  which  bear  dates  ranging  between  A.D.  1273 
and  1301,  prove  that  his  kingdom  extended  from  Chitor  to  Mt.  Abu. 
He  wrested  Mt.  Abu  from  the  Paramara  Krishnaraja,  but  could 
not  hold  it  for  long  as  Krishnaraja’s  son  Pratapasimha 
reconquered  it  with  the  help  of  the  Vaghela  Sarangadeva 
between  A  D.  1285  and  1287.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1285,  while 
the  Turushkas,  apparently  under  Sultan  Balban,  overran  Gujarat, 
Samarasimha  helped  the  Vaghela  Sarangadeva  in  routing  the  Mus¬ 
lims,  but  in  the  closing  years  of  the  thirteenth  century,  when  Ulugh 
Khan,  the  brother  of  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji,  was  marching  against  Guja¬ 
rat,  Samarasimha  saved  his  country  from  devastation  by  paying 


90 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


homage  to  the  Muslim  general.  Samarasirhha  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Ratnasimha,  one  of  whose  known  dates  is  A.D.  1302.  Rat- 
nasimha  met  with  a  severe  catastrophe  after  a  rule  of  a  couple  of 
years.  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji,  desiring  to  assert  his  supremacy  over 
India,  invaded  Chitor  and  pitched  his  camp  on  the  bank  of  a  river 
in  the  vicinity  of  that  place.  Ratnasimha  resisted  the  Muslims  for 
two  months.  He  had  a  daughter  named  Padmini,  who  was  marri¬ 
ed  to  the  Guhila  Lakshmanasirhha  of  the  Sisodiya  branch.  Laksh¬ 
manasirhha,  along  with  his  sons  Arisimha  and  others,  came  to  help 
Ratnasimha  in  that  perilous  war.  Ratnasimha,  despairing  of  his 
success,  stealthily  got  out  of  his  fort  without  consulting  his  relatives 
and  lieutenants,  flowed  down  the  river,  reached  the  Sultan’s  camp, 
and  ignominiously  surrendered  to  him.  The  Sultan  put  him  under 
restraint  and  made  a  vigorous  attack  on  the  fort.  Lakshmana- 
simha  and  his  sons  lost  their  lives  in  their  endeavour  to  defend  the 
citadel,  while  the  relatives  of  Ratnasimha,  along  with  Padmini, 
fled  to  the  hilly  tracts.  ‘Ala-ud-din  made  a  triumphant  march  into 
the  fort  of  Chitor  in  A.D.  1303,  posted  there  his  son  Khizr  Khan, 
and  returned  to  Delhi  along  with  the  captive  king  Ratnasimha.  He 
expressed  his  willingness  to  release  the  Guhila  monarch  if  he  agreed 
to  make  an  arrangement  for  the  surrender  of  his  daughter  Pad- 
mini.27  The  proposal  was  communicated  to  his  relations  by  Ratna¬ 
simha  and  the  Guhilas  utilised  this  opportunity  to  effect  the  release 
of  Ratnasimha  by  a  device.  The  conquest  of  Chitor,  which  was  only  an 
outlying  fortress  in  the  Guhila  kingdom,  did  not  make  ‘Ala-ud-din  the 
master  of  Nagahrada  and  Aghata,  which  served  as  capitals  of  the 
Guhilas  at  least  up  to  the  time  of  Samarasirhha.  After  his  release 
Ratnasimha  carried  on  depredations  in  the  territories  around  the 
fort  of  Chitor,  and  the  Sultan  did  not  think  it  safe  to  keep  Khizr 
Khan  there  any  longer.  He  recalled  him,  and  handed  the  fort  over 
to  his  ally  Maladeva,  younger  brother  of  the  Chahamana  Kanhada- 
deva,  and  the  sister’s  son  of  Ratnasimha.  Maladeva  ruled  Chitor 
for  seven  years  as  a  vassal  under  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji.  Nothing  more 
is  known  of  Ratnasimha. 

It  has  been  noticed  above  that  the  Sisodiya  branch  of  the  Guhilas 
was  founded  by  Rahapa,  the  son  of  Ratnasimha  alias  Kama.  The 
Ekalingaji  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1652,  mentions  that  Rahapa’s 
successors  were  Narapati,  Dinakara,  Jasakarna,  Nagapala,  Karna- 
pala,  Bhuvanasimha,  Bhimasirhha,  Jayasimha,  Lakhanasimha, 
Arasi  (Arisimha),  Hammira,  etc.  An  inscription  of  Rana  Kumbha- 
karna,  dated  A  D.  1439,  states  that  Jajasirhha  was  the  son  of  Bhu¬ 
vanasimha,  and  Lakshmanasirhha  had  two  sons,  Ajayasimha  and  Ari¬ 
simha.  The  gallant  fight  of  Bhuvanasimha,  Lakshmanasirhha,  and 
Arisimha,  against  ‘Ala-ud-din  for  the  defence  of  Chitor  has  already 


91 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


been  noted  above.  Hammira  overthrew  Jeso,  the  son  and  successor 
of  Maladeva,  and  established  the  supremacy  of  the  Sisodiyas  over 
Chitor  some  time  after  the  reign  of  Ghiyas-ud-din  Tughluq. 

XV.  THE  PUNJAB  UNDER  THE  YAMiNl  DYNASTY 

The  great  conqueror  Sultan  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  died  in  A.D. 
1030,  leaving  behind  three  sons,  Muhammad,  Mas‘ud  I,  and  ‘Abd-ur- 
Rashld.  Muhammad  and  Mas‘ud  were  born  on  the  same  day. 
Mahmud  expressed  his  desire  that  after  his  death  Muhammad  would 
be  the  ruler  of  Ghazni  and  the  country  of  Hind,  and  Mas‘ud  would 
receive  Khurasan,  ‘Iraq,  and  Persia.  As  soon  as  Mahmud  died  the 
nobles  of  the  court  placed  Muhammad  on  the  throne  of  Ghazni. 
Mas‘ud,  who  was  at  ‘Iraq  about  this  time,  marched  towards  Ghazni 
and  defeated  his  brother,  who  had  been  on  the  throne  only  for  seven 
months.  Muhammad  was  blinded  and  thrown  into  prison  by 
Mas‘ud,  who  ascended  the  throne  of  Ghazni  in  A.D.  1031.  Ariyaruq, 
who  was  appointed  governor  of  the  Punjab  by  Sultan  Mahmud,  still 
held  that  post,  but  his  tyrannical  and  oppressive  actions  led 
Mas‘ud  to  call  him  back.  Though  he  avoided  his  presence  by  ex¬ 
cuses  for  some  time,  he  was  imprisoned  and  subsequently  put  to 
death.  Mas‘ud  then  appointed  Ahmad  Niyaltigin  governor  of  the 
Punjab.  Niyaltigin,  after  assuming  his  office,  began  to  quarrel 
with  Abu-’l-Hasan,  ‘the  Shirazi  Qazi’  who  was  in  charge  of  the  re¬ 
venue  administration  of  the  Punjab.  Both  submitted  complaints 
to  the  Sultan  charging  each  other  with  serious  offence.  Mas‘ud 
supported  Niyaltigin,  asking  the  Qazi  to  limit  his  sphere  of  work 
to  the  collection  of  revenue.  Being  thus  secured  in  his  position, 
Niyaltigin  launched  expeditions  against  the  Indian  chiefs.  In 
A.D.  1034  he  exacted  tribute  from  the  Thakurs,  crossed  the  Ganga, 
and  following  its  left  bank  quite  unexpectedly  arrived  at  the  city 
of  Banaras,  which  was  within  the  kingdom  of  Gang,  i.e.  the  Kala- 
churi  Gangeyadeva.  He  plundered  the  markets  of  the  drapers,  per¬ 
fumers,  and  jewellers  from  morning  till  mid-day,  and  returned  to 
the  Punjab  with  a  large  amount  of  gold,  silver  and  jewels.  The 
Qazi,  who  was  very  much  dejected  at  this  success  of  his  rival,  sent 
a  report  to  the  Sultan  that  Niyaltigin  deposited  only  a  portion  of 
the  riches  which  he  had  obtained  as  tributes  from  the  Thakurs  and 
also  by  plundering  Banaras.  The  Sultan  also  received  letters  from 
independent  sources  mentioning  Niyalti gin’s  association  with  the 
Turkomans  and  numerous  turbulent  chiefs  of  Lahore.  All  these 
alienated  the  Sultan  from  Niyaltigin,  and  he  sent  a  force  under  the 
command  of  a  Hindu  named  Tilak  against  him.  Tilak  reached 
Lahore  and  defeated  Niyaltigin  in  a  severe  engagement.  Niyaltigin 


92 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


fled  away  but  was  killed  by  the  Jats,  while  Tilak  returned  to  the 
royal  court  after  settling  the  affairs  of  the  country.  In  A.D.  1036 
Mas‘ud  sent  his  second  son  Majdud  as  the  governor  of  the  Punjab 
and  next  year  organised  a  big  army  to  fight  for  the  expansion  of  his 
empire  in  Hindustan.  In  vain  did  his  advisers  try  to  persuade  him 
to  give  up  the  project  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  Saljuqs  were 
threatening  to  conquer  the  northern  part  of  his  empire.  The  Sul¬ 
tan  marched  to  the  Punjab  and  encamped  on  the  bank  of  the  Jhelum 
near  Dinarkotah.  Thence  he  went  to  Hansi,  in  the  Hissar  District, 
Punjab,  and  invested  the  fort.  After  a  strenuous  fight  Hansi  fell 
into  his  hands.  He  then  marched  to  Sonpat  and  defeated  its  gover¬ 
nor  Dipal  Har.  From  Sonpat  he  advanced  towards  the  kingdom  of 
Ram  Rai,  who  saved  himself  from  molestation  by  offering  him  valu¬ 
able  presents. 

Mas‘ud  had  very  soon  to  pay  the  penalty  for  wasting  his  re¬ 
sources  in  Hindustan.  In  A.D.  1040,  being  hard  pressed  by  the  Sal¬ 
juqs,  he  left  Ghazni  and  proceeded  towards  Hindustan  with  his 
family,  including  his  blind  brother  Muhammad,  and  treasure.  On 
his  way,  in  the  pass  of  Marigala,  his  Turkish  and  Hindu  slaves  revol¬ 
ted,  took  him  prisoner,  and  declared  Muhammad  as  king.  In  the 
same  year  Mas‘ud  was  slain  in  the  fort  of  Girl. 

On  receipt  of  these  news,  Mas‘ud’s  son  Maudud,  who  was  at 
Balkh,  hastened  to  Ghazni,  ascended  the  throne,  and  marched  to¬ 
wards  India  to  punish  his  uncle.  Muhammad  had  enjoyed  royal 
position  only  for  four  months.  He  confronted  his  nephew  at  Nan- 
grahar  between  the  Sindhu  and  Ghazni,  but  fell  a  captive  in  the 
battle  along  with  some  of  his  sons.  All  of  them  were  soon  put  to 
death,  and  Maudud  returned  to  Ghazni.  Muhammad  the  blind  had 
appointed  his  younger  son  Nami  governor  of  Peshawar  and  Multan. 
Maudud  despatched  an  army  against  Nami,  who  lost  his  life  in  the 
engagement.  Maudud’s  brother  Majdud,  who  was  appointed  the 
governor  of  the  Punjab  by  Mas‘ud  and  was  then  in  the  possession 
of  the  country  from  Hansi  to  the  Sindhu,  refused  allegiance  to  him. 
So  the  Sultan  sent  an  army  against  him  from  Ghazni.  Majdud  also 
marched  from  his  residence  at  Hansi  to  resist  his  brother’s  army 
and  reached  Lahore,  where  Maudud’s  forces  arrived  a  day  or  two 
later.  The  two  armies  were  preparing  for  the  final  battle,  when 
one  morning  Majdud  was  found  dead  on  his  bed.  The  next  day 
his  vizier  Khwaza  Ayaz  was  also  found  dead.  It  was  suspected 
that  they  were  secretly  poisoned.  Maj dud’s  army  now  joined 
Maudud,  and  the  Punjab  easily  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  latter. 

Though  Maudud  succeeded  in  asserting  his  supremacy  over  the 
Punjab,  his  position  at  Ghazni  was  made  miserable  by  the  succes- 

93 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


sive  attacks  of  the  Saljuqs.  The  situation  became  worse  when,  in 
A.D.  1043,  some  Indian  chiefs  formed  a  confederacy  under  the 
leadership  of  the  Raja  of  Delhi  to  put  an  end  to  the  Muslim  rule 
in  the  Punjab.  They  wrested  HansI,  Thaneswar  and  other  places 
from  governors  who  were  posted  there  by  Maudud.  After  captur¬ 
ing  Nagarkot  they  marched  to  Lahore  and  invested  it  for  seven 
months.  The  Muslims,  in  despair,  sallied  forth  from  the  fort  and 
attacked  the  invading  army  which,  being  taken  unawares,  took  to 
flight.  The  Indian  chiefs  retained  their  hold  over  Nagarkot,  HansI 
and  other  conquered  places  for  some  time.  The  Raja  of  Delhi,  who 
led  the  confederacy,  was  obviously  a  chief  of  the  Tomara  dynasty. 
The  Paramara  Bhoja,  the  Kalachuri  Karna,  and  the  Chahamana 
Anahilla  were  probably  among  those  who  formed  the  confederacy.28 

After  the  death  of  Maudud  in  A.D.  1049  some  of  the  royal  ser¬ 
vants  placed  Maudud’s  young  son  Mas‘ud  II  on  the  throne.  But  after 
a  few  days  the  ministers  and  the  nobles  deposed  the  young  boy  and 
declared  his  uncle  ‘All  Abu-’l-Hasan,  son  of  Mas‘ud  I,  as  king.  Dur¬ 
ing  the  reign  of  ‘All,  in  A.D.  1049,  an  officer  named  ‘All  bin  Rubia 
broke  open  the  treasury,  secured  a  heavy  amount  of  gold  and  jewels, 
and  fled  to  Peshawar  with  some  household  troops.  There  he  raised 
an  army  from  the  natives  and  reduced  Multan  and  Sindh.  In  A.D. 
1051  Sultan  ‘All  was  dethroned  by  Tzz-ud-daulah  ‘Abd-ur-Rashld, 
the  sixth  son  of  Sultan  Mahmud,  who  was  released  from  prison 
after  a  long  confinement.  The  new  Sultan  succeeded  in  persuading 
‘All  bin  Rubia  to  come  back  to  Ghazni,  and  appointed  Nushtigln 
Hajib  the  governor  of  the  country  to  the  east  of  the  Sindhu.  NushtL 
gin  captured  Nagarkot,  which  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hindus  since  A.D.  1043.  ‘Abd-ur-Rashld  was  dethroned  and  murder¬ 
ed  by  Tughril  Hajib,  a  slave  of  Sultan  Mahmud,  who  declared  him¬ 
self  king  of  Ghazni  in  A.D.  1052-53.  Tughril  was  on  the  throne  for 
forty  days  only.  He  asked  Nushtigln  to  owe  allegiance  to  him,  but 
Nushtigln  refused  to  obey  his  order,  marched  to  Ghazni,  and  took  an 
active  part  along  with  the  nobles  in  destroying  his  power.  He  placed 
Farrukhzad,  a  son  of  Mas‘ud  I,  on  the  throne  in  A.D.  1052  and  him¬ 
self  became  his  vizier.  The  new  Sultan  ruled  till  A.D.  1059,  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Ibrahim,  another  son  of  Mas‘ud  I. 

Ibrahim  led  many  expeditions  against  Indian  chiefs,  and  con¬ 
quered  Tabarhindah  (modern  Sirhind),  Buria  (modern  Burya  on  the 
Yamuna  in  Ambala),  Dhangan,  Jalandhar,  Ajudhan  (modern  Pak 
Pattan),  and  Rupal  on  the  summit  of  a  hill,  and  reduced  the  fort  of 
Darah,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rupal.  In  A.D.  1075  he  appointed 
his  son  Mahmud  governor  of  the  Punjab.  Mahmud  led  an  expedi¬ 
tion  into  the  heart  of  India,  and  conquered  Agra  by  defeating  its 

94 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


chief  Jaipal.  Kanauj,  which  was  ruled  by  a  Rashtrakuta  family, 
passed  into  his  hands,  and  he  engaged  Chand  Rai,  apparently  Chan- 
dradeva  of  the  Gahadavala  dynasty,  to  look  after  his  elephant  forces 
there.  He  next  invaded  Ujjain,  but  was  repulsed  by  the  Paramara 
Lakshmadeva.  He  also  invested  the  fort  of  Kalanjara,  which  was 
then  ruled  by  the  Chandella  Kirttivarman.  Mahmud’s  expeditions 
against  the  Indian  chiefs  were  nothing  more  than  plundering  raids. 

Ibrahim  was  succeeded  by  his  son  ‘Ala-ud-Daulah  Mas‘ud  III  in 
A.D.  1099.  During  the  reign  of  Mas‘ud  III  Amir  ‘Uzd-ud-Daulah 
was  in  charge  of  the  government  of  the  Punjab.  Hajib  Tughatigin, 
an  officer  under  the  Sultan,  crossed  the  Ganga  and  carried  on  con¬ 
quest  in  Hindustan.  Malhi,  the  king  of  Kanauj,  who  was  in  all  pro¬ 
bability  the  Gahadavala  Madanachandra,  was  taken  prisoner  by  the 
Sultan’s  army.  Madanachandra’s  son  Govindachandra  defeated  the 
Muslims,  and  secured  the  release  of  his  father.  In  A.D.  1099 
Mas‘ud  conferred  the  sovereignty  of  Ghur  on  Malik  Tzz-ud-dln 
Husain,  who  kept  on  terms  of  friendship  with  the  Sultans  of  Ghazni. 
This  proves  that  the  ShansabanI  chiefs  of  Ghur  still  acknowledged 
the  supremacy  of  the  Sultans  of  Ghazni.  But  during  this  time  the 
Saljuqs  deprived  the  Ghaznavids  of  a  large  portion  of  their  kingdom, 
and  Lahore  virtually  became  the  seat  of  the  royal  family. 

Mas‘ud  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Kamal-ud-Daulah  Shlrzad  in 
A.D.  1115.  Shlrzad  ruled  only  for  a  year  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
brother  Arsalan  ‘Abd-ul-Malik.  Arsalan,  after  his  accession,  impri¬ 
soned  all  his  brothers  except  his  step-brother  Bahrain,  who  succeeded 
in  escaping  to  his  maternal  uncle  Sultan  San  jar  Saljuq,  in  Khurasan. 
Arsalan  also  treated  Bahrain’s  mother  with  indignity.  Sanjar  took 
up  the  cause  of  his  nephew  and  invaded  Ghazni.  Arsalan,  being  de¬ 
feated,  fled  to  Lahore,  and  Sanjar,  having  placed  Bahram  on  the 
throne,  retired  to  his  own  dominion.  But  as  soon  as  he  withdrew 
from  Ghazni  Arsalan  came  back  and  wrested  it  from  Bahram,  who 
again  took  shelter  with  his  uncle.  In  A.D.  1118  Bahram,  with  an 
army  supplied  by  his  uncle,  captured  Ghazni.  Arsalan,  who  was 
taken  prisoner,  was  released,  but  shortly  afterwards  he  was  put  to 
death  for  conspiring  against  Bahram. 

Bahram  led  an  expedition  to  the  Punjab,  and  forced  Muhammad 
Bahllm,  who  was  appointed  governor  of  that  country  by  Arsalan,  to 
acknowledge  him  as  his  master.  After  the  departure  of  the  Sultan, 
Bahllm  shifted  with  his  family  and  treasure  to  Nagaur  where  he 
built  a  fort,  and  declared  independence.  He  organised  an  army  and 
plundered  the  adjoining  territories  of  the  Indian  princes.  Sultan 
Bahram  marched  against  the  rebel  and  defeated  him  in  a  battle  at 
Multan.  Bahllm  and  his  sons  died  of  an  accident  while  fleeing  for 


95 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


safety.  Bahram  handed  over  the  charge  of  the  administration  of  the 
Punjab  to  Salar  Husain,  son  of  Ibrahim  Alvi.  In  the  latter  part  of 
his  reign  Bahram  came  into  conflict  with  the  ShansabanI  princes  of 
Ghur,  who  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  his  predecessors.  Qutb- 
ud-din  Muhammad,  Malik-ul-jibal  of  this  family,  quarrelled  with  his 
brothers  and  withdrew  to  Ghazni.  Bahram  had  him  killed  by  poison 
on  receipt  of  the  news  that  he  was  plotting  against  him.  This  led  to 
the  outbreak  of  hostility  between  the  Mahmud!  family  and  the  Shan- 
sabanls,  which  lasted  for  a  long  time  and  brought  about  disaster  on 
the  former.  Qutb-ud-din’s  younger  brother  Saif-ud-din,  king  of 
Ghur,  in  order  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother,  marched  against 
Bahram,  defeated  him,  and  captured  the  throne  of  Ghazni.  Bahram 
fled  to  Lahore,  and  Saif-ud-din  established  himself  at  Ghazni,  being 
the  first  Sultan  of  his  family  to  rule  there.  He  placed  his  brother 
Baha-ud-din  Sam  in  charge  of  Ghur,  and  sent  there  the  major  portion 
of  his  army  at  the  approach  of  winter.  As  soon  as  the  cold  set  in, 
and  the  roads  and  passes  from  Ghur  to  Ghazni  were  blocked  by  snow, 
Bahram  came  back  from  Hindustan  and  conquered  Ghazni  in  A.D. 
1149.  Saif-ud-din  was  treated  with  indignity  and  then  cruelly 
murdered.  On  receipt  of  this  news  Baha-ud-din  Sam  marched  from 
Ghur  with  a  large  body  of  soldiers  to  punish  Bahram.  But  as 
soon  as  he  reached  the  district  of  Kidan  he  fell  ill  and  died.  When 
the  news  of  Baha-ud-dln’s  death  reached  Ghur  his  brother  ‘Ala-ud-dln 
Husain,  whom  he  had  left  in  charge  of  administration  there,  rallied 
his  forces  and  lost  no  time  in  leading  an  expedition  against  Bahram. 
He  defeated  his  adversary  in  three  successive  engagements  and  forced 
him  to  flee  to  Hindustan.  He  took  the  city  of  Ghazni  by  storm, 
carried  on  arson  and  plunder  there  for  seven  days  and  nights,  and 
completely  destroyed  the  magnificent  city.  For  this  work  of  destruc¬ 
tion  he  was  known  in  history  as  “Jahansuz,”  “the  world-burner.” 
After  pillaging  the  edifices  and  palaces  of  the  Mahmudi  dynasty  in 
the  city  of  Bust,  ‘Ala-ud-dln  returned  to  Ghur.  Shortly  afterwards, 
when  ‘Ala-ud-dln  was  engaged  in  a  battle  with  Sultan  San  jar  Saljuq, 
Bahram  recovered  Ghazni.  He  died  in  A.D.  1152,  and  was  succeed¬ 
ed  by  his  son  Khusrav  Shah,  during  whose  reign  the  larger  portion 
of  the  empire  of  the  Mahmudi  dynasty  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Sultans  of  Ghur.  Shortly  after  A.D.  1157  Khusrav  Shah  was  driven 
out  of  Ghazni  by  the  Ghuzz  (Turks),  and  Ghazni  was  lost  to  the 
Mahmudi  dynasty  for  ever.  Khusrav  Shah  proceeded  to  Lahore 
where  he  ruled  till  A.D.  1160.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Khusrav 
Malik  during  whose  reign  the  governors  and  the  chiefs  under  him 
assumed  almost  independent  powers.  About  this  time  there  was  a 
change  in  the  government  at  Ghur.  Sultan  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Husain,  “the 
world-burner,”  had  put  into  prison  his  two  nephews  Shams-ud-din 


96 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


Muhammad  and  Shihab-ud-dln  Muhammad,  sons  of  Baha-ud-din  Sam. 
£Ala-ud-din’s  son  and  successor  Saif-ud-din  released  them.  After  the 
death  of  Saif-ud-din,  Shams-ud-dm,  under  the  name  of  Ghiyas-ud-din, 
ascended  the  throne  of  Ghur.  Ghiyas-ud-din  wrested  Ghazni  from 
the  Ghuzz  in  A.D.  1173,  and  placed  on  its  throne  his  brother  Shihab- 
ud-dln  Muhammad,  who  was  known  as  Mu‘izz-ud-din  Muhammad 
after  his  success  in  Khurasan.  Mu£izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  made  in¬ 
cursions  against  Hindustan  every  year,  and  in  A.D.  1181  reached  the 
gate  of  Lahore.  Khusrav  Malik  concluded  a  treaty  with  him,  and 
surrendered  as  a  hostage  one  of  his  sons,  whom  Firishta  mentions  as 
Malik  Shah.  In  1184  Muhzz-ud-din  Muhammad  again  invaded 
Lahore  but,  having  failed  to  capture  it,  ravaged  the  neighbouring 
districts.  On  his  way  back  he  captured  the  fort  of  Sialkot,  and 
posted  there  Husain,  son  of  Khar-mll.  As  soon  as  he  left  Hindustan 
Khusrav  Malik  invaded  Sialkot,  but  met  with  failure.  In  1186 
Mu£izz-ud-dln  Muhammad,  for  the  third  time,  led  an  army  against 
Lahore.  Khusrav  Malik  got  frightened  and  sued  for  peace.  As  he 
came  out  of  the  fort  to  settle  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  Muhzz-ud-dln 
seized  him  and  captured  Lahore.  Thus  the  rule  of  the  Yamini  dy¬ 
nasty  came  to  an  end.  Khusrav  Malik,  along  with  his  son  Bahram, 
was  sent  to  the  Sultan  Ghiyas-ud-din  Muhammad  at  Flruzkuh.  In 
A.D.  1192  when  Ghiyas-ud-din  and  Mu£izz-ud-din  were  involved  in 
a  quarrel  with  Sultan  Shah  Jalal-ud-dln  Mahmud  of  Khvarazm, 
Khusrav  Malik  and  his  son  Bahram  were  put  to  death  in  order  to 
avoid  future  trouble. 


XVI.  KASHMIR 
1.  First  Lohara  Dynasty 

The  Lohara  dynasty  came  to  power  in  Kashmir  in  the  early 
years  of  the  eleventh  century.29  Samgramaraja,  the  first  king  of 
the  dynasty,  sent  his  minister  Tunga  to  help  the  Shahi  Trilochanapala 
against  Mahmud  of  Ghazni.  Mahmud  led  several  expeditions  to 
conquer  Lohara  during  his  reign,  but  failed  to  achieve  his  end. 
Samgramaraja  was  succeeded  in  A.D.  1028  by  his  son  Hariraja,  who 
died  after  a  rule  of  21  days  and  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  bro¬ 
ther  Ananta.  Vigraharaja,  the  elder  brother  of  Samgramaraja,  ad¬ 
vanced  with  his  army  to  dethrone  his  nephew,  but  lost  his  life  in 
the  engagement.  Ananta  put  down  the  revolt  of  the  Damaras  and 
repulsed  an  attack  of  the  Darads.  His  queen  Suryamati,  a  prin¬ 
cess  of  Jalandhara,  helped  him  in  the  administration  of  his  kingdom. 
Being  thus  relieved  of  the  burden  of  looking  into  the  affairs  of  the 
state  he  devoted  his  energy  to  launching  expeditions  against  his 
neighbours.  He  overthrew  Sala,  also  known  as  Salavahana,  the 

97 


S.E.  7 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ruler  of  Champa  (Chamba),  and  placed  his  own  nominee  on  its 
throne.  He  asserted  his  supremacy  over  Darvabhisara,  Trigarta,  and 
Bhartula,  but  his  invasions  against  the  hill  states  of  Urasa  and  Val- 
lapura  met  with  failure.  In  A.D.  1063  he  abdicated  in  favour  of 
his  worthless  son  Kalasa  under  the  influence  of  his  queen.  .  Very 
soon  they  realised  their  error  and  resumed  the  royal  power,  though 
they  allowed  their  incompetent  son  to  occupy  the  throne.  About 
this  time  the  Lohara  king  Kshitiraja,  son  of  Vigraharaja,  and  cousin 
of  Ananta,  bestowed  his  sovereignty  upon  the  young  Utkarsha,  the 
second  son  of  king  Kalasa,  to  prevent  his  rebel  son  Bhuvanaraja 
from  succeeding  him.  Ananta  forced  the  chiefs  of  Rajapuri  and  the 
neighbouring  states  to  pay  him  tribute,  but  when  he  was  thus  ac¬ 
quiring  new  fortunes,  the  licentious  habits  of  Kalasa  greatly  mar¬ 
red  his  domestic  happiness.  He  could  not  keep  him  under  restraint 
due  to  the  intervention  of  Suryamatl,  who  had  a  weakness  for  her 
son,  and  so  in  disgust  he  left  Srlnagara,  and  settled  at  the  Tlrtha  of 
Vijayesvara  in  A.D.  1079,  taking  with  him  his  troops  and  treasure. 
The  queen  also  accompanied  him  there,  but  the  quarrel  between  the 
father  and  the  son  continued  for  some  time.  Ananta  tried  to  place 
Harsha,  son  of  Kalasa,  on  the  throne,  but  Kalasa  crippled  his  father’s 
power  considerably  by  setting  fire  to  the  town  of  Vijayesvara  and 
destroying  a  part  of  his  treasure.  He  also  pressed  him  for  going  into 
exile  at  Parnotsa.  In  order  to  get  rid  of  all  these  diffiulties  Ananta 
committed  suicide  in  A.D.  1081,  and  Suryamatl  also  followed  him  to 
the  funeral  pyre.  The  death  of  his  parents  brought  about  a  change  in 
the  mind  of  Kalasa  for  the  better.  He  made  up  his  difference  with  his 
son  Harsha,  and  carried  on  administration  with  success.  He  sent  his 
army  twice  to  assist  the  young  king  of  Rajapuri,  named  Samgrama- 
pala,  against  his  uncle  Madanapala,  who  was  trying  to  usurp  the 
throne.  Madanapala  was  ultimately  taken  prisoner  to  Kashmir. 
Kalasa’s  general  conquered  Urasa  and,  after  crossing  the  Krishna 
(Kishanganga)  river,  raided  Abhaya’s  kingdom.  In  A.D.  1087  the 
rulers  of  eight  hill  states,  viz.  Kirtti  of  Baddhapura  (?),  Asata  of 
Champa  (Chamba),  Kalasa  of  Vallapura,  Samgramapala  of  Rajapuri, 
Utkarsha  of  Lohara,  Sangata  (?)  of  Urasa,  Gambhirasiha  of  Kanda, 
and  Uttamaraja  of  Kashthavata  assembled  in  his  capital.  Though 
Kalasa’s  foreign  policy  met  with  conspicuous  success,  he  could  not 
close  his  reign  in  peace.  His  son  Harsha  gave  him  so  much  trouble 
that  he  had  to  put  him  into  prison,  though  reluctantly.  To  make 
matters  worse  he  again  indulged  in  debauchery  which  he  had  given 
up  after  the  death  of  his  parents.  Immediately  before  his  death  in 
A.D.  1089,  his  ministers  brought  his  son  Utkarsha  from  Lohara  and 
inaugurated  him  as  king.  Utkarsha  took  stringent  measures  to  keep 
Harsha  under  restraint. 


98 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 

Within  a  few  days  after  his  accession  Utkarsha  alienated  his 
ministers  by  his  injudicious  acts.  *His  step-brother  Vijayamalla 
revolted  and  attacked  the  royal  palace.  In  order  to  secure  the  sup¬ 
port  of  Harsha  he  released  him,  but  Harsha  joined  Vijayamalla,  cap¬ 
tured  the  throne  for  himself,  and  took  Utkarsha  prisoner.  Utkarsha 
committed  suicide  in  his  captivity. 

Harsha’s  character  was  a  strange  admixture  of  virtue  and  vice. 
He  displayed  energy  and  activity  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign  and 
brought  prosperity  to  his  kingdom.  Vijayamalla,  who  fled  to  the  coun¬ 
try  of  the  Darads  (Darad-desa)  after  his  failure  to  obtain  the  throne, 
led  an  expedition  against  Kashmir,  but  was  accidentally  killed  by  an 
avalanche.  Harsha,  with  the  help  of  his  commander  Kandarpa,  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  maintaining  his  hold  over  Lohara,  and  in  subjugating 
Samgramapala,  ruler  of  Rajapurl,  who  had  turned  hostile.  But  he 
soon  lost  the  valuable  support  of  Kandarpa  by  suspecting  his  loyalty, 
for  Kandarpa,  along  with  his  family,  retired  to  Banaras.  In  order  to 
replenish  the  exchequer  Harsha  plundered  the  properties  of  temples 
and  imposed  various  taxes  on  his  subjects.  He  also  became  addicted 
to  debauchery,  and  the  state  of  things  degenerated  to  an  alarming 
extent.  Harsha  led  an  expedition  against  the  chief  of  Rajapurl,  who 
again  became  hostile,  but  met  with  failure.  Similar  result  followed 
wThen  he  tried  to  capture  from  the  Darads  the  fort  of  Dugdhaghata, 
modern  Dudakhut,  which  guards  the  pass  leading  to  the  Darad  terri¬ 
tory  of  the  Kishanganga  valley.  On  this  occasion  two  brothers 
Uchchala  and  Sussala,  who  belonged  to  a  collateral  branch  of  the 
Lohara  dynasty,  attracted  his  attention  by  their  bravery.  A  serious 
situation  developed  when,  in  A.D.  1099,  the  country  was  visited  by 
a  devastating  famine  and  the  king  still  levied  oppressive  taxes. 
Uchchala  and  Sussala  fled  for  their  lives  from  the  capital  in 
A.D.  1100  as  the  king  suspected  them  to  be  the  rivals  of  his 
son  Bhoja  for  the  throne.  Shortly  afterwards  the  two  brothers,  with 
the  help  of  the  Damaras,  forced  their  way  into  the  capital  and  burnt 
the  royal  palace.  The  king  took  shelter  in  a  hut  below  Srinagara 
where  he  received  the  news  of  the  treacherous  murder  of  his  son 
Bhoja.  He  himself  lost  his  life  in  an  encounter  with  the  enemies  in 
A- D.  1101.  He  was  a  man  of  learning  and  a  patron  of  poets.  He 
introduced  the  system  of  wearing  head-dress  and  ear-ornament 
among  the  Kashmirians. 

2.  Second  Lohara  Dynasty 

Uchchala,  who  now  ascended  the  throne,  is  regarded  as  the 
founder  of  the  second  Lohara  dynasty.  He  was  descended  from 
Kantiraja,  an  uncle  of  Samgramaraja,  the  founder  of  the  first  Lohara 
dynasty  in  Kashmir.  He  tried  to  appease  his  ambitious  brother  by 


99 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


making  him  an  independent  king  of  Lohara.  This  did  not  satisfy 
Sussala,  who  led  an  expedition  against  him  from  Lohara,  which,  how¬ 
ever,  met  with  failure.  Uchchala  condemned  to  death  Bhikshachara, 
son  of  Bhoja  and  grandson  of  king  Harsha,  apprehending  that  his 
royal  position  might  be  challenged  by  him.  Bhikshachara  saved  his 
life  by  taking  refuge  with  the  Paramara  Naravarman  of  Malava. 
About  this  time  the  birth  of  Sussala’s  son  Jayasimha  brought  about 
a  reconciliation  between  the  two  brothers.  The  rise  of  the  Damaras, 
a  class  of  barons,  became  a  source  of  danger  to  Uchchala  and  a  menace 
to  the  Kashmirian  politics  of  this  period.  In  A.D.  1111  Uchchala  lost 
his  life  at  the  hands  of  the  city-prefect  named  Chudda,  whose  brother 
Radda  occupied  the  throne  for  a  night  only.  He  was  killed  by  a 
powerful  Damara  of  Lohara  named  Gargachandra,  who  set  up  Sal¬ 
hana,  a  half-brother  of  Uchchala,  on  the  throne.  Gargachandra  also 
repulsed  an  attack  of  Sussala  who,  at  the  news  of  the  death  of  his 
brother,  rushed  with  his  army  to  capture  the  throne  of  Kashmir.  Not 
long  afterwards,  Gargachandra,  finding  that  Salhana  was  friendly  to 
his  rivals,  formed  an  alliance  with  Sussala  who  easily  captured  the 
capital  and  took  Salhana  prisoner  in  A.D.  1112. 

After  his  accession  Sussala  could  not  keep  on  friendly  terms 
with  Gargachandra.  After  a  protracted  quarrel  he  put  Gargachandra 
and  his  three  sons  to  death  in  A.D.  1118.  He  dethroned  Somapala, 
the  ruler  of  Rajapuri,  and  placed  Nagapala  on  the  throne.  But  as 
soon  as  he  left  Rajapuri  Nagapala  lost  his  throne.  In  A.D.  1120 
Bhikshachara,  who  had  returned  from  Malava  and  had  been  intrigu¬ 
ing  for  the  throne  for  some  time,  defeated  Sussala  with  the  help  of 
the  Damaras,  and  declared  himself  king.  Sussala  fled  to  the  fort  of 
Lohara.  In  A.D.  1121  he  inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  on  Bhiksha- 
chara’s  army  which  was  advancing  to  conquer  Lohara,  and  within  a 
short  time  succeeded  in  recovering  the  throne  of  Kashmir.  Bhiksha 
chara  retired  to  the  village  Pushyananada,  which  was  within  the 
territory  of  Somapala  of  Rajapuri.  Sussala  could  not  destroy  the 
power  of  the  Damaras,  who  led  successive  invasions  against  him. 
The  situation  was  aggravated  by  a  devastating  fire  in  the  city,  which 
was  followed  by  a  famine.  The  death  of  the  queen  about  this  time 
added  to  the  misery  of  the  king,  who  in  disgust  brought  his  son  Jaya¬ 
simha  from  Lohara  and  abdicated  in  his  favour  in  A.D.  1123.  But 
Jayasimha  soon  fell  into  the  disfavour  of  his  father,  who  retained 
his  hold  over  the  main  business  of  the  state  and  looked  for  an  oppor¬ 
tunity  to  put  him  in  prison.  In  A.D.  1128  Sussala  fell  victim  to  a 
conspiracy  and  lost  his  life. 

Jayasimha  won  over  the  powerful  reactionary  forces  to  his  side 
by  his  diplomatic  skill.  In  A.D.  1130  he  succeeded  in  putting  to 


100 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


death  Bhikshachara,  who  made  frequent  attacks  to  regain  the  throne 
of  Kashmir.  Sussala’s  half-brother  Lothana  revolted  in  Lohara  and 
Jayasimha’s  army,  sent  against  it,  met  with  disaster.  In  A.D.  1131 
Lothana  was  deposed  by  his  own  partisans.  Mallarjuna,  a  half- 
brother  of  Jayasimha,  then  occupied  the  throne,  but  in  A.D.  1132 
Jayasirhha  wrested  Lohara  from  him.  He  deposed  king  Vikramaditya 
of  Vallapura  and  placed  Gulhana  on  its  throne.  Yasodhara,  king  of 
the  Darad  country,  was  friendly  to  the  kings  of  Kashmir.  After  his 
death  two  rival  factions  fought  for  the  throne.  Jayasimha,  in  order 
to  maintain  his  supremacy  over  that  country,  took  up  the  cause  of 
one  of  them.  But  Viddasiha,  the  leader  of  the  opposite  party,  who 
usurped  the  whole  power,  frustrated  his  object.  He  also  encouraged 
Lothana,  the  deposed  ruler  of  Lohara,  to  renew  hostility  against 
Jayasimha.  Lothana  formed  alliance  with  Alamkarachakra,  a 
powerful  Damara  of  Karnaha,  Vigraharaja,  a  half-brother  of  Java- 
simha,  and  Bhoja,  a  son  of  the  king  Salhana,  and  advanced  against 
Kashmir,  but  Jayasimha  besieged  them  in  the  fort  of  Slrahsila. 
Bhoja  managed  to  escape  from  the  fort,  while  Alamkarachakra  pur¬ 
chased  peace  by  surrendering  Lothana  and  Vigraharaja  to  the  royal 
army.  Bhoja  surrendered  after  making  a  futile  attempt  to  defeat 
Jayasimha  with  the  help  of  Viddasiha  of  the  Darad  country  and 
some  Mlechchha  chiefs  of  the  upper  Sindhu  valley.  Javasimha  put 
down  all  the  refractory  Damaras  and  ruled  his  kingdom  in  peace 
during  the  remaining  part  of  his  life.  He  crowned  his  minor  son 
Gulhana  as  a  king  of  Lohara  and  was  in  friendly  relation  with  some 
kings  of  India.  The  Gahadavala  Govindachandra  sent  his  ambassador 
Suhala  to  his  court,  which  was  also  visited  by  Tejakantha,  the  am¬ 
bassador  of  the  Silahara  Aparaditya  of  Konkana.  Jayasimha  rul¬ 
ed  up  to  A.D.  1155, 30 

Jayasimha  was  followed  on  the  throne  by  his  son  Paramanuka 
(A.D.  1155-1165)  and  his  grandson  Vantideva  (A.D.  1165-1172)  one 
after  the  other.  Vantideva  was  the  last  king  of  the  dynasty. 

3.  Advent  of  the  Muslim  Rule 

After  the  close  of  Vantideva’s  reign  the  people  elected  one 
Vuppadeva  as  their  king.  Vuppadeva  was  succeeded  in  A.D.  1181 
by  his  brother  Jassaka,  and  the  latter  by  his  son  Jagadeva,  in 
A.D.  1199.  Jagadeva  was  poisoned  by  one  of  his  officers  in  A.D.  1213, 
and  a  rival  faction  placed  his  son  Rajadeva  on  the  throne.  Baladhya- 
chandra,  the  chief  of  Lohara,  defied  the  authority  of  Rajadeva  and 
occupied  half  of  §rlnagara.  Rajadeva  was  succeeded  in  A.D.  1236 
by  his  son  Sarhgramadeva  during  whose  reign  the  sons  and  relations 
of  Kalhana  assumed  great  power.  They  forced  him  to  take  refuge 
with  the  ruler  of  Rajapurl,  and  though  some  time  afterwards  the 


101 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


king  recovered  his  power,  he  was  killed  by  his  enemies.  He  was 
succeeded  in  A.D.  1252  by  his  son  Ramadeva,  and  the  latter  by  the 
Brahmana  Lakshmadeva,  whom  he  adopted  as  his  son,  in  A.D.  1273. 
A  Muslim  named  Kajjala  killed  Lakshmadeva  in  a  battle  in  A.D.  1286 
after  which  anarchy  broke  out  in  Kashmir.  One  Simhadeva  succeed¬ 
ed  in  establishing  his  authority  but  lost  his  life  in  a  love  intrigue. 
In  A.D.  1301  his  brother  Suhadeva  asserted  his  supremacy  over  the 
whole  of  Kashmir,  but  during  his  reign  the  kingdom  was  overtaken 
by  a  severe  calamity.  Dulucha,  a  general  of  a  great  king  Karmasena, 
overran  Kashmir  with  an  army  of  60,000  men  consisting  of  the 
Tajikas,  Turushkas,  and  the  Mlechchhas.  The  situation  became 
worse  when  just  at  this  time  a  Tibetan  named  Rinchana  plundered 
the  capital.  Dulucha,  being  afraid  of  the  excessive  cold  of  Kashmir, 
left  the  country,  taking  with  him  a  large  number  of  Kashmirians  as 
slaves.  Suhadeva,  who  showed  abject  cowardice  all  along,  seems 
to  have  lost  his  life  in  A.  D.  1320.  According  to  Ain-i-Akbart  Dalju 
(Dulucha)  was  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  king  of  Kandahar. 
One  Ramachandra,  probably  a  relation  of  the  deceased  king  Suha¬ 
deva,  fought  with  Rinchana,  but  was  treacherously  murdered 
by  his  adversary.  Rinchana,  who  assumed  the  royal  power,  fell  vic¬ 
tim  to  a  conspiracy,  and  died  in  A.D.  1323.  His  young  son  Haidara 
was  deposed  by  his  officer  Sahamera,  a  Muslim,  who  placed  Udayana- 
deva,  a  relative  of  his  master,  on  the  throne.  After  the  death  of 
Udayanadeva  in  A.D.  1338  Sahamera,  under  the  name  Shams-ud-din, 
seized  the  throne  of  Kashmir  where  his  successors  ruled  for  a  long 
time. 


1.  Vol.  IV,  p.  54. 

2.  IV.  47. 

3.  See  above,  p.  25. 

4.  See  above,  p.  25. 

5.  See  above,  p.  29. 

6.  See  above,  p.  33. 

6a.  IHQ,  XXX.  211-2. 

6b.  According  to  Dr.  D.  C.  Sircar  there  was  no  king  named  Kesavasena,  but 
Suryasena,  a  son  of  Visvarupasena,  occupied  the  throne  for  some  time  during 
the  lifetime  of  his  father  (IHQ,  XXX.  216-7).  This  theory,  however,  rests  on 
a  very  weak  basis. 

7.  Vol.  IV,  p.  61. 

8.  Vol.  IV,  p.  59. 

9.  The  account  of  this  dynasty  is  based  on  Panchobh  C.  P.  (JBORS,  V.  5S2  ff). 

10.  Vol.  IV,  p.  38. 

11.  Author’s  History  of  the  Pa ramJara  Dynasty,  100-101;  El,  I.  235,  V.  19;  the 
Kalachuri  Karna  raided  Kira  or  Kangra  Valley  in  which  was  siiuated  Nagarkot, 
an  outlying  fortress  within  the  kingdom  of  the  Yamlnls  of  Ghazni. 

12.  HIED ,  IV.  518  ff;  Author’s  “The  Historical  Value  of  Dlwan-i-Salman,”  Islamic 
Culture ,  October,  1942,  Vol.  XVI,  424  ff;  Author’s  History  of  the  Paramdra 
Dynasty,  156  ff. 

13.  HIED,  IV.  518  ff;  Islamic  Culture ,  October,  1942,  p.  424. 

14.  Islamic  Culture,  October,  1942,  p.  426;  I  A,  XVIII.  18. 

15.  See  above,  p.  50. 

16.  See  above,  p.  33. 


102 


NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  11th  AND  12th  CENTURIES 


17.  See  above,  pp.  50-51. 

18.  Vol.  IV,  p.  38. 

19.  Vol.  IV,  pp  95  ff. 

20.  Brigg’s  Firishta,  I,  118;  Author’s  History  of  the  Paramara  Dynasty,  101. 

21.  Author’s  ‘Early  History  of  the  Gahadavala  Dynasty’  in  Proceedings  of  the  7th 
Oriental  Conference,  Baroda,  pp.  533  ff. 

22.  An  inscription  from  Atru,  in  the  Kotah  State,  belongs  to  the  reign  of  king 
Jayasimha.  Dr.  D.  R.  Bhandarkar,  who  first  noticed  it,  read  its  date  as  14  and 
referred  it  to  the  Siriiha  era  which  would  make  it  equivalent  to  A.D.  1127. 
Subsequently  he  changed  his  view  and  restored  the  date  as  (13)14,  which, 
referred  to  the  Vikrama  era,  corresponds  to  A.D.  1257.  If  the  latter  view 
proves  to  be  correct  the  inscription  is  to  be  referred  to  the  reign  of  the  Para¬ 
mara  Jayasimha  II,  who  will  have  to  be  identified  with  the  Paramara  Jaya- 
varman  II. 

23  Vol.  IV,  p.  94. 

24.  See  p.  63. 

25.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  106  ff. 

26.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  109-10. 

26.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  108-9. 

27.  Amir  Khusrav  does  not  state  anything  about  ‘Ala-ud- din’s  relation  with  the 
Guhilas  after  his  conquest  of  Chitor.  He  does  not  also  mention  anything  about 
Padminl.  Firishta  pursues  the  narrative  and  introduces  the  PadminI  episode 
which  is  also  referred  to  by  other  later  sources.  Amir  Khusrav’s  silence  on 
the  incidents  relating  to  Padminl  has  led  some  scholars  to  suggest  that  the 
entire  episode  is  a  myth  (cf.  e.g.  G.  H.  Ojha,  History  of  Rajputana:  K.  R. 
Quanungo,  Prabdsi ,  a  Bengali  monthly,  1337  B.  S.  Falgun;  R.  R.  Haider,  IA, 
LIX,  235).  It  does  not,  however,  carry  conviction  as  it  is  based  on  negative 
evidence.  Firishta’s  statement  that  ‘Ala-ud-dln  conquered  Jalor  finds  support 
in  contemporary  Sanskrit  literature,  though  Amir  Khusrav  is  silent  about  it. 
It  does  not  follow  from  this  that  ‘Ala-ud-din’s  conquest  of  Jalor  is  a  myth. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  Firishta’s  account  of  this  matter  may  be  taken  as  a  sup¬ 
plement  to  that  of  Amir  Khusrav.  Prof.  Habib  thinks  that  there  is  an  indirect 
reference  to  Padminl  in  Amir  Khusrav’s  book  ( JIH ,  1929,  p.  369  f:  IHQ,  VII, 
287  f). 

28.  Brigg’s  Firishta,  I.  118.  Author’s  History  of  the  Paramara  Dynasty,  p.  101; 
El,  n.  11,  15;  IX.  p.  75,  v.  17. 

29.  Vol.  IV,  p.  121. 

30.  The  Rajatarangini,  from  which  we  derive  the  detailed  information  of  Kashmir, 
closes  with  the  reign  of  this  king,  and  relates  the  history  of  Kashmir  only 
up  to  A.D.  1148-49.  For  the  subsequent  history  that  follows  we  are  indebted 
to  Jonaraja’s  supplementary  work  which  continues  the  narrative  from  that 
year  and  is  known  as  Dvitiya  Rajatarangini. 


103 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  AGE  OF  PRITHVIRAJA  III 

The  Chahamana  Somesvara,  as  noted  in  the  preceding  chapter, 
lived  in  the  court  of  Gujarat  in  the  early  part  of  his  life.  He  married 
there  Karpuradevi,  the  daughter  of  Achalaraja  of  the  Haihaya  dynasty 
of  Tripuri,  who  gave  birth  to  a  son  named  Prithvlraja.  In  the  opinion 
of  some  writers  the  astronomical  data  in  the  Prithviraja-vijaya  indi¬ 
cate  that  the  birth  of  the  prince  took  place  in  A.D.  1166.  But  the 
correctness  of  this  conclusion  may  reasonably  be  doubted.  The 
Prithviraja-vijaya  relates  that  Karpuradevi’s  second  son  Hariraja  was 
younger  to  Prithvlraja  at  least  by  one  year  and  eight  months,  and 
that  both  were  born  during  the  lifetime  of  king  Vigraharaja  IV.  The 
last  known  date  of  Vigraharaja  IV  is  V.S.  1220.  He  was  succeeded 
by  Apara-Gangeya,  who  was  again  followed  on  the  throne  by  Prithvl¬ 
raja  II.  The  earliest  known  date  of  Prithvlraja  IPs  reign  is  V.S.  1224. 
It  is  therefore  reasonable  to  conclude  that  the  reign  of  Vigraharaja  IV 
was  over  some  time  before  V.S.  1224,  and  Prithvlraja  was  born 
prior  to  V  S.  1223  (=A.D.  1166).  As  the  prince  is  known  to  have 
been  a  minor  in  A.D.  1177  his  birth  may  be  dated  some  time  bet¬ 
ween  A.D.  1162  and  1165. 

In  A.D.  1168-9  Somesvara  went  along  with  his  queen  and  two 
sons  to  the  Sapadalaksha  country  from  Gujarat,  and  ascended  his 
paternal  throne.  During  the  reign  of  Somesvara,  Prithvlraja  was 
properly  educated  in  letters  and  military  science.  Somesvara  died 
in  c.  A.D.  1177  when  Prithvlraja  was  still  a  minor,  and  his  mother 
Karpuradevi  acted  as  the  regent.  At  this  time  Kadambavasa  serv¬ 
ed  him  as  the  chief  minister  of  the  State.  He  is  said  to  have  “guard¬ 
ed  the  six  virtues  of  Prithvlraja  and  sent  the  imperial  armies  in  all 
directions  to  add  to  the  glory  of  his  sovereign.”  Karpuradevi 
appointed  as  the  commander  of  the  army  Bhuvanaikamalla,  who 
was  a  scion  of  her  father’s  family  of  the  Kalachuris  of  Tripuri. 
Prithviraja-vijaya  states  that  “as  Rama  and  Lakshmana  suffered 
trouble  owing  to  Meghanada’s  sarpapasa  (serpent  noose)  and 
Garuda  eventually  saved  them  from  the  pasa  (noose),  so,  in  this 
birth,  Bhuvanaikamalla,  the  incarnation  of  Garuda,  ever  served 
Rama  and  Lakshmana  (Prithvlraja  and  Hariraja)  loyally.”  The 
enemies  who  proved  dangerous  to  the  safety  of  these  two  Chaha¬ 
mana  princes  were  evidently  the  Nagas,  whom  Bhuvanaikamalla 
is  said  to  have  exterminated.  The  country  of  these  Nagas  cannot 


104 


THE  AGE  OF  PRITHVJRAJA  IH 


now  be  definitely  identified.  During  the  regency  Ajayameru  or 
Ajmer  became  very  prosperous.  The  city  was  densely  populated, 
and  it  was  beautified  by  many  gardens,  parks,  and  wells.  The 
period  of  regency  does  not  seem  to  have  covered  more  than  a  year 
as  Prithvlraja  appears  to  have  assumed  the  charge  of  the  govern¬ 
ment  in  A.D.  1178. 

The  Prithvirajci-vijaya  refers  to  Prithviraja’s  forthcoming  mar¬ 
riage  with  a  princess  of  extraordinary  beauty.  But  as  the  manu¬ 
script  of  this  book  is  incomplete,  further  details  of  the  marriage 
and  the  name  of  the  bride  are  not  known.  The  PrithvTraj  Raso 
of  Chand  Bardal,  a  work  of  a  very  late  period,  states  that  Prithvl¬ 
raja  had  a  number  of  queens,  the  eldest  of  whom  was  Ichchhanl- 
devl,  the  daughter  of  the  Paramara  Jaita,  king  of  Mt.  Abu.  The 
name  of  another  queen  is  given  as  Sasivrata,  the  daughter  of  Bhana 
of  the  Yadava  dynasty,  king  of  Devagiri.  But  the  throne  of  Mt. 
Abu  was  occupied  by  the  Paramara  Dharavarsha  at  this  time,  and 
no  king  of  the  name  Bhana  is  known  to  have  ruled  in  Devagiri 
during  this  period.  The  youngest  of  Prithviraja’s  queens,  accord¬ 
ing  to  Raso,  is  Samyogita,  the  daughter  of  the  Gahadavala  Jaya- 
chandra  of  Kanauj.  The  story  runs  that  Samyogita  entertained  a 
keen  desire  to  become  the  consort  of  Prithvlraja  when  she  heard 
of  his  prowess.  As  her  father  Jayachandra  was  a  hereditary 
enemy  of  Prithvlraja,  she  had  to  keep  her  desire  secret.  She,  how¬ 
ever,  carried  on  correspondence  with  the  Chahamana  king  without 
the  knowledge  of  her  father.  Jayachandra  called  an  assembly  of 
the  princes  at  Kanauj  for  the  selection  of  a  bridegroom  by  his 
daughter.  In  order  to  humiliate  Prithvlraja  he  did  not  send  him 
any  invitation  on  that  occasion,  but  placed  his  statue  at  the 
entrance  of  the  hall  in  the  position  of  a  door-keeper.  In  the  assem¬ 
bly  Samyogita  did  not  choose  any  of  the  attending  princes  as  her 
husband,  but  moved  to  the  door,  and,  to  the  surprise  of  all  garland¬ 
ed  the  statue  of  the  Chahamana  king.  Prithvlraja,  who  was  hiding 
nearby  with  his  attendants,  rushed  to  the  spot  and  rode  off  with 
the  princess.  The  army  of  Jayachandra,  which  pursued  them,  was 
strongly  opposed  by  the  followers  of  the  Chahamana  king.  Prithvl¬ 
raja,  safely  reached  his  capital  and  married  the  Gahadavala  prin¬ 
cess.  This  marriage  is  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  interval  bet- 
keen  the  first  and  second  battles  of  Tarain.  The  details  given  by 
Raso  in  connection  with  the  above  marriage  are  so  improbable  and 
romantic  that  the  authenticity  of  the  whole  story  may  reasonably 
be  doubted. 

Besides  Kadambavasa  and  Bhuvanaikamalla,  Prithvlraja  had 
a  number  of  other  officers  of  great  ability.  Sodha  was  the  minister 


105 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  peace  and  war  to  king  Somesvara.  He  had  two  sons  Skanda  and 
Vamana,  who  were  given  the  posts  of  the  chief  councillors  of  Pri- 
thviraja.  In  addition  to  this  the  Chahamana  king  conferred  on 
Skanda  the  post  of  the  commander  of  the  army,  and  entrusted 
Vamana  with  the  post  of  the  minister  of  peace  and  war.  Udaya- 
raja,  a  resident  of  the  Gauda  country,  was  another  military  officer, 
and  Somesvara,  another  minister  of  Prithvlraja. 

After  his  assumption  of  the  charge  of  the  government,  Prithvl¬ 
raja  found  himself  confronted  with  grave  dangers.  In  A.D.  1178 
Shihab-ud-din  Muhammad,  also  known  as  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muham¬ 
mad,  marched  towards  Gujarat  by  way  of  Multan,  Uch,  and  the 
tractless  desert.  At  this  time  he  sent  a  diplomatic  agent  to  the 
court  of  Prithvlraja  at  Ajmer  for  negotiation,  as  he  learnt  that 
the  latter  was  bitterly  hostile  to  the  Muslims.  The  details  of  the 
representations  made  by  him  cannot  be  known,  as  the  relevant 
pages  of  the  Prithviraja-vijaya  are  missing.  Subsequent  incidents, 
however,  show  that  his  mission  to  establish  an  alliance  with  the 
Chahamana  king  miserably  failed.  Mu‘izz-ud-din  Muhammad 
reached  Kiradu,  near  Barmer,  in  Marwar,  in  A.D.  1178,  and  plun¬ 
dered  the  temple  of  Somesvara  there.  He  then  took  possession  of 
Nadol  (Naddula),  the  capital  of  a  collateral  branch  of  the  Chahama- 
nas.  When  the  news  of  the  fall  of  Nadol  reached  Ajmer,  Prithvlraja 
resolved  to  crush  the  invaders,  but  refrained  from  taking  any  hasty 
action  on  the  advice  of  his  minister  Kadambavasa,  who  deemed  it 
wise  to  allow  the  enemy  to  exhaust  himself  by  fighting  with  the 
Gurjaras.  Just  about  this  time  a  messenger  from  Gujarat  came  to 
Ajmer  and  informed  Prithvlraja  that  the  king  of  Gujarat  had  utter¬ 
ly  routed  the  Muslim  invaders.  This  obviously  refers  to  Mu‘izz-ud- 
din  Muhammad’s  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Chaulukya  Mularaja  II 
at  Kasahrada  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  Abu.  Prithvlraja  was  greatly  de¬ 
lighted  at  this  news  and  handsomely  rewarded  the  messenger.  He 
also  showered  high  praises  on  Kadambavasa  for  the  valuable  advice 
he  gave  in  that  critical  moment. 

During  this  period  Prithvlraja  had  to  fight  with  his  own  cousin 
named  Nagarjuna,  the  son  of  his  uncle  Vigraharaja  IV.  The  young 
age  of  the  king  seems  to  have  encouraged  Nagarjuna  to  raise  the 
standard  of  revolt.  He  captured  a  city  named  Gudapura,  which 
cannot  now  be  identified,  and  established  himself  there.  Prithvl¬ 
raja  left  behind  Kadambavasa  and  Bhuvanaikamalla,  and  himself 
marched  against  the  rebel.  He  besieged  the  city  of  Gudapura 
wherefrom  Nagarjuna  fled  like  an  abject  coward.  The  army  of 
Nagarjuna  resisted  him  for  some  time  under  the  leadership  of  Deva- 
bhata  (?),  apparently  a  lieutenant  of  Nagarjuna,  but  all  the  chief 


106 


THE  AGE  OF  PRITHVlRAJA  III 


combatants  lost  their  lives  in  the  encounter.  Gudapura  was 
occupied  by  Prithvlraja,  who  took  the  mother,  wife,  and  the  atten¬ 
dants  of  Nagarjuna  prisoners.  He  then  proceeded  to  Ajayameru 
along  with  the  captives,  and  is  said  to  have  hung  the  severed  heads 
of  his  enemies  on  the  gates  of  the  fort  of  that  city.  This  he  did 
probably  to  serve  as  a  deterrent  to  Nagarjuna  and  his  surviving 
associates. 

Some  time  before  A.D.  1182  Prithvlraja  invaded  the  country 
of  the  Bhadanakas,  which  cannot  be  identified  but  probably  com¬ 
prised  the  modern  Rewari  Tahsil ,  Bhiwani  and  its  adjoining  vil¬ 
lages,  and  a  part  of  the  old  Alwar  State.  The  chief  of  the  Bhadana¬ 
kas  resisted  the  Chahamana  king  with  his  powerful  elephants  but  was 
severely  defeated. 

The  Kharataragachchha-pattavali  of  Jinapala  states  that  Pri- 
thviraja  went  out  for  digvijaya  (conquering  of  the  quarters)  in 
A.D.  1182,  but  does  not  mention  the  names  of  the  countries  which 
were  invaded  by  the  Chahamana  king.  It  is  known  from  other 
sources  that  in  this  year  Prithvlraja  led  an  army  against  Jejaka- 
bhukti  or  the  modern  Bundelkhand.  The  tradition  relates  that  the 
Chandella  Paramardi,  also  known  as  Paramal,  king  of  Jejakabhukti, 
had  two  able  generals  named  Alha  and  Udal,  sons  of  Jasaraja  of  the 
Banafar  clan.  The  king  grew  suspicious  of  the  loyalty  of  these  two 
brothers  on  the  report  of  a  designing  man,  and  dismissed  them. 
Thereafter  the  two  generals  left  Jejakabhukti  and  accepted  service 
under  the  king  Jayachandra  of  Kanauj.  Shortly  afterwards  Pri¬ 
thvlraja  invaded  Jejakabhukti,  forcibly  captured  Sirswa  on  the 
Pahuj,  a  tributary  of  the  Sind,  and  reached  the  border  of  Mahoba. 
At  this  Paramardi  got  frightened  and  sent  a  messenger  to  Kanauj 
to  bring  Alha  and  Udal.  The  two  brothers  at  first  refused  to  leave 
Kanauj,  remembering  the  ill-treatment  they  received  from  Para¬ 
mardi.  Subsequently  their  love  for  their  motherland  triumphed 
over  every  other  consideration,  and  they  returned  to  Mahoba.  In 
the  battle  that  ensued  they  fought  bravely  and  sacrificed  their  lives. 
Prithvlraja  defeated  Paramardi  and  plundered  Mahoba  and  Kalan- 
jara.  The  authenticity  of  this  story,  as  narrated  by  the  bard,  can¬ 
not  be  verified.  But  that  there  was  a  conflict  between  Prithvlraja 
and  Paramardi  is  known  from  reliable  sources.  Merutunga,  in  his 
Prabandha-chintamani ,  makes  a  confusion  between  Paramardi,  who 
is  identical  with  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI  of  the  Deccan,  and 
the  king  of  this  name  of  the  Chandella  dynasty.  He  associates 
Paramardi  with  Siddharaja-Jayasimha  in  one  place,  and  connects 
him  with  Prithvlraja  of  the  Sapadalaksha  country  elsewhere.  Para¬ 
mardi  in  the  latter  reference  is  evidently  the  Chandella  king  of 


107 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


this  name.  It  is  stated  that  this  king  entered  into  a  war  with  Pri¬ 
thviraja,  but  his  army  was  defeated  and  he  fled  to  his  capital.  The 
Sarngadhara-paddhati  also  refers  to  this  conflict.  Madanpur  is  a 
village  35  miles  south-south-east  of  Lalitpur.  Some  stone  inscrip¬ 
tions  found  there  in  a  temple  of  Siva  state  that  Prithviraja,  son  of 
Somesvara  of  the  Chahamana  family,  devastated  Jejakabhukti  in 
A  D.  1182.  All  these  leave  no  doubt  that  Prithviraja  defeated 
ParamardI  in  a  battle  and  plundered  the  Chandella  kingdom  in 
A.D.  1182.  The  Chahamanas  could  not,  however,  maintain  their 
control  over  Jejakabhukti  for  a  long  time.  Two  inscriptions  from 
Kalanjara  and  Mahoba  prove  that  the  Chandellas  were  in  posses¬ 
sion  of  them  in  A.D.  1183. 

Prithviraja  entered  into  a  war  with  the  Chaulukya  Bhima 

II  of  Gujarat,  whose  kingdom  extended  up  to  Kiradu  and 

Nadol  in  southern  Marwar.  The  Chahamanas  of  Nadol  and  the 
•  • 

Paramaras  of  Mt.  Abu  were  vassals  of  the  Chaulukyas.  The  Pri- 
thvimja-vijaya  states  that  Kadambavasa  advised  Prithviraja  not  to 
involve  himself  in  a  war  with  Mu‘izz-ud-din  Muhammad,  pointing 
out  to  him  that  it  would  be  to  the  advantage  of  the  Chahamanas 
if  the  Muslims  and  the  Chaulukyas,  both  of  whom  wanted  to  assert 
their  supremacy  over  Sakambhari,  exhausted  themselves  by  fight¬ 
ing  with  each  other.  This  shows  that  the  relation  between  the 
Chaulukyas  and  the  Chahamanas  was  inimical  from  the  very  begin¬ 
ning  of  Prithviraja’s  reign.  Shortly  before  A.D.  1187  Prithviraja 
launched  a  campaign  against  the  kingdom  of  Gujarat.  The  Para- 
mara  Dharavarsha  and  Jagaddeva  Pratlhara,  the  prime  minister  of 
Bhima  II,  opposed  his  advance.  Dharavarsha  claims  that  he  re¬ 
pulsed  a  night  attack  of  Prithviraja,  the  king  of  the  Jahgala-desa. 
The  Jahgala-desa  comprised  Bikaner  and  the  northern  part  of  Jodh¬ 
pur.  Its  capital  was  Ahichchhatrapura  or  Nagapura,  modern 
Nagaur,  in  the  old  Jodhpur  State.  Jagaddeva  Pratlhara  also  is  stated 
to  have  won  a  victory  over  Prithviraja.  But  the  result  of  the  battle 
was  not  very  much  unfavourable  to  the  Chahamana  king.  Bhima 
II  ultimately  concluded  a  treaty  with  his  adversary,  which  he  tried 
to  observe  with  meticulous  care.  In  A.D.  1187  some  people  from 
the  Chahamana  kingdom  visited  Gujarat  with  some  valuable  arti¬ 
cles.  The  Dandanayaka  Abhayada  sent  a  messenger  to  Jagaddeva 
Pratlhara  seeking  his  permission  to  seize  the  property  of  these  visi¬ 
tors.  Jagaddeva  Pratlhara  is  said  to  have  replied  that  he  had  re¬ 
cently  concluded  a  treaty  with  Prithviraja  after  taking  a  lot  of 
trouble.  “If  Abhayada  therefore  laid  his  hands  on  the  people  of 
Sapadalaksha,  he  would  have  him  sewn  in  the  belly  of  a  donkey.” 
On  the  receipt  of  this  peremptory  order  Abhayada  treated  the  tra¬ 
vellers  with  care,  and  allowed  them  to  proceed  to  their  destination. 


108 


THE  AGE  OF  PFtITHViRAJA  III 


All  these  wars  waged  by  Prithvlraja  against  his  neighbours  do 
not  seem  to  have  resulted  in  any  acquisition  of  territory.  He  in¬ 
herited  from  his  predecessors  a  kingdom  which  extended  up  to 
Hissar  and  Sirhind,  in  Patiala,  on  the  north-west,  and  Delhi  on  the 
north.  It  was  bounded  on  the  south  by  the  kingdom  of  the  Guhilas 
of  Mewar,  and  the  territories  of  the  Chahamanas  of  Nadol,  who 
were  vassals  of  the  Chaulukya  Bhima  II;  on  the  east  by  the  king¬ 
doms  of  the  Yaduvariisls  of  Bayana-Sripatha,  the  Kachchhapa- 
ghatas  of  Gwalior,  and  the  Gahadavalas  of  Kanauj;  and  on  the 
north-west  by  the  kingdom  of  the  Yaminis  of  Lahore.  Altogether 
six  inscriptions  of  Prithviraja’s  reign  have  been  discovered, 
with  dates  ranging  between  A.D.  1177  and  1188.  The  Kashmirian 
poet  Jayanaka,  the  author  of  Prithvircija-vijaya,  lived  under  the 
patronage  of  Prithvlraja.  The  Jain  teacher  Asadhara,  the  author 
of  a  large  number  of  books,  lived  in  Sapadalaksha  in  the  early  part 
of  his  life.  It  is  known  from  the  Khar ataragachchha-patt avail  of 
Jinapala  that  the  poets  Vidyapati  Gauda  and  Vagisvara  Janardana 
visited  the  court  of  Prithvlraja  III.  Prithvlbhata  served  this  king 
as  the  royal  bard.  Some  silver  and  bullion  coins  issued  by  Prithvl¬ 
raja  have  been  found. 

Prithyiraja  could  not  enjoy  his  well  established  kingdom  for 
many  years.  Mu‘izz-ud-din  Muhammad  of  Ghur,  who  was  replused 
by  the  Chaulukya  Mularaja  II  near  Mt.  Abu  in  A.D.  1178,  overthrew 
in  A.D.  1186  Khusrav  Malik,  the  last  ruler  of  the  Yamini  dynasty 
of  Ghazni,  and  strengthened  his  position  by  the  annexation  of  the 
western  Punjab.  This  brought  the  kingdom  of  the  Maliks  of  Ghur 
up  to  the  border  of  that  of  the  Chahamanas.  Mu‘izz-ud-din  carried 
on  successive  .military  excursions  into  the  kingdom  of  the  Chaha¬ 
manas  in  the  Punjab  for  some  time.1  He  then  made  a  bid  for  the 
conquest  of  Hindustan.  He  marched  at  the  head  of  a  well-organis¬ 
ed  army  from  Ghazni  and  reached  Tabarhindah,2  which  was  situat¬ 
ed  in  the  kingdom  of  Prithvlraja.  Tabarhindah  may  be  identified 
with  Sirhind,  in  the  old  Patiala  State.  The  Sultan  took  the 
fort  by  storm  and  placed  it  under  the  charge  of  Malik-Ziya-ud-din. 
Twelve  hundred  horsemen  were  posted  there  with  adequate  muni¬ 
tions  of  war.  They  were  instructed  to  hold  it  for  eight  months 
until  the  Sultan  returned  from  Ghazni.  The  advance  of  the  Mus¬ 
lims  as  far  as  Sirhind  caused  great  consternation  into  the  minds 
of  the  feudatories  of  the  Chahamanas  in  the  west.  Chandraraja, 
son  of  Govindaraja,  the  governor  of  Delhi,  came  to  Ajmer  along 
with  other  chiefs  on  deputation  to  Prithvlraja.  Chandraraja  re¬ 
ported  to  the  king  that  a  Muslim  named  Shihab-ud-din  “had  pillag¬ 
ed  and  burnt  most  of  their  cities,  defiled  their  women,  and  reduced 
them  altogether  to  a  miserable  plight.  There  is  scarcely  a  moun- 


109 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


tain-pent  valley  in  the  country  but  is  filled  to  suffocation  with  Raj¬ 
puts  who  have  fled  thither  for  protection  from  his  tyranny.  The 
noblest  of  the  Rajput  families  have  disappeared  before  him,  and  he 
has  now  established  his  capital  at  Multan.”  The  chiefs  of  the  west 
sought  his  assistance  against  this  unrelenting  enemy.  Prithviraja 
was  very  much  excited  when  he  heard  this  woeful  tale,  and  readily 
agreed  to  render  all  possible  help.  He  set  out  with  two  hundred 
thousand  horses  and  three  thousand  elephants  to  punish  Mu‘izz-ud- 
din  Muhammad.  Govindaraja  of  Delhi  and  many  other  Indian  prin¬ 
ces  accompanied  him.  While  making  arrangement  for  departure 
from  Tabarhindah  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  received  the  news  of 
the  advance  of  Prithviraja  against  him.  He  met  his  enemy  in  the 
battlefield  of  Tarain,  14  miles  from  ThaneswTar  and  80  miles  from 
Delhi,  in  A.D.  1190-91.  When  the  battle  was  in  progress,  the  right 
and  the  left  wings  of  the  Sultan’s  army  broke  down  and  fled.  The 
central  division  also  became  very  thin.  At  this  time  the  Sultan  was 
informed  by  one  of  his  confidential  attendants  about  the  disinte¬ 
gration  of  his  army,  and  was  advised  to  retreat.  He  scornfully  re¬ 
jected  the  advice,  unsheathed  his  sword,  and  along  with  the  few 
soldiers  still  sticking  to  their  posts  rushed  to  attack  the  enemy. 
His  movement  suddenly  caught  the  attention  of  Govindaraja,  who 
forthwith  drove  his  elephant  towards  him  with  all  speed.  The 
Sultan  finding  him  in  front  darted  a  spear,  which  succeeded  in 
breaking  two  of  his  teeth.  Govindaraja  in  return  threw  a  javelin 
which  caused  a  deep  wound  in  the  Sultan’s  arm.  The  Sultan  was 
about  to  fall  from  his  horse  in  agony  when  a  Khaljl  soldier  rushed 
to  his  rescue.  The  valiant  warrior  sprang  on  the  horse  with  a 
lightning  speed,  gave  him  support  with  his  arms,  and  took  the 
horse  out  of  the  battlefield.  The  Sultan  was  carried  to  a  place  40 
miles  off  where  he  met  his  fleeing  forces.  After  the  departure  of 
the  Sultan  there  was  disorder  in  the  Muslim  army  in  the  battle¬ 
field  and  it  was  readily  overpowered  by  the  Chahamanas.  Skanda, 
the  general  of  Prithviraja,  took  a  prominent  part  in  this  battle,  and 
brought  success  to  his  master.  According  to  Hammira-Mahakavya 
Prithviraja  took  Shihab-ud-dln  captive  in  this  battle  but  subsequent¬ 
ly  released  him  and  allowed  him  to  go  back  to  Multan.  This  seems 
to  be  an  exaggerated  account  of  the  victory  of  Prithviraja  over  the 
Muslims. 

After  his  success  in  the  battle  of  Tarain,  Prithviraja  marched 
with  his  army  to  Tabarhindah,  and  besieged  the  fort.  The  com¬ 
mander  of  the  fort,  Malik  Ziya-ud-dln,  defended  his  position  for 
thirteen  months  and  then  capitulated.  Prithviraja  took  possession 
of  it  and  the  supremacy  of  the  Chahamanas  was  re-established  in 
the  Punjab. 


110 


THE  AGE  OF  PRITHVlRAJA  III 


In  order  to  avenge  himself  of  the  defeat  sustained  at  the  hands 
of  Prithvlraja,  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  organised  at  Ghazni,  after 
a  strenuous  labour,  an  army  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
men.  He  came  with  this  force  to  Lahore  via  Peshawar  and  Mul¬ 
tan.  The  Hammira-Mahakavya  relates  that  the  Sultan,  in  order 
to  strengthen  his  forces,  sought  help  from  the  king  of  the  Ghataika 
country,  who  readily  complied  with  the  request  by  despatching 
many  horses  and  men.  The  Ghataika  country  cannot  be  identified. 
About  this  time  the  Sultan  sent  an  emissary  named  Rukn-ud-dln 
Hamzah  to  Ajmer  with  a  proposal  to  Prithvlraja  for  embracing 
Islam  and  acknowledging  his  supremacy  in  order  to  avoid  the  dread¬ 
ful  consequence  of  the  war.  The  Chahamana  king  treated  the  pro¬ 
posal  with  the  contempt  it  deserved,  and  rallied  his  forces,  which 
consisted  of  300,000  horse,  3,000  elephants  and  a  large  body  of 
infantry.  Many  Rajas  of  Hindustan  helped  him,  and  one  hundred 
and  fifty  chiefs  joined  him  with  the  determination  of  either  defeat¬ 
ing  the  Muslims  or  dying  on  the  battlefield.  The  Hammira-Maha¬ 
kavya’ s  report  that  Prithvlraja,  elated  with  his  former  success,  mar¬ 
ched  on  this  occasion  with  a  small  body  of  soldiers  to  meet  the 
Muslims,  does  not  seem  to  be  correct.  Skanda,  the  commander  of 
the  army,  who  brought  success  to  Prithvlraja’s  arms  in  the  last 
battle  with  the  Muslims,  was  engaged  in  a  war  elsewhere,  and 
could  not  accompany  the  king.  Another  lieutenant  named  Udaya- 
raja,  who  was  to  join  him,  delayed  in  starting  from  the  capital. 
Govindaraja  of  Delhi  joined  him  on  the  way.  When  Prithvlraja 
was  advancing  against  his  enemy,  the  minister  Somesvara  tried  to 
persuade  the  king  not  to  proceed  further.  The  king  suspected  him 
of  treachery,  cut  off  his  ears,  and  dismissed  him.  Somesvara  turn¬ 
ed  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  king  and  joined  the  Muslims.  Prithvlraja, 
with  his  vast  army,  reached  the  battlefield  of  Tarain.  Mu‘izz-ud~ 
din  Muhammad,  after  conquering  Tabarhindah,  met  him  there. 
Prithvlraja  sent  a  letter  to  him,  requesting  him  to  withdraw  his 
army,  being  content  with  the  possession  of  Tabarhindah  and  the 
Punjab.  This  gave  the  Sultan  an  opportunity  to  defeat  his  enemy 
by  a  stratagem.  He  replied  that  he  could  not  retreat  without  the 
permission  of  his  brother  at  whose  command  he  led  this  invasion. 
He,  however,  agreed  to  a  truce  till  he  received  instruction  from  his 
brother  on  this  matter.  The  Chahamana  army,  relying  on  the 
assurances  of  the  Sultan,  went  on  merrymaking  during  the  night. 
The  Sultan  instructed  a  batch  of  soldiers  to  keep  the  light  in  the 
camp  burning  in  order  to  make  a  show  before  the  enemy  that  the 
Muslims  were  encamped,  and  made  preparation  for  a  sudden  attack. 
He  marched  with  the  main  body  of  his  soldiers  throughout  the  night 
by  a  different  route,  forded  the  river  before  dawn,  and  attacked  the 


111 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


rear  of  the  enemy.  A  confusion  broke  out  in  the  Chahamana  army. 
But  Prithvlraja  skilfully  brought  out  his  cavalry  and  frustrated  the 
attempt  of  the  Sultan,  who  returned  discomfited  to  his  camp.  He 
now  took  recourse  to  a  new  artifice.  He  divided  his  army  into  five 
divisions,  one  consisting  of  12,000  cavalry,  and  the  remaining  four 
of  10,000  light-armed  horsemen  each.  These  four  smaller  divi¬ 
sions  carried  on  successive  attacks  on  the  Chahamanas  on  the  right, 
left,  front,  and  the  rear  from  the  morning  onward.  Each  time  the 
latter  made  counter-attacks  on  them  with  their  elephants,  cavalry, 
and  infantry,  they  retreated,  pretending  flight.  By  the  afternoon 
the  Chahamanas  got  extremely  tired,  when  the  Sultan  with  the 
bigger  division  made  a  vigorous  attack  and  completely  overpower¬ 
ed  them.  One  lakh  of  the  Hindu  soldiers  lost  their  lives.  Govin- 
daraja,  the  chief  of  Delhi,  fell  fighting  on  the  battlefield,  and  the  Sul¬ 
tan  recognised  him  through  the  absence  of  his  two  teeth  which  he 
had  broken  in  the  last  engagement.  In  this  predicament  Prithvl¬ 
raja  got  down  from  his  elephant  and,  mounting  a  horse,  fled  away. 
He  was  overtaken  by  the  Muslim  army  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
SursutI,  which  seems  to  be  identical  with  the  Sarasvati,  and  was 
taken  prisoner.  This  battle  took  place  in  A.D.  1192.  After  con¬ 
quering  HansI,  SursutI,  Kuhram  or  Guhram,  and  Samana,  the  Sul¬ 
tan  marched  towards  Ajmer  with  the  captive  king,  and  took  that 
city  by  assault.  He  demolished  the  temples  there,  and  built  mos¬ 
ques  and  Islamic  colleges  on  their  ruins.  The  captive  Prithvlraja, 
who  was  granted  immunity  from  punishment,  made  an  intrigue 
against  the  Sultan.  The  conspiracy  was  detected  and  at  the  order 
of  the  Sultan  Prithvlraja  was  executed. 

The  above  account  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  Prithvlraja  at 
the  hands  of  Mu‘izz-ud-dm  Muhammad  is  based  on  the  authority  of 
the  early  and  later  Muslim  historians.  The  Sanskrit  sources  also 
throw  light  on  this  subject.  The  Viruddhavidhi-viddhavamsa ,  a 
nearly  contemporary  authority,  states  that  when  Prithvlraja’s  gene¬ 
ral  Skanda  “went  to  another  battle,  the  king,  whose  intellect  was 
shrouded  by  the  vice  of  sleep,  who,  though  alive,  was  as  good  as 
dead  in  battle,  was  slaughtered  by  the  Turushkas.”  The  Prabandha- 
chintamani  relates  that  the  minister  Somesvara,  who  was  dis¬ 
missed  by  Prithvlraja,  conducted  the  Muslims  to  the  camp  of  the 
Chahamana  king.  At  this  time  Prithvlraja  was  enjoying  a  deep 
sleep,  and  a  severe  encounter  took  place  between  the  Muslims  and 
the  heroes  of  Prithvlraja’s  vanguard.  Prithvlraja  was  taken  pri¬ 
soner  when  he  was  still  excessively  drowsy.  The  king  of  the  Mus¬ 
lims  took  the  Chahamana  king  to  the  latter’s  capital,  and  resolved 
to  reinstate  him  on  the  throne.  But  the  sight  of  a  picture 
in  the  royal  palace,  depicting  the  Muslims  as  being  killed  by  a  drove 


112 


THE  AGE  OF  PRITHV IR A J A  III 


of  pigs,  greatly  infuriated  him  and  he  readily  put  Prithviraja  to 
death.3  It  is  difficult  to  take  these  accounts  seriously. 

Prithviraja  was  evidently  a  general  of  high  order,  but  he  lack¬ 
ed  political  foresight.  It  was  a  grave  defect  with  the  Indian  chiefs 
that  in  their  fight  with  the  Muslims  they  always  chose  to  be  on  the 
defensive.  The  result  was  that  their  adversaries,  even  when  they 
were  defeated,  could  escape  annihilation  if  they  could  only  with¬ 
draw  from  the  battlefield.  Prithviraja  was  not  free  from  this 
drawback.  At  this  time  the  rule  of  the  Maliks  of  Ghur  was  not 
firmly  established  in  the  Punjab.  Prithviraja  ought  to  have  pur¬ 
sued  the  disabled  Sultan  to  the  Punjab  after  his  victory  in  the  first 
battle  of  Tarain,  and  made  an  attempt  to  root  out  the  Muslim  rule 
there.  His  task  would  have  been  easy,  as  it  was  not  possible  for 
his  opponents  there  to  avail  themselves  of  the  service  of  their  great 
leader.  But  far  from  doing  this,  and  even  without  making  any 
suitable  arrangement  for  the  defence  of  the  fort  of  Tabarhindah, 
which  guarded  his  north-western  frontier,  he  retired  to  Ajmer,  and 
the  dreadful  consequence  followed. 

The  defeat  of  Prithviraja  in  the  second  battle  of  Tarain  not 
only  destroyed  the  imperial  power  of  the  Chahamanas,  but  also 
brought  disaster  on  the  whole  of  Hindustan.  The  morale  of  the 
ruling  princes  and  the  people  completely  broke  down,  and  the  entire 
country  was  seized  with  panic.  Many  of  those  who  were  accustom¬ 
ed  to  peaceful  pursuits  fled  with  their  family  and  settled  in  the 
south.  The  Jain  teacher  Asadhara  states  that  when  Sapadalaksha  was 
conquered  by  Shihab-ud-dln,  he,  for  fear  of  being  molested  by  the 
conquering  armies,  left  his  native  country,  and  migrated  with  his 
family  to  Malava.  This  state  of  things  obviously  made  it  easier  for 
Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  and  his  generals  to  establish  a  firm  foot¬ 
ing  in  the  heart  of  Hindustan. 

The  Viruddhavidhi-viddhavamsa  states  that  after  the  death  of 
Prithviraja  his  general  Skanda  placed  the  king’s  brother  Hariraja 
on  the  throne  of  Sakambharl.  The  Hammira-Mahakavya  relates 
that  on  the  death  of  Prithviraja  his  brother  Hariraja  performed  his 
funeral  ceremonies  and  then  ascended  the  throne.  Hasan  Nizami, 
on  the  other  hand,  reports  that  after  the  execution  of  Prithviraja 
Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  placed  the  deceased  king’s  son  on  the 
throne.  As  Prithviraja  was  a  minor  in  A.D.  1177  his  son  was 
apparently  very  young  at  this  time.  After  settling  the  affairs  at 
Ajmer  the  Sultan  marched  to  Delhi  and  invested  the  fort.  After 
a  short  resistance  the  son  of  Govindaraja  and  his  lieutenants  sur 
rendered  and  agreed  to  pay  him  tributes  regularly.  The  Sultan 
left  for  Ghazni,  posting  an  army  in  Delhi,  and  appointing  his  gene- 

113 

S.  E.— 8 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ral  Qutb-ud-din  governor  of  Guhram  and  Sam  ana.  Shortly  after 
wards  Qutb-ud-din  finally  took  possession  of  Delhi.  But  about  this 
time  he  received  a  report,  sent  by  Rukn-ud-din  Hamzah  from  Ran- 
thambhor,  that  Hiraj  (Hariraja),  the  brother  of  the  Rai  of  Ajmer, 
had  gone  into  rebellion,  and  threatened  to  invade  Ranthambhor. 
The  son  of  Prithviraja  was  also  living  in  Ajmer  in  a  precarious  con¬ 
dition.  Qutb-ud-din  forthwith  marched  towards  Ranthambhor, 
and  at  his  approach  Hariraja  fled  away  with  his  army.  Qutb-ud- 
din  presented  a  robe  of  honour  to  the  son  of  Prithviraja,  and  re¬ 
ceived  from  him  immense  wealth  for  the  service  of  the  State. 

After  Qutb-ud-din’s  return  to  Delhi,  Hariraja,  with  the  help  of 
the  general  Skanda,  overthrew  the  son  of  Prithviraja  and  wielded 
the  sovereignty  of  Ajmer.  The  Indian  sources,  referred  to  above, 
do  not  mention  the  events  which  happened  between  the  fall  of 
Prithviraja  and  the  accession  of  Hariraja.  A  stone  inscription  of 
Hariraja’s  reign,  dated  A.D.  1194  proves  that  he  was  in  prossession 
of  Ajmer  in  that  year.  He  sent  an  army  to  the  borders  of  Delhi, 
which  oppressed  the  Muslims  and  plundered  their  property.  This 
induced  Qutb-ud-din  to  lead  an  invasion  against  him.  Hariraja’s 
position  in  Ajmer  was  not  very  strong.  He  fell  into  disfavour  of 
his  subjects  due  to  his  licentious  habits.  Bhima  II,  the  king  of 
Gujarat,  in  order  to  be  friendly  with  him,  presented  him  some  danc¬ 
ing  girls.  Hariraja  was  so  much  enamoured  of  their  beauty  that 
he  spent  day  and  night  in  their  association,  and  squandered  the 
revenue.  When  Qutb-ud-din  invaded  his  kingdom,  he  was  not  pre¬ 
pared  for  resistance.  He  did  not,  however,  choose  to  sacrifice  his 
honour  by  surrendering  to  the  enemy.  He  entered  into  the  fort 
and  died  along  with  all  the  members  of  his  family  by  ascending  the 
funeral  pile.  Hariraja  had  no  son.  His  followers,  in  despair,  left 
Ajmer  and  took  shelter  under  Govindaraja  of  Ranthambhor.  Ajmer 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Qutb-ud-din  without  any  fight.  Hasan  Nizami 
fixes  the  date  of  this  conquest  of  Ajmer  by  Qutb-ud-din  in  A.D. 
1193.  This  is  obviously  an  error  as  Hariraja,  as  has  already  been 
noted,  was  ruling  in  Ajmer  in  A.D.  1194,  and  Qutb-ud-din’s  con¬ 
quest  of  Ajmer  must,  therefore,  have  taken  place  after  this  date. 
Qutb-ud-din  settled  the  affairs  in  Ajmer,  posting  there  a  governor, 
and  returned  to  Delhi.  Thus  the  rule  of  the  Imperial  Chahamanas 
came  to  an  end. 


114 


THE  AGE  OF  PRITHVlRAJA  HI 


1.  The  account  of  the  war  between  Prithviraja  and  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  is 
found  in  the  nearly  contemporary  works,  viz.  Viruddhavidhi-viddhavamsa, 
Jamiu-l  Hikayat,  Taj-ul-Ma’dsir,  and  Tabaqat-i-N asiri,  and  later  works,  viz. 
Prabandha-chintamani,  Hammira-Mahakavya,  Firishta,  Tabaqai-Akbaxi,  etc. 

2.  Commenting  on  the  name  of  the  fort  Tabarhindah  Raverty  observes  that  all 
the  copies  of  the  text  have  Tabarhindah  or  Tabarhind.  Ta’rikh-i-Alfi ,  Zubdat- 
ut-Tawarikh,  and  BudaunI  have  Tarhindah.  Budaun!  says  that  it  was  the 
capital  of  Jaipal.  The  printed  text  of  Tabaqat-i-N asiri,  and  many  works  of 
late  date,  viz.  Tabaqat-i-Akbari,  Mir’at-i-Jahan-Numa,  and  Khulasat-ut- 
Tawarikh-i-Hind  says  that  Tabarhindah  is  now  known  by  the  name  Bithandah 
(Raverty,  Tabaqat-i-N  asiri,  p.  457,  n).  Some  are  inclined  to  identify  the  place 
with  Bhatinda,  in  Patiala,  and  some  again  take  it  as  identical  with  Sirhind, 
in  the  same  State.  As  the  distance  of  Bhatinda  from  Tarain  is  double  that  of 
Sirhind  I  am  inclined  to  agree  with  the  latter  view. 

3.  The  Hammira-Mahakavya  narrates  the  final  battle  between  Prithviraja  and 
Mu‘izz-ud-din  in  a  different  way.  It  states  that  Shihab-ud-dln  (Mu‘izz-ud-dln) 
succeeded  in  seducing  Prithviraja’s  master  of  the  horse  and  the  royal  musi¬ 
cians.  As  soon  as  the  Muslims  made  an  onslaught  on  the  camps  of  the 
Chahamanas  a  confusion  broke  out.  The  master  of  the  horse  designedly  sup¬ 
plied  a  horse  named  Natyarambha  for  the  use  of  the  king  at  this  critical 
juncture.  When  the  king  mounted  on  it  the  musicians  played  on  a  tune 
favourite  to  him.  Natyarambha  started  dancing,  and  the  king,  being  attracted 
by  the  music,  forgot  the  grave  task  he  was  to  perform.  Taking  advantage  of 
the  king’s  indifference  the  Muslims  made  a  severe  attack  on  the  Chahamanas. 
Prithviraja  got  down  from  his  horse,  and  killed  many  Muslims  with  his  sword, 
but  he  soon  fell  a  captive,  and  was  taken  to  Delhi.  When  Udayaraja  besieged 
the  city  for  the  release  of  his  master,  the  Sultan,  in  order  to  avoid  future 
trouble,  threw  the  captive  king  into  the  fort.  The  king  died  there  a  few  days 
after,  and  Udayaraja.  in  despair,  rushed  upon  the  Muslims  and  died  fighting. 
The  Hammira-Mahakavya’ s  report  goes  against  the  testimony  of  Taj-ul-ma’asir. 


115 


CHAPTER  IV 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF 
NORTHERN  INDIA 

1.  THE  MUSLIM  STATES  IN  THE  EAST 

A  brief  reference  has  been  made  above,  in  Chapter  II,  to  the 
part  played  by  the  Saljuq  Turks  and  the  Shansabanis  of  Ghur  in 
bringing  about  the  fall  of  the  Ghaznavids.  In  order  to  understand 
more  clearly  the  background  of  the  events  that  followed  and  ulti¬ 
mately  led  to  the  Muslim  conquest  of  India,  it  is  necessary  to  re¬ 
view  briefly  the  history  of  these  and  other  Muslim  states  in  the  east 
in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  A.D. 

As  noted  above,  Sultan  Mahmud  had  to  bear  the  brunt  of  ilak 
Khan’s  attack  and  to  buy  peace  by  allowing  him  to  capture  the  rich 
plain  north  of  the  Oxus.  But  soon  another  and  far  more  numerous 
horde,  the  Ghuzz  Turks,  rose  into  prominence.  Starting  from  the 
Kirghiz  steppes  of  Turkistan,  their  chieftain  named  Saljuq  had  settled 
in  the  region  of  Bukhara  about  the  middle  of  the  tenth  century  A.D. 
His  grandsons,  Chaghri  Beg  and  Tughril  Beg,  rose  to  power  by 
helping  the  Samanids  against  Ilak  Khan.  But  soon  after  Mah¬ 
mud’s  death  they  crossed  the  Oxus,  conquered  Merv  and  Nlshapur 
from  the  Ghaznavids,  and  brought  under  their  sway  the  whole  of 
Khurasan  and  northern  Persia,  the  petty  kingdoms  of  the  land  fall¬ 
ing  before  them  just  as  the  Indian  kings  had  succumbed  before  Mah¬ 
mud.  In  A.D.  1054  Tughril  marched  against  Baghdad,  revived  the 
dying  Caliphate,  and  gave  it  a  lease  of  life  for  another  two  cen¬ 
turies.  The  greatest  service  that  the  Saljuqs  rendered  to  Islam  was 
to  re-unite  middle  Asia  from  Afghanistan  to  the  Mediterranean 
under  one  political  authority,  which  made  it  possible  for  the  Mus¬ 
lims  to  check  the  progress,  first  of  the  Byzantine  Emperors,  and 
later  of  the  Crusaders. 

The  next  important  event  in  the  politics  of  Central  Asia  in 
this  age  was  the  rise  of  the  house  of  Khvarazm  Shah.  Khvarazm 
(the  modern  Khiva)  was  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Caspian,  on 
the  east  by  Bukhara  and  the  Oxus,  and  on  the  south  by  Khurasan. 
It  passed  from  the  hands  of  the  Samanids  to  the  Ghaznavids,  and 
from  these  to  the  Saljuqs.  Ever  since  the  Samanid  days  the  gover¬ 
nors  of  Khvarazm  had  enjoyed  the  title  of  Khvarazm  Shah.  In 
the  last  quarter  of  the  eleventh  century  the  Saljuq  Sultan  Malik 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 

Shah  appointed  his  cup-bearer  Anushtegin  governor  of  Khvarazm. 
Either  he  or  his  son  Atsiz  declared  himself  independent,  and  found¬ 
ed  the  dynasty  of  Khvarazm  Shah,  which  was  destined  to  play  for 
a  century  the  leading  role  in  the  history  of  Central  Asia. 

At  this  time  there  entered  into  the  arena  of  Central  Asiatic 
politics  a  new  force,  the  Qara  Khitai  Turks,  who  moved  westward 
owing  to  the  pressure  of  the  Mongols  and  Chinese  from  the  East. 
These  Turks  were  not  Muslim.  In  A.D.  1141  their  leader  (known  as 
Gur  Khan  or  Universal  Lord)  inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  upon  Sul¬ 
tan  Sanjar  and  shattered  the  power  of  the  Saljuqs  beyond  recovery. 
This  left  the  field  free  for  the  Khvarazm  Shahs  to  increase  their 
power  and  possessions  at  the  expense  of  the  Saljuqs,  and  the  Ghu- 
rids  or  Chiefs  of  Ghur  to  aggrandise  themselves  at  the  expense  of 
the  Ghaznavids.  Thus  the  two  great  powers,  the  Saljuqs  in  Per¬ 
sia  and  the  Ghaznavids  in  Afghanistan  and  Khurasan,  were  sup¬ 
planted  respectively  by  the  Khvarazm  Shahs  and  the  Ghurids.  At 
a  later  date  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khvarazm  Shah  (A.D.  1199-1220),  the 
more  powerful  of  the  two,  drove  the  Ghurids  out  of  Khurasan,  and 
the  Qara  Khitais  back  into  China,  and  extended  his  sway  from 
Persia  to  Bukhara  and  Samarqand.  In  A.D.  1214  he  also  drove  out  the 
Ghurids  even  from  Ghazni  and  Afghanistan.  But  before  we  come 
to  this  period  we  shall  deal  in  some  detail  with  the  ruling  house 
of  Ghur  which  laid  the  foundation  of  the  Muslim  empire  in  India. 

2.  THE  GHURIDS 

The  Ghurids  inhabited  the  region  between  Ghazni  and  Herat. 
Some  writers  think  that  they  were  Afghans,  but  most  probably 
they  were  eastern  Persians.  With  the  decline  of  Ghaznavid  Sul¬ 
tans  they  gradually  asserted  their  power  and  finally  the  nephew 
of  the  “World-burner,”  Ghiyas-ud-din  Muhammad,1  ascended  the 
throne  of  Ghur  as  Sultan  in  A.D.  1163.  He  drove  the  Ghuzz  Turks 
from  Ghazni  and  made  his  brother  Shihab-ud-din  Muhammad 
governor  of  that  province  in  A.D.  1173.  The  latter,  also  called  Mu‘izz- 
ud-dln  Muhammad  bin  Sam,  tried  to  emulate  the  exploits  of  Sultan 
Mahmud  and  led  several  expeditions  against  India. 

The  early  expeditions  of  Muhammad  were  made  through  the 
Goma.1  Pass,  west  of  Dera  Ismail  Khan,  and  not  through  the  Khy- 
ber,  because  the  former  was  the  safer  and  shorter  route.  Con¬ 
sequently  Multan  and  Uch,  which  were  the  first  to  fall  on  his  way, 
were  wrested  from  their  Qaramitah  chiefs  in  A.D.  1175.  By  A.D.  1182 
the  Sumra  chief  of  lower  Sindh  was  compelled  to  acknowledge 
Muhammad’s  suzerainty.  So  far  the  direction  followed  by  Muhammad 
was  correct.  But  when  he  attempted  to  cross  the  desert  and  penetrate 


117 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


into  Gujarat,  forgetting  the  experience  of  Mahmud,  he  was  acting 
against  the  dictates  of  geography.  It  would  seem  that  some  Tur¬ 
kish  warriors  had  been  frequently  raiding  the  Rajput  kingdoms 
from  that  quarter  in  the  twelfth  century,  but  all  the  attacks  had 
been  repulsed  by  the  Gujarat  rulers.  Following  this  tradition 
Muhammad  crossed  the  desert  and  reached  the  foot  of  Mt.  Abu  in 
A.D.  1178,  with  an  exhausted  and  famished  army.  The  Turkish  army 
was  beaten  with  great  slaughter  by  the  forces  of  Mularaja  II,  the 
Chaulukya  king  of  Gujarat,2  but  Muhammad  luckily  managed  to 
escape  with  the  poor  remnant  of  his  ruined  army.  This  reverse 
left  no  other  course  for  him  except  that  of  entering  India  by  the 
northern  route  and,  consequently,  of  first  wresting  the  Punjab  from 
the  Ghaznavids.  Soon  an  opportunity  offered  itself.  Chakradeo, 
the  ruler  of  Jammu,  invited  the  Ghuri  Sultan  to  help  him  against 
Khusrav  Malik,  the  Ghaznavid,  as  the  latter  was  supporting  the 
tribesmen,  known  as  Khokars,  who  had  rebelled  against  the  autho¬ 
rity  of  the  Jammu  chief.  Muhammad  accordingly  invaded  India. 
Peshawar  was  taken  in  A.D.  1178,  Sialkot  fell  in  A.D.  1185,  and  the 
following  year  Lahore  was  captured  by  treachery  from  Khusrav 
Malik,  the  last  of  the  Ghaznavids,  as  has  been  described  above. 

Muhammad’s  fight  with  the  Chahamana  or  Chauhan  king  Pri- 
thviraja,  ending  in  the  defeat  and  death  of  the  latter  in  the  second 
battle  of  Tarain  in  A.D.  1192,  has  been  described  in  the  preceding 
chapter. 

After  this  great  victory  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  conquered 
Delhi,  but,  as  noted  above,  Hindu  chiefs  were  allowed  to  rule  both 
in  Ajmer  and  Delhi  as  tributary  kings.  He  then  occupied  and 
garrisoned  the  military  outposts  of  Hansi,  Kuhram,  Sursuti  and 
Sirhind.  After  these  brilliant  victories  Muhammad  returned  to 
Ghazni,  leaving  his  favourite  general  Malik  Qutb-ud-dln  Aibak  with 
an  army  at  Indarpat,  about  ten  miles  from  Delhi. 

3.  QUTB-UD-DIN  AIBAK’S  CONQUESTS 

Qutb-ud-dln  Aibak  had  full  powers  to  deal  with  the  Hindu 
chiefs  and  to  make  further  conquests.  A  Hindu  chief  having  be¬ 
sieged  the  garrison  at  Hansi  (A.D.  1192),  Aibak  at  once  rushed  to 
its  relief  and  defeated  and  slew  the  chief  near  Bagar.  Then  he  cap¬ 
tured  and  garrisoned  Meerut  and  Baran  (modern  Bulandshahr)  in 
the  upper  Doab,  the  latter  place  having  fallen  because  of  the  trea¬ 
chery  of  Ajaipal,  a  relation  of  the  Dhor  chief,  who  was  a  vassal  of 
the  Gahadavalas.  These  two  places  served  as  military  bases  for 
operations  in  the  east. 


118 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 

For  consolidating  the  conquest  it  was  necessary  to  settle  at  a 
central  place.  Indarpat  being  only  a  temporary  camp.  Aibak,  there¬ 
fore,  drove  away  the  Chauhan  chief,  who  was  suspected  of  hostile 
designs,  from  Delhi,  and  made  it  his  capital  early  in  A.D.  1193. 
Aibak  had  already  occupied  and  garrisoned  the  mighty  fort  of  Ran- 
thambhor,  but  the  Chahamanas,  under  the  leadership  of  Hariraja, 
brother  of  the  late  Prithvlraja,  recovered  both  Ajmer  and  Rantham- 
bhor.  Aibak  immediately  moved  against  them,  and  on  his  approach 
they  withdrew.  Meanwhile  the  dispossessed  chief  of  Delhi  again 
revolted,  and  Aibak  had  to  go  against  him  leaving  Hariraja  unsub¬ 
dued.  In  the  midst  of  all  these  preoccupations  the  Turkish  general 
was  called  away  by  his  master  to  Ghazni,  probably  to  help  him 
against  the  Khvarazmian  menace,  and  was  away  for  six  months. 
It  is  surprising  that  this  long  absence  of  Aibak  was  not  utilised 
by  the  Indian  chiefs  to  make  an  effective  combination  to  drive 
out  the  foreigners  from  the  land  and  to  prevent  their  future  entry 
into  it.  A  splendid  opportunity  was  thus  missed  by  them.  There 
were  only  stray  risings  and  revolts  which  were  easily  put  down, 
and  soon  after  the  conqueror  returned,  he  occupied  the  Doab  as  far 
as  Kol  (Aligarh)  and  garrisoned  it. 

(i)  The  Gahadavalas 

All  this  happened  within  a  year  and  Aibak  had  prepared  the 
ground  for  another  avalanche  from  Ghur.  In  A.D.  1193  Mu‘izz-ud- 
dln  marched  with  fifty  thousand  cavalry  against  the  Gahadavalas, 
and  was  met  by  Jayachandra  near  Chandawar  on  the  Yamuna,  bet¬ 
ween  Etawah  and  Kanauj.  A  hard  contest  followed,  and  Jayachan¬ 
dra  had  well  nigh  scored  a  victory,  when  he  received  a  deadly  wound 
from  an  arrow  and  fell.  His  force  was  thrown  into  confusion  and 
the  lucky  invader  turned  it  into  a  rout.  An  orgy  of  extensive  and 
ruthless  massacre,  rapine,  and  pillage  followed.  Temples  and 
shrines  were  razed  to  the  ground  and  relieved  of  their  fabulous 
treasures.  Banaras  and  the  fort  of  Asni  which  contained  the  trea¬ 
sury  of  the  Gahadavalas  were  the  first  to  be  occupied.  One  thou¬ 
sand  temples  are  said  to  have  been  destroyed  at  Banaras  alone,  and 
mosques  raised  in  their  places.  This  victory  added  extensive  ter¬ 
ritory  in  Hindustan,  as  far  east  as  Banaras  and  Chandravati,  to 
the  dominions  of  the  conqueror.  But,  as  noted  above,  the  Gahada¬ 
valas  recovered  some  of  the  territories.3 

(ii)  Ajmer ,  Gujarat ,  Bay  ana  and  Gwalior 

Muhammad  gathered  the  hoard  of  treasures  and  departed  for 
Ghazni,  leaving  Aibak  to  deal  with  the  affairs  in  India.  Aibak  had 
enough  work  on  hand  to  keep  him  occupied.  The  Hindu  chiefs 


119 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


were  far  from  being  effectively  subdued,  and  the  country  was  seeth¬ 
ing  with  hostility  and  revolt.  Kol  was  being  besieged  by  Dhor 
Rajputs;  Ajmer  was  invested  by  Hariraja  again,  and  an  army  led 
by  Jhat  Rai,  under  Hariraja’s  direction,  was  proceeding  to  recap¬ 
ture  Delhi.  But  Aibak,  nothing  daunted,  proved  equal  to  the  task. 
Detaching  a  part  of  his  force  to  guard  the  capital,  he  proceeded 
towards  Ajmer  and  cut  off  Jhat  Rai  on  the  way.  The  latter  fell 
back  to  Ajmer  which  was  then  closely  besieged  by  Aibak,  reduc¬ 
ing  Hariraja  to  such  straits  that  he,  finding  escape  impossible,  burnt 
himself  on  a  funeral  pyre  to  save  himself  from  the  humiliation  of 
defeat  and  captivity.  Aibak  then  set  aside  his  protege,  the  son  of 
Prithviraja,  and  appointed  one  of  his  officers  to  govern  it.  Ajmer 
was  thus  annexed  to  the  Delhi  dominions  in  or  shortly  after  A.D. 
1194.  It  was  at  this  time  that  Aibak  erected  the  Quwwat-ul-Islam 
mosque  at  Delhi  from  the  materials  of  27  Hindu  or  Jain  temples 
which  were  demolished.  This  was  followed  about  A.D.  1196  by  the 
erection  of  another  mosque,  which  came  to  be  popularly  known  as 
Adhai-din-ka-Jhompda,  at  Ajmer  on  the  site  of  the  Sanskrit  college 
of  Visaladeva.  This  mosque  was  completed  in  A.D.  1200. 

In  A.D.  1195  Mu‘izz-ud-din  returned  to  round  off  the  conquest 
of  Northern  India  by  annexing  the  petty  principalities  of  Bayana 
and  Gwalior.  The  chief  of  Bayana,  Kunwarpala,4  evacuated  his 
capital  and  entrenched  himself  in  the  neighbouring  fort  of  Than- 
garh  (Tahangarh),  but  surrendered  after  a  short  siege.  The  several 
strongholds  and  strategic  outposts  of  the  locality  were  then  occu¬ 
pied  and  garrisoned,  and  the  command  of  this  frontier  between 
Rajputana  and  Doab  was  entrusted  to  Baha-ud-din  Tughril.  The 
latter  founded  another  military  station,  which  he  named  Sultankot, 
to  serve  as  a  base  of  operations  both  in  the  east  and  the  west.  After 
this  the  Ghuri  chief  laid  siege  to  the  mighty  fortress  of  Gwalior. 
This  fort  was  not  easy  to  subdue  and  the  siege  was  prolonged. 
Therefore  when  the  Parihar  chief  Sallakshana  opened  negotiations 
for  peace,  Muhammad  welcomed  the  opportunity,  raised  the  siege, 
and  retired,  leaving  Tughril  to  complete  the  reduction  of  the  fort. 
The  latter  then  so  harried  the  Parihar  chief  by  his  frequent  forays 
for  more  than  a  year  that  he  was  compelled  to  surrender  his  fort 
which  was  thus  annexed  to  the  Delhi  Sultanate. 

There  was  however  no  respite  for  Aibak.  In  A.D.  1195-6  the 
Mher  tribes  of  Ajmer  combined  with  the  Chaulukyas  to  expel  the 
Turks  from  Rajputana.  Aibak  had  to  rush  to  the  help  of  the  Tur¬ 
kish  governor  of  Ajmer.  Finding  the  Mhers  camping  near  Ajmer 
he  engaged  them  in  a  battle,  but  when  the  enemy  were  reinforced 
by  the  Chaulukya  ruler’s  army,  Aibak  was  forced  to  withdraw  into 


120 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 

the  city.  Here  he  was  closely  besieged  and  his  position  became 
very  precarious.  But  the  fortunate  approach  of  reinforcements 
from  Ghazni  at  this  critical  moment  saved  him.  On  the  approach 
of  this  force  the  Rajputs  raised  the  siege  and  retired. 

.  To  avenge  this  attack  Aibak  early  next  year  mustered  a  power¬ 
ful  army  and  advanced  on  Anahillapataka  (Anhilwara).  It  seems 
that  Bhima  II  of  Gujarat,  on  the  approach  of  Aibak’s  force,  retired 
to  some  distant  fortress.  But,  as  noted  above,6  Rai  Karan,  assist¬ 
ed  by  Dharavarsha  Paramara  of  Abu,  collected  a  huge  army  and 
awaited  the  Turks  at  the  foot  of  the  Abu  hills.  Aibak  quailed  be¬ 
fore  this  enormous  horde  or  perhaps  he  feigned  fright,  and  resorted 
to  shock  tactics.  When  the  Rajputs,  thinking  that  Aibak  was  try¬ 
ing  to  avoid  engagement,  came  out  into  the  open,  the  Turks  made 
a  sudden  onslaught.  The  superior  manoeuvres  and  quicker  move¬ 
ment  triumphed  over  superior  numbers,  and  the  Rajputs  met  with 
a  terrible  reverse.  Fifty  thousand  men  are  said  to  have  been  slain 
and  twenty  thousand  taken  captive.  The  Muslims  mercilessly 
sacked  the  capital  city  Anahillapataka,  defiled  and  demolished  its 
temples,  and  plundered  its  palaces.  According  to  Firishta  a  Mus¬ 
lim  officer  was  placed  in  charge  of  Gujarat  and  Aibak  returned  to 
Delhi.  But,  shortly  after,  Bhima  came  out  of  his  hiding  place,  and 
the  Turks  were  gradually  driven  out  of  Gujarat.  Some  scholars 
suppose  that  it  was  due  to  the  valour  shown  by  Bhima  II  that  the 
Turks  did  not  venture  to  attack  Gujarat  for  one  full  century.  But 
the  immunity  of  Gujarat  from  Turkish  invasion  was  probably  due 
mainly  to  its  being  situated  at  a  long  distance  from  the  capital  with 
the  important  territory  of  Rajputana  intervening  between  the  two. 
These  obstacles  were  not  easy  to  overcome  for  a  general  who  was 
kept  preoccupied  with  insurgence  and  revolt  rampant  in  the  country 
around  the  capital. 

(in)  Northern  Dodb  and  Rajputana 

In  the  following  year  the  country  beyond  the  Ganga,  Katehr 
and  Budaun  (Badayun),  was  reduced  to  submission,  and  Chanda- 
war  and  Kanauj  had  again  to  be  captured.  Some  expeditions’  were 
also  probably  undertaken  into  Rajputana  which  compelled  the 
Chahamanas  (Chauhans)  of  Nadol  to  migrate  to  safer  places. 
These  Chauhan  chieftains  founded  the  houses  of  Kotah,  Bundi  and 
Sirohi.  Nevertheless  Aibak  could  not  establish  a  firm  and  lasting 
foothold  over  Rajputana. 

( iv )  The  Chandellas  ( Chandels ) 

The  conquest  of  the  northern  Doab  and  the  surrounding  coun¬ 
try  being  complete,  it  was  now  the  turn  of  the  next  great  king- 


121 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

dom  which  touched  the  south-eastern  border  of  the  Turkish  domi¬ 
nions.  This  was  the  kingdom  of  the  brave  Chandellas  of  Jejaka- 
bhukti  (modern  Bundelkhand) .  Their  kingdom  extended  as  far 
as  Kalpi  and  Asni  in  the  north  and  beyond  the  line  of  the  Yamuna 
in  the  east.  Their  country  was  rugged,  full  of  ravines,  and  water¬ 
less,  and  they  possessed  a  number  of  mighty  forts  perched  on  the 
summits  of  hills,  the  mightiest  of  these  being  Kalanjara  (Kalinjar) 
and  Mahoba.  The  king  of  the  Chandels  at  this  time  was  Para- 
mardi  or  Paramal  (c.  A.D.  1163-1203). 

Border  raids  and  hostilities  had  been  going  on  between  the  Turks 
and  Chandels  ever  since  the  former’s  occupation  of  the  northern 
country.  But  the  final  attack  by  Aibak  was  made  in  A.D.  1202 
Paramardi  withdrew  and  shut  himself  in  the  fort  of  Kalinjar,  which 
was  besieged  by  Aibak.  Cut  off  from  contact  with  the  outside  world 
and  deprived  of  the  necessary  supplies,  Paramardi  was  constrained 
to  sue  for  peace  and  offered  to  pay  tribute.  But  before  the  terms 
of  the  treaty  could  be  put  into  execution  the  Chandel  ruler  died, 
and  his  minister  Ajayadeva,  relying  on  a  newly  discovered  supply 
of  water,  repudiated  the  treaty  and  decided  to  continue  hostilities. 
He,  too,  however,  could  not  resist  long  and  retired  to  Ajayagarh 
fort,  leaving  Kalinjar,  Mahoba  and  Khajuraho  to  the  Turkish 
general.  Hasan  Arnal  was  entrusted  with  the  government  of  this 
territory. 

4.  IKHTIYAR-UD-DIN  MUHAMMAD  BAKHTYAR  KHALJI 

In  their  original  design  of  conquest  neither  Mu‘izz-ud-din  nor 
Aibak  had  probably  dreamt  of  penetrating  beyond  the  Gahadvala 
dominions  in  the  very  first  thrust.  It  was  due  to  the  sheer  dare¬ 
devil  adventure  of  a  reckless  soldier  that  the  eastern  lands 
were  also  added  to  the  dominion  of  the  Turks. 

Among  the  many  free-lances  who  had  come  in  the  entourage 
of  Muhammad  Ghuri,  was  a  daring  adventurer  named  Ikhtiyar-ud- 
din  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khalji.  The  handicap  of  an  uncouth  per¬ 
sonal  appearance  stood  in  the  way  of  his  getting  employment 
at  Ghazni  and  Delhi.  Nothing  daunted  by  these  disappointments, 
he  at  first  took  up  a  humble  soldier’s  job  under  Hijabr-ud-din 
Hasan  Adib  of  Budaun  in  A.D.  1193,  and  some  time  later,  under  Malik 
Hisam-ud-din  Aghul  Bak,  who  had  established  himself  in  Awadh. 
Here  he  was  entrusted  with  the  work  of  reconnoitring  the  adjacent 
territories  and  was  assigned  some  villages  for  his  upkeep.  This 
afforded  him  an  opportunity  to  give  full  play  to  his  adventurous 
spirit.  From  his  small  income  he  got  together  a  small  contingent 
of  adventurers  and,  about  the  year  A.D.  1200,  commenced  raids  on  the 


122 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 


Magadha  territory  beyond  the  Karmanasa  which  was  probably  the 
western  boundary  of  the  Sena  kingdom.  It  is  surprising  that  he 
met  with  no  opposition  whatsoever  by  the  Sena  ruler  who,  indeed, 
seems  to  have  taken  no  notice  of  these  raids.  Within  a  short  time 
Bakhtyar  amassed  enough  fortune  from  his  plunders  to  build  up  a 
large  force.  Finding  these  districts  utterly  prostrate  and  incapable 
of  any  resistance,  he  was  emboldened  to  push  as  far  as  the  Vihara 
(monastic  University  town)  of  Odantapurl  (Bihar)  and,  obtaining 
permission  from  Aibak,  made  a  final  attack  upon  that  town.  There 
were  no  soldiers  to  defend  it.  But  some  feeble  resistance  was  offer¬ 
ed  by  the  helpless  shaven  headed  §ramanas  (Buddhist  monks),  who 
were  taken  by  Bakhtyar  to  be  Brahmin  priests  and  were  slaughtered. 

After  capturing  Odantapuri  Bakhtyar  visited  Aibak  at  Budaun 
and  secured  permission  for  further  conquests,  but  on  condition  ol 
relying  on  his  own  resources  without  expecting  any  help  from  the 
chief.  Within  a  year  of  the  Bihar  expedition  Bakhtyar  set  out  on 
his  campaign  against  Nadiya.  How  he  captured  this  city  and  con¬ 
quered  a  large  part  of  Bengal  has  been  described  above.6 

Nadiya  was  not  occupied  permanently;  presumably  on  account 
of  its  strategic  position  it  was  not  easy,  and  probably  even  dan¬ 
gerous,  to  hold  it.  Bakhtyar  therefore  sacked  it  and  retreated  to 
a  safer  place  which  he  could  also  use  as  his  military  base  for  further 
operations.  This  place  was  Lakhnawatl  (Lakshmanavatl),  the 
northern  capital  of  the  Senas  on  the  Ganga  (near  the  site  of  Gaur, 
in  District  Malda).  Bakhtyar’s  phenomenal  success  in  Bengal  had 
fired  him  with  the  ambition  of  conquering  even  Tibet.  He  there¬ 
fore  marched  with  a  large  army,  led  by  a  Koch  guide,  presumably 
along  the  Brahmaputra,  and  arrived  at  a  spot  where  there  was  a 
stone  bridge  across  the  river,  leading  into  the  hills.  Here  his  guide 
took  leave  of  him  and,  as  the  Khaljl  warrior  was  about  to  proceed, 
he  received  a  message  from  the  king  of  Kamarupa  (Assam)  advising 
him  to  postpone  his  campaign  till  the  following  year  when  he  would 
reinforce  him.  Bakhtyar  paid  no  heed  to  this  and  plunged  forward, 
reaching  on  the  16th  day  the  open  country  of  Tibet.  Here  he  met 
with  a  tough  resistance  and  heard  that  an  army  of  50,000  Turks  was 
on  its  way  to  meet  him.  This  report  unnerved  him  and  his  forces, 
and  he  decided  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat.  Due  to  the  hostility  of  the 
hillmen,  it  became  a  veritable  rout,  and  much  of  the  force  was  des¬ 
troyed  on  the  way.  When  he  reached  the  bridge  where  he  had 
crossed  the  river,  he  found  that  it  had  been  demolished  by  an 
Assamese  army,  and  he  was  forced  to  seek  shelter  in  a  neighbour¬ 
ing  temple.  But,  on  being  besieged  there,  he  dashed  out  with  the 
remnant  of  his  followers,  and  all  desparately  threw  themselves  into 


123 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  river  to  ford  or  swim  across  it.  The  river  was  deep  and  the 
current  very  swift,  so  that  most  of  his  men  were  washed  away. 
Bakhtyar  managed  to  reach  the  shore  with  hardly  a  hundred  men. 
Here  his  guide  met  him  and  conducted  him  back  to  Devakot. 
Crushed  and  broken  by  the  weight  of  this  disaster  Bakhtyar  sickened 
and  rapidly  sank  until  the  merciful  knife  of  one  of  his  own  lieute¬ 
nants,  ‘All  Mardan,  relieved  him  of  all  his  troubles  (c.  A.D.  1206). 

5.  END  OF  THE  GHURI  DYNASTY 

We  may  now  revert  to  the  last  days  of  Mu‘izz-ud~dm  Ghuri’s 
career.  The  Khvarazmian  house  constituted  the  greatest  menace 
to  the  rise  and  expansion  of  the  Ghurids.  Instigated  by  the  Caliph  of 
Baghdad  whom  the  Khvarazmian  Takash  had  offended,  and  taking 
advantage  of  a  civil  war  which  had  ensued  on  the  death  of  Takash 
(A.D.  1200)  between  his  son  and  grandson,  the  Ghurid  princes  occu¬ 
pied  Khurasan  and  captured  its  important  towns,  Nishapur,  Tus,  and 
Merv,  early  in  A.D.  1201.  Their  triumph  was,  however,  shortlived. 
‘Ala-ud-din,  who  eventually  succeeded  Takash,  proved  to  be  more 
than  a  match  for  the  Ghurids.  He  soon  recovered  Nishapur  and 
other  Ghurid  conquests  including  even  Herat  (A.D.  1201). 

Ghiyas-ud-din,  the  elder  brother  of  Mu‘izz-ud-din,  died  in 
A.D.  1202,  and  the  latter  ascended  the  throne  of  Ghur.  The  hostility 
with  the  Khvarazmians  continued,  and  in  A.D.  1205  Mu‘izz-ud-din  sus¬ 
tained  such  a  severe  defeat  at  their  hands  at  Andkhui  that  his  military 
reputation  and  prestige  in  India  suffered  a  fatal  blow.  The  Khokars 
and  other  tribes  in  India  rose  in  rebellion  and  defeated  the  governor 
of  Multan.  They  also  plundered  Lahore  and  closed  the  road  bet¬ 
ween  that  city  and  Ghazni.  Mu‘izz-ud-din,  bent  upon  taking 
revenge  against  the  Khvarazmians,  at  first  asked  Aibak  to  deal 
with  the  outbreak,  but  was  ultimately  convinced  by  the  seriousness 
of  the  situation  that  his  presence  was  necessary.  He  accordingly 
left  Ghazni  on  October  20,  1205,  and  within  a  month  defeated  the 
Khokars  in  a  hotly  contested  battle  between  the  Jhelum  and  the 
Chenab  rivers.  The  Khokars  fought  bravely  from  the  morning  to 
the  afternoon,  and  were  on  the  point  of  gaining  victory,  when  the 
arrival  of  Aibak  with  the  forces  of  Hindustan  turned  the  tide 
against  them.  The  Khokars  were  treated  with  ferocious  cruelty. 
Large  numbers  were  killed  and  taken  prisoners,  and  a  body  of 
them,  who  took  shelter  in  a  dense  jungle,  perished  miserably  as  the 
Muslims  set  the  forest  on  fire.  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  reached  Lahore  on 
February  25,  1206,  and  after  settling  affairs  there,  proceeded 
towards  Ghazni.  On  the  way  he  was  stabbed  on  March  15  in  his  tent 
at  Damyak  on  the  bank  of  the  Sindhu  river. 


124 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 

The  identity  of  the  assassins  has  not  been  satisfactorily  esta¬ 
blished.  Some  hold  that  they  were  Khokars  who  had  lately  suffer¬ 
ed  so  severely  at  his  hands.  But  others  believe  that  they  were 
“fanatical  Shiahs  of  the  heretical  Isma‘IlI  Sect”  who  got  possession 
of  Khurasan  and  held  it  until  they  were  crushed  by  Muhzz-ud-din 
in  A.D.  1199. 

i 

The  body  of  Muhzz-ud-din  was  carried  to  Ghazni  and  buried 
there.  But  the  Ghurid  empire  did  not  long  survive  him.  His 
nephew  and  successor  Mahmud  had  to  acknowledge  the  Khvarazm 
Shah’s  suzerainty,  and  after  his  death  the  bulk  of  the  Ghuri 
empire  passed  under  the  sway  of  the  Khvarazmians.  For  a  short 
while  Taj-ud-dln  Yildiz,  a  slave  of  Mu‘zz-ud-din,  managed  to  retain 
hold  of  Ghazni.  With  his  expulsion  in  A.D.  1215,  the  Ghuri  empire 
in  Central  Asia  came  to  an  end,  and  the  Khvarazm  Shah  took  the 
place  of  lords  of  Ghazni.  The  Indian  conquests  of  the  Ghurls,  how¬ 
ever,  proved  far  more  stable.  The  story  of  this  empire  will  form 
the  subject  of  the  next  chapter. 

6.  CAUSES  OF  THE  COLLAPSE  OF  HINDU  RULE 

The  astounding  rapidity  of  the  Turkish  conquest  constitutes  an 
important  problem  for  the  students  of  Indian  history.  It  is  puzzling, 
nay  almost  baffling,  to  explain  the  almost  complete  collapse  of 
Northern  India,  within  an  incredibly  short  time,  before  the  onslaught 
of  invaders  whose  power  and  resources  were  hardly  equal  to  those 
of  some  of  the  bigger  Hindu  States,  not  to  speak  of  a  combination  of 
them.  It  is  natural  that  men  should  seek  to  solve  the  mystery  and 
find  out  the  real  causes  that  lay  behind  the  great  political  catastrophe 
that  overwhelmed  India.  History  would  appear  to  be  meaningless  if 
facts  of  such  outstanding  importance  cannot  be  viewed  in  their  true 
perspective  against  a  proper  background.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore, 
that  various  speculations  have  been  made  and  diverse  solutions 
offered  to  the  problem. 

Certain  general  considerations  must,  however,  be  borne  in  mind, 
while  we  approach  the  question  in  a  critical  spirit.  To  begin  with, 
we  are  not  sure  of  the  essential  facts  on  which  all  theories  must 
necessarily  be  based.  The  history  of  the  Muslim  conquest  of  India 
is  known,  almost  in  its  entirety,  from  the  chronicles  written  by  the 
Muslims.  Apart  from  a  few  incidental  notices  or  brief  allusions,  the 
Hindu  sources  are  silent  on  this  great  episode.  But  the  picture  of  a 
victor,  as  painted  by  himself  alone,  can  hardly  be  regarded  as 
a  reliable  representation,  or  even  an  approximation  to  truth.  The 
general  outline  may  indeed  be  fairly  correct,  but  it  is  impossible  to 
accept,  without  question,  those  numerous  details  which  colour  the 


125 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


narrative  and  necessarily  form  the  principal  materials  for  our  judg¬ 
ment.  This  is  well  illustrated  by  the  current  story  about  the  con¬ 
quests  of  Muhammad  Bakhtyar,  mentioned  above.7  On  the  face  of 
it,  it  appears  incredible  that  Lakshmanasena  should  not  have  taken 
adequate  steps  to  defend  his  frontier  against  a  probable,  one  might 
say  a  known,  danger,  or  that  his  guards  should  have  admitted,  with¬ 
out  question,  the  Turkish  horsemen  inside  the  capital  city  at  a  time 
when  an  invasion  was  apprehended  at  any  moment.  The  extreme 
improbability  of  the  situation  almost  necessarily  implies  that  we 
have  not  the  full  story  before  us,  and  that  if  the  defenders’  version 
were  known,  much  that  appears  incredible  to-day  would  have  ap¬ 
peared  in  a  different  light  and  we  could  have  taken  a  more  rational 
view  of  the  whole  situation. 

So  long,  at  least,  as  the  main  facts  are  not  definitely  established, 
it  is  idle  to  speculate  on  the  causes  that  led  to  the  debacle  of  the 
Hindus.  It  is  equally  unwarranted  to  attribute  it  solely  to  the  social 
and  religious  peculiarities  of  the  Hindus,  for  our  ideas  about  them  are 
also  vague  and  indistinct,  and  based  on  no  sure  knowledge  of  facts. 
It  is  true  that  we  have  a  mass  of  literature  and  other  data  on  this 
subject,  but  it  is  difficult  to  explain  their  bearing  on  the  social  evolu¬ 
tion  in  different  parts  of  India  at  different  periods  of  time. 

We  have  thus  to  grapple  with  the  great  difficulty  caused  by  the 
uncertainty  in  regard  to  facts — political,  social  and  religious — which 
must  form  the  essential  data  in  any  endeavour  to  probe  the  deeper 
cause  underlying  the  broad  fact  of  the  Turkish  conquest  of  India. 
This  should  make  us  pause  in  our  laudable  attempt  towards  a  philo¬ 
sophical  interpretation  of  historical  facts,  and  turn  our  attention  to 
the  serious  defects  underlying  all  suggested  solutions  of  the  very 
interesting  problem.  In  any  case,  we  must  moderate  our  zeal  and 
fully  realise  that  while  it  is  incumbent  on  us  to  discuss  the  problem, 
any  solution  that  we  may  offer  at  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge 
cannot  claim  any  scientific  basis,  far  less,  finality  in  character. 

Subject  to  these  natural  limitations  we  may  refer  to  some  of 
the  causes  of  the  downfall  of  the  Hindus  that  appear  probable  in  the 
light  of  the  available  data.  The  foremost  among  these  seem  to  be 
the  iniquitous  system  of  caste  and  the  absence  of  contact  with  the 
outside  world.  The  first  resulted  in  a  fragmentation  of  Indian 
society  into  mutually  exclusive  classes,  among  whom  the  privileged 
minority  preserved  their  vested  interests  by  depriving  the  masses 
of  many  civic  rights,  specially  of  education  and  of  free  intercourse 
and  association  on  equal  terms  with  their  fellowmen,  and  further, 
by  imposing  on  them  the  most  irritating  disabilities  on  the  one 
hand,  and  a  tremendous  weight  of  innumerable  duties  and  obli- 


126 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 


gations  towards  the  privileged  classes  on  the  other.  And  this  evil 
led  to  another.  It  bred  among  the  leaders  of  the  Indian  people  a  vain 
pride  in  isolationism  and  insularity  and  that  attitude  of  arrogance 
which  has  been  noticed  by  Al-BIrunl.  “The  Hindus”,  says  he, 
“believe  that  there  is  no  country  but  theirs,  no  king  like  theirs,  no 
science  like  theirs ....  If  they  travelled  and  mixed  with  other  nations 
they  would  soon  change  their  mind.”  Al-BIrunl  also  remarks  that 
“their  ancestors  were  not  so  narrow-minded  as  the  present  genera¬ 
tion.”  This  spirit  of  exclusive  superiority  was  created  and  main¬ 
tained  by  a  process  of  intellectual  fraud,  inasmuch  as  almost  the 
entire  literature  of  the  period  was  utilised  for  this  purpose  and 
the  masses  were  asked  to  follow  it  blindly  in  the  name  of  the  Holy 
Writ,  to  question  whose  authority  was  an  unpardonable  sin.  It 
became  thus  a  part  of  the  Hindu  dharma  not  to  cross  the  seas  or 
even  the  territorial  limits  of  certain  hallowed  areas!  This  insula¬ 
rity  contributed  largely  to  the  supineness  of  the  Indian  chiefs,  and 
their  utter  lack  of  appreciation  of  the  higher  values  of  patriotism 
and  national  freedom  in  the  context  of  India  as  a  whole,  apart  from 
the  narrow  geographical  regions  in  which  they  lived.  Consequent¬ 
ly  they  were  unable  to  comprehend  the  far-reaching  importance  of, 
and  the  proper  measures  for,  frontier  defence,  in  view  of  the  great 
political  changes  and  evolution  in  military  tactics  which  were  taking 
place  in  the  world  outside. 

The  degraded  level  to  which  the  majority  were  pushed  down 
made  them  indifferent  to  country-wide  dangers  and  kindred  pro¬ 
blems.  This  alone  made  possible  the  woeful  situation  that  while  the 
invaders  swept  across  the  country,  the  masses  mostly  remained  inert. 
The  people  of  the  land,  with  a  few  exceptions,  were  indifferent  to 
what  was  happening  around  them.  Their  voice  had  been  hushed  in 
silence  by  a  religio-social  tyranny.  No  public  upheaval  greets  the 
foreigners,  nor  are  any  organised  efforts  made  to  stop  their  progress. 
Like  a  paralysed  body,  the  Indian  people  helplessly  look  on,  while 
the  conqueror  marches  on  their  corpse.  They  look  staggered,  for 
a  moment,  only  to  sink  back  into  a  pitiable  acquiescence  to  the 
inevitable  to  which  they  have  been  taught  to  submit. 

Then,  again,  the  false  ideals  of  Kshatriya  chivalry,  taught  them 
by  their  mentors,  made  the  Rajput  princes  paralyse  one  another  by 
perpetual  internecine  conflicts,  and  what  was  more  fatal,  made 
them  oblivious  of  a  broad  national  vision  and  patriotic  sentiment. 

This  alone  can  explain  why,  or  how,  at  a  time  when  the 
country  was  threatened  with  a  grave  peril,  the  rulers  of  the  land 
devoted  the  best  part  of  their  energies  in  mutual  fighting.  The 
enormous  wealth  of  the  country  was  spent  in  building  and  enrich- 


127 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ing  the  temples  which  they  proved  unable  to  protect,  whereas  the 
most  appropriate  use  for  these  resources  should  have  been  to  orga¬ 
nise  a  common  defence  against  the  invaders,  backed  by  a  national 
effort.  On  the  contrary  it  was  the  very  fabulous  wealth  of  these 
defenceless  temples  and  sacred  towns  which  invited  the  foreigners 
and  contributed  greatly  to  consequent  disaster. 

History  had  no  meaning  for  the  Hindu  kings  who  presided  over 
the  destinies  of  this  woe-stricken  land.  The  repeated  warnings  of  the 
past  went  unheeded.  The  onslaught  began  with  the  Arab  conquest 
of  Sindh  in  the  eighth  century  when  the  Hindus  got  a  foretaste  of 
what  might  happen  in  the  future.  But  it  assumed  formidable  pro¬ 
portions  under  the  lead  of  Mahmud  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  and  be¬ 
ginning  of  the  eleventh  century.  The  next  century  and  a  half 
witnessed  a  cessation  of  this  onslaught,  barring  a  few  comparatively 
minor  and  irregular  raids.  But  when  the  offensive  was  resumed  by 
another  Turk,  even  though  he  was  far  inferior  to  Mahmud,  he  found 
the  victim  as  ready  for  slaughter  as  it  was  two  centuries  earlier.  As 
noted  above,  it  is  passing  strange  that  Prithviraja  had  not  taken  any 
adequate  measure  after  his  victory  at  Tarain  to  prevent  the  second 
invasion  of  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Ghurl.  Nor  is  there  any  evidence  to  show 
that  the  great  Sena  king  bestirred  himself  early  enough  to  stop  the 
marauding  excursions  of  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  in  Bihar  and  Bengal. 
While  individual  courage  and  bravery  were  certainly  not  wanting, 
there  was  lack  of  wisdom  and  statesmanship,  of  the  knowledge  of  the 
outside  world,  and  of  a  desire  to  keep  abreast  with  the  spirit  of 
the  time.  No  realistic  adjustment,  no  far-sighted  approach  to  the 
problem  which  had  stared  them  in  the  face  for  centuries  and 
threatened  their  very  existence,  no  improvement  in  outlook,  no  ele¬ 
vation  of  political  vision  from  their  petty  jealousies  and  parochial 
ideals,  and  consequently  no  preparation  for  a  concerted  defence  com¬ 
mensurate  with  the  extent  of  the  danger — these  were  the  conspicuous 
traits  of  the  Hindu  rulers  and  their  priestly  conscience-keepers  of  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  National  consciousness,  love  of 
country,  and  pride  of  freedom  were  smothered  under  the  weight 
of  a  mass  of  rituals  and  social  conventions,  a  petty-minded  vanity, 
and  narrow  selfishness.  Add  to  this  the  not  infrequent  cases  of 
treason  and  treachery  on  the  part  of  ministers  and  other  officials, 
and  we  shall  have  a  fairly  complete  picture.  But  whether  it  fully 
reveals  the  reasons  of  the  collapse  or  not,  one  thing  seems  to  be 
reasonable  certain.  The  utter  and  precipitate  prostration  of  such 
a  vast  and  ancient  land,  endowed  with  resources  far  superior  and 
greater  to  those  of  her  invaders,  can  be  the  result  mainly  of  internal 
decay  and  not  merely  of  external  attacks,  which  wore  its  effect 
rather  than  the  cause.8 


128 


THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 


1.  See  above,  pp.  96-7. 

2.  See  above,  p.  78. 

3.  Sec  pp.  54-5. 

4.  See  above,  pp.  55-6. 

5.  See  p.  79. 

6.  See  pp.  39-40. 

7.  See  p.  39. 

8.  Cf.  ‘Hindu  Reaction  to  Muslim  Invasions’  by  R.  C.  Majumdar  in  M.  M.  Potdat 
Commemoration  Volume ,  pp.  341-51. 


129 


CHAPTER  V 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI1 

I.  QUTB-UD-DiN  AIBAK  AND  ILTUTMISH 

The  victories  of  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  Ghurl,  related  in  the 
last  chapter,  had  only  initiated  a  process  whose  completion,  requir¬ 
ing  sustained  military  direction,  seemed  foredoomed  by  the  implica¬ 
tions  of  his  sudden  death  on  the  bank  of  the  Sindhu.  The  Andkhul 
disaster2  had  robbed  him  of  his  Central  Asian  empire;  his  assassina¬ 
tion  at  Damyak  threatened  Ghazni  itself.  For,  the  Khvarazm  Shah 
was  now  free  to  extend  his  empire  beyond  the  Hindu  Kush  and  the 
annexation  of  the  Ghur  kingdom  was  only  a  question  of  time. 
Because  of  their  affiliation  with  the  doomed  kingdom,  the  Indian  pro¬ 
vinces  also  lay  exposed  to  the  perennially  unstable  politics  of  Cen¬ 
tral  Asia  where,  towards  the  east,  stirrings  of  a  yet  another  race- 
movement  could  already  reach  the  discerning  ear.  Within  India, 
the  tide  of  Turkish  conquest  seemed  to  be  turning.  Even  before 
Bakhtyar’s  disastrous  defeat  in  Assam,  Kalanjara  was  reconquered 
by  the  Chandellas,  while  in  the  Doab,  Gahadavala  princelings  held 
out  in  defiant  independence.3 

A  unified  command  in  India,  unhampered  by  considerations  of 
trans-Indus  politics,  was  urgently  called  for,  but  to  achieve  this  was 
in  itself  a  major  task.  For,  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  left  no  son  but  a  band 
of  slaves  to  claim  his  dominions.  His  nephew  Ghiyas-ud-dln  Mah¬ 
mud,  “a  prince  in  whose  disposition,  conviviality,  pleasure  and  jolli¬ 
ty  were  dominant”,4  was  satisfied  with  his  ancestral  principality  of 
Firozkoh  and  nursed  no  greater  ambition  than  to  be  asked  to  manu¬ 
mit  the  bond-slaves  of  his  family.  Among  these  was  the  able  and 
ambitious  Taj-ud-dln  Yildiz  who,  purporting  to  fulfil  his  master’s 
wish,  possessed  himself  of  Ghazni  and  so  felt  qualified  to  claim  suze¬ 
rain  status.  To  this  was  opposed  the  ambitions  of  two  of  his  co¬ 
slaves,  Nasir-ud-dln  Qabacha  and  Qutb-ud-din  Aibak,  both  holding 
extensive  commands  in  India.  The  latter  enjoyed  an  extra  distinc¬ 
tion  as  being  placed  in  general  charge  of  his  master’s  Indian  con^ 
quests  and  thus  exercising  de  facto  authority  of  a  viceroy  from 
Delhi. 

Aibak’s  assumption  of  supreme  power  in  Lahore,  in  June  1206, 
therefore,  meant  no  formal  change  in  the  government,  for  he  adopt¬ 
ed  no  sovereign  titles  and  issued  no  coin  of  his  own.  But  the  step 
implied  severance  of  India’s  ties  with  Ghazni  and  so  forestalled  Yil- 


180 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


diz’s  claims.  In  order  to  keep  himself  ready  for  the  latter’s  enmity, 
Aibak  mostly  lived  in  Lahore,  and  the  task  of  extending  authority 
over  the  outlying  areas  could  receive  only  his  passing  attention. 
Qabacha,  in  any  case,  could  not  be  immediately  interfered  with  in 
his  sovereign  authority  over  Sindh,  nor  could  military  action  be 
resumed  to  arrest  the  revival  of  native  powers  in  India.  For,  on 
the  west  the  situation  was  changing  fast.  In  A.D.  1208  the  Khvarazm 
Shahi  pressure  forced  Yildiz  out  of  Ghazni,  and  as  he  sought  shel¬ 
ter  in  the  Punjab,  Aibak,  fearing  an  extension  of  Khvarazmi  aggres¬ 
sion  to  India,  promptly  drove  him  out  an,d  then  moved  to  occupy 
Ghazni.  The  venture,  however,  failed,  for  the  citizens  secretly 
facilitated  Yildiz’s  sudden  return  and  Aibak  had  to  beat  a  hurried 
retreat.5 

Except  for  a  passing  attention  to  the  affairs  of  Lakhnawati 
where  Khaljl  lieutenants  of  the  deceased  Bakhtiyar  had  set  up  a 
clannish  oligarchy  and  so  had  to  be  forced  to  admit  Delhi’s  suze¬ 
rainty,6  Aibak  remained  preoccupied  with  the  problem  of  preserv¬ 
ing  his  government’s  separate  entity  and  of  establishing  a  political 
frontier.  That,  task  was  still  unaccomplished  when  he  died  in  A.D. 
1210.  But  he  had  successfully  initiated  a  State  and  outlined  its 
foreign  policy. 

As  an  instrument  of  this  State  a  dynastic  leadership  was, 
however,  essential,  and  in*  the  circumstances  a  contest  appeared 
the  only  means  of  stabilizing  it.  While  his  son,  an  untried  youth 
named  Aram,  succeeded  Aibak  in  Lahore,  a  more  powerful  faction 
at  Delhi  favoured  his  son-in-law,  Iltutmish,  lately  the  muqti 
(Governor)  of  Baran  and  an  officer  of  proved  ability  and  tact. 
The  schism,  though  lasting  not  more  than  eight  months  and  ending 
with  the  death  of  Aram  while  leading  his  forces  on  Delhi,  inten¬ 
sified  the  immediate  problems.  Qabacha  pushed  to  Multan  and  ex¬ 
tended  his  hold  over  Lahore,  Bhatinda,  and  even  Sursutl;  the 
Hindu  feudatories  showed  increasing  defiance,  and  Ranthambhor, 
originally  placed  under  Prithvlraja’s  son,  ceased  to  own  vassalage; 
the  Pratlharas,  commonly  known  as  Pariharas,  reoccupied  Gwalior;7 
and  in  Lakhnawati  Aibak’s  nominee  ‘Ali  Mardan  declared  indepen¬ 
dence.  A  more  pressing  danger  came  from  the  north-west  where 
Yildiz  was  fast  losing  ground  to  the  Khvarazm  Shah  and  yet  wax¬ 
ing  in  imperial  pretensions. 

Iltutmish  eschewed  Aibak’s  impetuosity  and  acted  with  cir¬ 
cumspection.  His  own  position  was  still  insecure,  and  a  fierce 
rising  of  the  jandars  (guards)  of  Delhi  in  support  of  Aram  was  sup¬ 
pressed  with  difficulty.  He  therefore  preferred  to  placate  his  rivals 
and  even  pretended  to  accept  an  investiture  from  Yildiz.  He  also 


131 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


affected  complete  indifference  when  the  latter’s  troops  expelled 
Qabacha  from  Lahore  and  occupied  most  of  the  Punjab.  But  he 
took  advantage  of  the  vacuum  and  quietly  tightened  his  grip  on 
the  cis-Sutlej  districts  of  SursutI,  Bhatinda  and  Kuhram.  By  the 
time  political  developments  across  the  Sindhu  came  to  a  head,  and 
a  decisive  action  on  his  part  became  unavoidable,  he  had  greatly 
strengthened  his  position  and  established  a  firm  hold  on  the  coun¬ 
try  up  to  Banaras.  When,  therefore,  Yildiz  was  finally  driven  out  of 
Ghazni  in  A.D.  1215  and,  falling  back  on  Lahore,  sent  imperious 
orders  to  send  forces  from  Delhi  to  aid  him,  Iltutmish  faced  him 
with  confidence,  and  captured  him  in  an  open  battle  at  Tarain.8 

A  straight  march  on  Lahore  would  have  been  a  natural  sequal 
to  the  victory,  but  Iltutmish  preferred  to  measure  his  steps.  Qaba- 
cha’s  reoccupation  of  the  city  was  therefore  acquiesced  in,  while  he 
reorganised  his  newly  extended  western  frontier.  Two  years  later 
he  seized  upon  an  alleged  breach  of  agreement  and  moved  his 
troops  across  the  Beas  to  Lahore.  Qabacha  fled  in  haste  to  Uch, 
and  Delhi  officers  took  the  city  without  any  opposition.9 

This  steady  advance  towards  the  Sindhu  basin,  however,  re¬ 
ceived  a  serious  set-back  when,  like  an  avalanche,  the  Mongols  of 
Tartary  swept  across  Central  Asia  and  drove  an  incalculable  num¬ 
ber  of  refugees — princes  and  people  alike — into  the  safety  of  the 
Punjab.  The  Khvarazmi  empire  was  rolled  up  in  the  process,  and  the 
crown-prince  of  Khiva,  Jalal-ud-dln  Mangbarni,  chased  through 
Khurasan  and  Afghanistan,  was  sent  flying  across  the  Sindhu. 
There  Chingiz  Khan  stopped,  posted  troops  to  watch  the  border  of 
the  Sindhu  and  search  for  the  fugitive  prince,  and  returned  to  die 
shortly  after  in  A.D.  1222. 

These  sudden  catastrophic  changes  gravely  imperilled  the 
kingdom  of  Iltutmish.  All  his  exertions  to  keep  away  from  the 
trans-Indus  power-politics  appeared  frustrated  when  Jalal-ud-dln’s 
continued  sojourn  in  the  Punjab  threatened  to  invite  Mongol  ope¬ 
rations.  It  severely  taxed  Iltutmish’s  diplomacy  to  refuse  the 
prince’s  request  for  shelter  and  armed  assistance  against  the  pagan 
Mongols,  and  yet  show  his  solidarity  with  the  Muslim  cause.  To 
the  irresistible  Mongols  he  gave  a  wide  berth,  and  when  they  came 
to  search  for  Mangbarni  in  the  Salt  Range,  he  pretended  not  to 
take  offence.  He  took  no  action  when  the  prince  moved  away  from 
the  Mongols  towards  Lahore  but  got  an  army  ready  to  oppose  his 
progress  further  eastwards.  Thus  confined,  the  prince  forced  an 
alliance  on  the  Hindu  chief  of  the  Salt  Range,  gathered  a  straggling 
army  of  fugitive  tribes  and,  moving  up  and  down  the  Sindhu  val 
ley,  caused  enormous  devastation  in  Qabacha’s  kingdom.  The  re- 


132 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


gion  north  of  Multan  became  practically  a  no  man’s  land,  and  it 
was  therefore  sought  to  be  made  a  Khvarazmian  principality.  When 
MangbarnI  passed  through  lower  Sindh  on  his  final  exit  via  Ker¬ 
man,  he  set  fire  to  Uch,  seized  Sehwan,  and  put  the  ruler  of 
Debal  to  flight.  To  follow  up  the  territorial  advantages  secured 
-  by  such  methods,  he  left  two  of  his  officers,  Hasan  Qarlugh  and 
Uzbek  Pai  who,  pressed  inexorably  by  the  Mongols  from  the  west, 
steadily  fell  back  on  lower  Sindh  as  a  thorn  in  Qabacha’s  side. 
Following  a  Mongol  siege  of  Multan  shortly  after,  the  first  of  a 
series  of  such  raids,  a  large  horde  of  Khalji  tribesmen  broke  into 
Sehwan  for  shelter,  and  the  effect  of  all  this  left  Qabacha  gasping 
for  breath.10 

All  this  advanced  Iltutmish’s  plans  against  his  rival,  if  not  his 
scheme  for  the  consolidation  of  the  frontier.  Advancing  from 
Lahore,  which  he  reoccupied  shortly  after  Mangbarni’s  departure, 
he  forced  Qabacha  out  of  Multan  and  Uch,  and,  almost  without  a 
battle,  drove  him  to  seek  shelter  in  the  island  fortress  of  Bhakar, 
and  eventually  to  a  watery  grave  in  the  Sindhu  (A.D.  1228). 11 

Delhi’s  frontier  now  ran  along  the  lower  courses  of  that  river, 
but  in  the  north  Iltutmish  found  himself  facing  a  far  more  diffi¬ 
cult  problem.  The  Sindhu  basin  had  become  a  Mongol  operational 
area  with  a  tendency  to  spread  eastward  as  Hasan  Qarlugh  and 
Uzbek  Pai  continued  to  yield  ground.  They  were  useless  as 
buffers,  and  assistance  to  them  meant  inviting  Mongol  aggression, 
and  yet  their  complete  elimination  would  bring  the  unwelcome 
Mongols  nearer  still.  Iltutmish  v/as  thus  constrained  to  watch  the 
situation,  while  instructing  his  officers  on  the  border  to  reduce  the 
Chenab  and  Jhelum  valleys  without  giving  direct  offence  to  the 
Mongols.  Before  his  death  he  managed  to  extend  his  rule  up  to 
Sialkot  and  Hajner  in  the  north,  but  failed  to  make  much  headway 
on  the  west  beyond  a  preliminary  advance  on  Nandana  in  the  Salt 
Range. 

Nevertheless,  Iltutmish  had  solved  the  major  problem  of  terri¬ 
torial  integration  under  a  single  command.  Immediately  after 
Mangbarni’s  departure  from  India  Iltutmish  recovered  enough 
confidence  to  attempt  a  reconquest  of  Lakhnawati,  the  province 
in  the  east,  where  ‘All  Mardan’s  misrule  had  been  followed  by  the 
assumption  of  power  by  Hisam-ud-din  Twaz  Khalji,  one  of  Bakht- 
yar’s  junior  associates.  The  latter  had  assumed  sovereign  status, 
and  by  good  government  and  profitable  raid  into  neighbouring 
Hindu  states  had  increased  his  resources.  By  a  show  of  force  Iltut¬ 
mish  succeeded,  in  A.D.  1225,  in  inducing  the  Khalji  king  to  agree  to 
a  limitation  of  his  sovereignty  and  to  relinquish  his  hold  on  Bihar. 


133 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Within  a  year,  however,  Twaz  broke  the  agreement,  and  seized 
Bihar.  This  brought  upon  him  Iltutmish’s  crown-prince,  Nasir-ud- 
din  Mahmud,  who,  from  his  base  in  Awadh  (Oudh),  swooped  on 
Twaz’s  capital  and  slew  him  in  battle.  But  the  province  did  not 
immediately  settle  down  to  a  subordinate  status.  Within  two  years 
Nasir-ud-dm  Mahmud  died  in  Lakhnawati,  and  a  Khalji  chief,  who 
acknowledged  Delhi’s  suzerainty,  was  pushed  out  by  another  named 
Balka  whom  Iltutmish  had  to  defeat  by  a  personally  conducted  cam¬ 
paign  in  A.D.  1229. 12 

With  equal  energy  and  determination,  but  with  less  decisive 
results,  he  set  to  work  to  wrest  the  military  initiative  from  the 
Hindu  princes.  In  the  area  south  of  the  Chambal,  the  Pariharas, 
starting  from  the  recaptured  Gwalior  as  their  base,  had  expanded 
their  rule  over  Jhansi  and  Narwar.13  At  Ranthambhor  the  Chaha- 
mana  (Chauhan)  family  under  Govindaraja  had  also  found  strength 
to  follow  an  independent  course  of  expansion  and  to  impose  para- 
mountcy  over  the  neighbouring  states,  despite  a  nominal  allegiance 
to  the  “Suratrana  Lititimishi  (Iltutmish)  of  Yoginipura  (Delhi) 

A  collateral  branch,  ruling  at  Jalor  in  apparent  repudiation  of  the 
vassalage  imposed  by  Aibak,  also  extended  overlordship  over  a 
large  area  in  south-west  Rajputana  and  claimed  even  to  have  re¬ 
peatedly  humbled  the  Turks.14  In  the  north,  the  YaduvamsI  or 
Jadonbhattis  controlled  the  approaches  to  Alwar  and  so  practically 
sealed  off  Bayana,  Thangir  and  even  Ajmer. 

The  extent  of  the  revival  of  Hindu  Powers  and  the  difficulties 
facing  the  Delhi  troops  were  heavily  underlined  by  the  inconclusive 
results  of  Iltutmish’s  operations  in  Rajputana.  Opening  the  cam¬ 
paign  in  A.D.  1226,  he  took  Ranthambor  and  Mandawar  and  humbl¬ 
ed  Jalor,  but  was  repulsed  with  heavy  losses  by  the  Guhilots  from 
Nagda.  Rajput  records  speak  also  of  his  failure  in  an  attack  on  the 
Chaulukyas  of  Gujarat.  A  similar  expedition,  conducted  by  one 
of  his  officers  against  the  Chauhans  of  Bundi,  also  ended  in  failure. 
While  he  recaptured  Bayana  and  Tahangarh,  and  widened  the 
Ajmer  base  by  garrisoning  the  neighbouring  positions  of  Lawah, 
Kasili  and  Sambhar,  the  success  proved  temporary,  for  it  failed  to 
arrest  the  Chauhan  revival.  A  seemingly  successful  raid  into 
Malwa  in  A.D.  1234-35  similarly  gave  Iltutmish  more  plunder  and 
righteous  satisfaction  than  political  or  military  advantage,  for  the 
Paramaras  remained  in  undisturbed  possession  of  the  country  for 
the  rest  of  the  century.16 

No  more  decisive  results  attended  his  efforts  along  the  southern 
frontier.  He  recaptured  and  garrisoned  Gwalior,  but  his  raids  pro¬ 
duced  no  effect  on  the  Chandellas  whose  hold  on  the  country  as 


134 


THE  MAML.UK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


far  as  Jhansi  showed  no  sign  of  slackening.  A  foretaste  of  the  ris¬ 
ing  power  of  a  new  dynasty  was  also  provided  to  the  Delhi  com¬ 
mander,  Malik  Tayasai,  who  led  an  expedition  through  Central 
Indian  defiles  against  the  Chandellas.  On  his  return  march  he  was 
defeated  by  the  powerful  “Rana  Chahir  Ajari”,  Chahadadeva  of  the 
Jajapella  (Yajvapala)  dynasty  which  was  just  rising  to  power 
around  Narwar  (Gwalior  State)  and  was  to  supplant  the  Pariharas 
in  Gwalior.16 

Even  in  the  heart  of  the  kingdom,  the  Ganga- Yamuna  area, 
Iltutmish  launched  operations  whose  successful  termination  he  was 
not  destined  to  see.  Although  Harischandra,  the  last  of  the  impe¬ 
rial  Gahadavala  line,  is  not  heard  of  again,  in  the  districts  north  of 
the  Ganga  round  Budaun,  Farrukhabad,  and  Bareilly,  numerous 
Hindu  chiefs  had  found  sheltered  bases  against  the  Turkish  posts 
in  the  Doab.  In  Anola  the  Katehriya  Rajputs  had  formed  a  strong 
hold  and,  with  the  remnant  of  the  Rashtrakuta  family  of  Budaun, 
not  only  barred  Turkish  expansion  across  the  Ganga  but  encroached 
even  on  Awadh,  which  area,  in  itself,  harboured  not  a  few  resisting 
chiefs.  Iltutmish’s  operations  in  the  region  are  not  sufficiently  de¬ 
tailed,  but  the  inclusion  by  his  chronicler  of  Budaun,  Kanauj  and 
even  Banaras  among  his  conquest,  can  be  understood  only  in 
this  context,  for  these  places  had  figured  in  Aibak’s  initial  conquests 
also.  Since  the  Katehriyas  continued  to  engage  the  Sultanate’s 
forces  throughout  and  far  beyond  the  thirteenth  century,  Iltutmish’s 
reported  capture  of  Katehr  can  only  indicate  the  range  of  his  opera¬ 
tions.  Some  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  fighting  in  these  areas  may 
be  formed  from  reference  to  Prince  Nasir-ud-din  Mahmud’s  wag¬ 
ing  continuous  “holy  wars  against  the  refractory  Hindu  tribes”  and 
to  his  overthrowing  a  chief  “named  Bartu,  beneath  whose  sword  a 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  Mussalmans  had  attained  martyr¬ 
dom”.  Armed  insurrection  prevailed  in  the  Doab  also,  and  gover¬ 
nors  emphasised  their  success  by  such  reports  as  the  capture  “of 
the  son  of  the  Raja  of  Chandwar”.17  Most  of  these  were,  however, 
personal  triumphs,  shortlived  and  local  in  effect,  and  they  could  do 
little  to  help  the  Delhi  Government  in  reducing  the  extent  and 
power  of  the  Hindu  resistance. 

Iltutmish  died  in  A.D.  1236.  His  greatest  achievement  was  the 
initiation  of  a  dynastic  monarchy,  and  in  ultilising  it  in  welding  the 
loosely  conquered  territories  into  a  political  unity.  To  have  pre¬ 
served  the  Sultanate’s  separate  entity  and  escaped  the  repurcussions 
of  earlier  affiliations  with  Central  Asia  when  Chingiz  Khan  swept 
through  the  Continent  was  a  very  difficult  task  which  he  accom¬ 
plished  with  great  foresight  and  skill.  It  was  sheer  ability  which 


135 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

earned  him,  an  ex-slave,  almost  a  sacrosanct  right  to  the  crown,  and 
the  Caliph’s  investiture,  received  in  A.D.  1229, 18  only  confirmed  the 
status  which  his  dynasty  and  state  had  acquired.  Working  on  the 
outlines  drawn  by  Aibak,  he  filled  in  the  details  of  a  military  state 
and  richly  deserved  his  position  as  its  first  king. 

II.  WEAK  SUCCESSORS  OF  ILTUTMISH 

For  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  Iltutmish  the  Sultanate  was 
confronted  with  problems  which  nearly  destroyed  its  structure.  Due 
to  the  absence  of  well-defined  rules  of  succession,  struggles  for 
power  recurred  frequently,  and  the  Government,  with  its  energies 
distracted  by  such  internal  strife,  was  unable  to  maintain  continui¬ 
ty  of  action  against  the  Mongols  or  the  Hindu  States. 

On  the  unexpected  death  of  his  crown  prince,  Nasir-ud-din  Mah¬ 
mud,  in  A.D.  1229,  Iltutmish  had  nominated,  after  some  hesitation, 
his  eldest  daughter,  Raziyya,  to  succeed  him,  in  supersession  of  his 
other  grown-up  sons.  No  legal  difficulty  bothered  him  or  his  cour¬ 
tiers;  nor  was  any  doubt  entertained  about  her  abilities,  for  she 
had  been  tested  frequently  when  her  father  left  her  in  charge  of 
the  government  during  his  campaigns.  But  practical  considera¬ 
tions  of  pitting  a  young  woman  against  the  jealousy  of  her  grown¬ 
up  brothers  and  of  the  proud  nobles  seemed  to  have  weighed  with 
him  towards  the  end,  for,  before  his  death,  he  summoned  his  eldest 
surviving  son,  Firuz,  from  Lahore  with  a  view,  as  was  interpreted 
by  interested  parties,  to  his  succession.  The  prince,  in  any  case, 
secured  the  support  of  the  provincial  governors  who  had  assembled 
in  the  capital  to  join  the  king’s  last  expedition  which  his  illness 
caused  to  be  abandoned,  and  got  himself  proclaimed  king  on  the  night 
of  his  father’s  death. 

If  he  had  abilities  he  could  possibly  have  disarmed  all  opposi¬ 
tion,  but  he  proved  a  colourless  rake  who  left  all  power  to  his  mother 
Shah  Turkan,  a  low-born,  jealous  woman,  whose  vicious  rule  almost 
immediately  drove  her  own  supporters  to  revolt.  The  governors 
of  Multan,  Lahore,  Hansi,  Budaun  and  Awadh,  resolved  to  end  this 
petticoat  rule,  moved  their  forces  towards  Delhi,  from  where  even 
the  wazir,  Junaidi,  deserted  his  post  to  join  them.  Firuz  marched 
out  to  meet  the  rebels,  but  his  own  army  officers  revolted  on  the 
way,  murdered  his  body-guards,  and  returned  to  the  capital,  to  find 
that  during  the  Friday  prayer  the  aggrieved  Raziyya  had  cleverly 
exploited  the  popular  discontent  against  Shah  Turkan  and,  in  the 
name  of  her  father,  had  induced  the  populace  to  seize  and  throw  her 
into  prison.  The  army  officers  completed  the  process  by  proclaim¬ 
ing  Raziyya’s  accession,  and  so  Firuz  returned  only  to  find  the  shack- 


136 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 

les  ready  for  him.  His  death  in  prison  followed  an  inglorious  reign 
of  seven  months. 

The  new  sovereign  received  popular  acclaim  when  she  asked 
for  a  chance  to  prove  her  abilities  “far  better  than  any  man”;  but 
the  coup  displeased  the  insurgent  governors  who  were  converging 
on  Delhi  with  the  obvious  intention,  not  only  of  deposing  Firuz, 
but  also  of  making  their  own  choice  of  a  king.  Opposing  not  so 
much  the  new  ruler  as  the  method  by  which  she  captured  the 
throne,  they  encamped  opposite  the  city  and  began  a  siege  by  cut¬ 
ting  all  communication  with  the  outlying  provinces.  But  the  queen 
proved  equal  to  the  task.  Having  no  strong  military  force  at  her 
command  at  the  moment,  and  unable  to  summon  reinforcements 
from  loyal  provinces,  she  resorted  to  the  well-known  trick  of  divid¬ 
ing  her  enemies.  She  persuaded  two  of  the  insurgents  to  agree  to 
join  her  secretly  and  betray  their  comrades,  and  then  spread  this 
nevrs  among  the  latter  who  thereupon  took  fright  and  fled.  Many 
were  pursued  and  slain  while  the  wazir  died  a  lone  fugitive  in  the 
Sirmur  hills. 

Raziyya’s  reign  of  three  years  forms  a  brief  interlude  in  a 
decade  of  oligarchic  misrule  increased  by  factiousness.  Aware  of 
the  powers  claimed  by  her  father’s’  freedmen,  and  aware  also  of  the 
need  for  vigorous  exercise  of  the  Crown’s  authority  in  a  state  which 
was  still  military  in  nature  and  function,  she  tried  to  compensate 
for  the  disability,  supposedly  attaching  to  her  sex,  by  foresight, 
firmness  and  kingly  demeanour  which  her  courtiers  hardly  expect¬ 
ed  from  a  young  woman.  She  discarded  female  attire,  rode  out 
in  public,  and  held  open  court;  she  selected  for  high  offices  men  of 
her  own  choice  and,  deliberately,  not  always  from  among\Iltut- 
mish’s  freedmen  who  came  to  be  known  as  ‘the  Forty.’19  Apnong 
these  new  appointees  was  the  Abyssinian  Jalal-ud-din  Yaqut  whose 
promotion  to  the  post  of  Amir-i-Akhur  (Master  of  the  Stables),  a 
sinecure  carrying  more  prestige  than  power,  was  obviously  cal¬ 
culated  to  counter  the  Forty’s  monopolistic  control  of  all  such  offi¬ 
ces.  Like  her  father  Raziyya  showed  a  realistic  prudence  when 
she  firmly  but  tactfully  turned  down  an  invitation  to  form  an  alli¬ 
ance  with  Hasan  Qarlugh,  the  Khvarazmi  representative,  who  was 
then  struggling  singly  against  the  Mongols  in  the  western  Sindh 
Sagar  Doab.20 

The  ‘Forty’  could  hardly  tolerate  such  calculated  undermining 
of  their  position.  By  the  third  year  of  Raziyya’s  reign  a  conspiracy 
was  set  afoot  to  depose  her  or  at  least  to  curb  her  liberty  of  action. 
With  Aitigin,  the  Amir-i-Ha]ib  (Grand  Chamberlain),  at  the  head, 
and  with  all  the  Turkish  officers  in  and  outside  the  court  in  collu- 


137 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


sion,  the  conspirators  tried  to  stage  a  coup.  Since  this  was  not 
found  possible  during  her  stay  in  the  capital,  where  she  enjoyed 
strong  popular  support  and  kept  a  vigilant  watch,  they  planned  to 
decoy  her  to  a  distant  province  where  they  could  isolate  her  by  force 
while  partisans  seized  the  capital.  A  revolt  was  accordingly  staged 
by  the  governor  of  Lahore  early  in  A.D.  1240,  but  the  queen  con¬ 
founded  the  conspirators  by  the  energy  and  speed  with  which  she 
marched  out,  chased  the  rebel  as  far  as  the  Chenab,  and  compelled 
him  to  surrender  unconditionally,  before  his  friends  could  join  him. 
Within  a  fortnight  of  her  return,  however,  another  rebellion  was 
reported  from  Bhatinda,  then  under  the  command  of  Malik  Altu- 
niya.  Disregarding  the  heat  and  the  inconveniences  of  the  month 
of  Ramazan,  the  queen  again  marched  out  with  all  available  forces. 
On  arrival  the  conspirators  in  her  retinue  rose  against  her,  mur¬ 
dered  Yaqut  and  her  other  supporters,  and  imprisoned  her  in  the 
Bhatinda  fort.  Working  on  a  pre-arranged  plan,  and  before  the 
return  of  the  ring  leaders,  the  Delhi  partisans  immediately  occupi¬ 
ed  the  palace  and  proclaimed  the  accession  of  their  nominee,  Iltut- 
mish’s  third  son,  Mu‘izz-ud-din  Bahram  (April,  1240). 21 

Bahram’s  installation  was  the  reward,  as  it  transpired,  for  his 
agreeing  to  leave  all  effective  power  to  the  conspirators;  he  was  to 
retain  his  prerogatives  but  the  government  was  to  be  entrusted  to 
one  of  their  nominees  designated  Naib-i-Mcimlikat  (Deputy  of  the 
State)  for  “at  least  one  year”.  It  was  an  experiment  with  immense 
possibilities  for  constitutional  progress,  although  its  immediate  aim 
was  to  assure  the  continued  domination  of  the  ‘Forty’  so  dangerous¬ 
ly  threatened  by  the  late  queen.22 

As  the  leader  of  the  conspiracy,  Ikhtiyar-ud-dln  Aitigln’s 
appointment  to  the  new  post  was  proclaimed  on  his  return  from 
Bhatinda.  Aitigin,  however,  soon  piqued  the  young  king  Bahram 
by  marrying  one  of  his  sisters  and  by  violating  the  royal  preroga¬ 
tive  by  keeping  an  elephant  and  naubat  at  the  entrance  of  his  house. 
Within  three  months  the  king’s  annoyance  impelled  him  to  take 
decisive  action,  and  so  the  deputy  was  murdered  in  his  office  with 
Bahram’s  connivance. 

The  crime  shook  the  power  of  the  ‘Forty’  but  did  not  improve 
matters  for  the  king,  for  his  Amir-i-Hajib  (Grand  Chamberlain) 
Badr-ud-din  Sunqar  now  quickly  assumed  control  over  the  adminis¬ 
tration.  Some  of  the  ‘Forty’  left  the  court  to  organise  another  re¬ 
bellion  with  Altuniya  who  was  closely  guarding  the  captive  Raziy- 
ya,  while  the  wazir,  resentful  of  the  new  domination,  planned  re¬ 
venge.  Aitigin’s  murder  had  ruined  Altuniya’s  hopes  for  a  due 
share  of  reward  for  his  part  in  the  late  conspiracy,  and  he  now  t 


138 


THE  MAML.UK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


found  it  wiser  to  ally  himself  with  his  captive  and  thus  to  acquire 
the  latter’s  rights  in  support  of  his  demands.  Raziyya  agreed  to 
marry  him,  and  the  two  organised  an  advance  on  Delhi  to  wrest 
back  her  crown.  But  their  mercenary  troops,  recruited  mostly  from 
the  Khokar  tribe,  proved  no  match  for  the  regulars  of  the  Delhi 
government,  and  they  were  easily  repulsed.  Flying  before  the  pur¬ 
suing  troops  Raziyya  halted  at  Kaithal,  where  her  mercenaries  de¬ 
serted,  and  she  was  murdered  by  Hindu  robbers  while  resting  under 

a  tree  (25  Rabi  I,  638=13  October,  1240). 23 

• 

Meanwhile,  a  timely  betrayal  by  the  wazir  of  a  conspiracy  or¬ 
ganised  by  the  Amir-i-Hajib  and  a  few  ecclesiastics  to  depose  Bah¬ 
rain,  had  led  to  the  fall  of  Sunqar  and,  in  the  resulting  vacuum,  the 
wazir  was  ruling  with  a  great  show  of  power.  Nursing  his  earlier 
grudge  against  Bahram  the  wazir  rejoiced  when  the  king  offended 
the  ecclesiastics  by  brutally  killing  one  of  their  members,  on  the 
instigation  of  a  darvish.  In  A.D.  1241  the  report  of  a  Mongol  advance 
on  Lahore  gave  the  wazir  a  chance  to  overthrow  the  king.  He  ac¬ 
companied  the  troops  sent  to  reinforce  the  besieged  city,  but  as 
they  neared  Lahore  he  spread  consternation  and  anger  among  the 
officers  by  disclosing  the  king’s  alleged  secret  order  for  their  execu¬ 
tion.  The  army  at  once  revolted  and  turned  back  to  depose  the 
tyrant.  On  this  news  Bahram  sent  the  Sheikh-ul  Islam  to  reassure 
and  remove  their  suspicions,  but  as  a  promoter  of  the  plot,  the 
latter  worked  for  the  opposite  effect.  The  troops  returned  to  find 
the  king’s  partisans  put  up  a  gallant  defence  of  the  capital,  but  an 
insurrection  organised  by  the  wazir’s  men  aided  the  attackers,  and 
when  the  city  fell,  Bahram  was  seized  and  executed  (May,  1242). 

Although  exactly  the  same  conditions  were  imposed  on  the 
new  king,24  Iltutmish’s  16-year  old  grandson  ‘Ala-ud-din  Mas‘ud, 
and  a  Naib  with  wide  powers  was  appointed  in  the  person  of  the 
refugee  prince  Qutb-ud-din  Husain  of  Ghor,  it  wras  yet  the  wazir 
who  naturally  monopolised  all  power.  He  filled  the  administra¬ 
tion  with  his  own  nominees,  mostly  ecclesiastics  and  dissidents  from 
Aitigln’s  party,  and  even  attempted  to  exclude  the  ‘Forty’  from  posi¬ 
tions  of  power.  The  latter  therefore  leagued  once  again  and  mur¬ 
dered  the  wazir,  appointed  the  submissive  Najm-ud-din  Abu  Bakr 
to  the  vacant  post,  and  nominated  one  of  their  junior  members  named 
Balban  for  the  office  of  Amir-i-Hajib. 

By  superior  ability  Balban  soon  overshadowed  his  party  men, 
and  with  a  correct  understanding  of  the  problem,  diverted  their 
energies  to  campaigns  against  Mongols  and  Indians.  With  apparent 
tranquillity  Mas‘ud’s  reign  thus  lasted  four  years  until  in  A.D.  1246, 
a  secret  plot,  apparently  motivated  by  personal  ambition,  and  in 


139 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


which  Balban  also  seems  to  have  shared,  led  to  his  replacement  by 
Iltutmish’s  youngest  son,  Mahmud,  who  was  proclaimed  as  Sultan 
Nasir-ud-dln  Mahmud.26 

The  new  reign  meant  no  change  in  the  policy,  for  Balban,  now 
in  firmer  control,  filled  the  key  positions  with  his  nominees  and  set 
about  to  break  the  power  of  his  erstwhile  comrades.  He  gave  his 
daughter  in  marriage  to  the  king,  obtained  the  post  of  Naib  for  him¬ 
self,  and  nominated  his  younger  brother  Kashli  Khan  as  the  Amir-i- 
Hcijib,  while  his  cousin  Sher  Khan  got  the  important  governorship  of 
Lahore  and  Multan.  Mahmud  proved  a  pliant  sovereign  and  willing¬ 
ly  left  all  initiative  to  the  deputy.  The  latter’s  policy  of  monopolis¬ 
ing  all  offices  for  his  own  kinsmen,  however,  provoked  an  opposi¬ 
tion  in  which  the  non-Turkish  elements,  headed  by  an  Indian  Mus¬ 
lim  named  Tmad-ud-din  Raihan,  took  the  leading  part.  Raihan 
managed  to  secure  for  himself  the  important  post  of  Wakil-i-dar 
(Superintendent  of  the  King’s  Household  establishment)  and  then 
contrived  to  replace  Balban  and  his  kinsmen  by  his  own  supporters. 
As  could  be  foreseen,  this  ‘Hindi  rule’  proved  loathsome  to  the 
Turks,  who  entertained  an  extreme  feeling  of  racialism  and  con¬ 
sidered  the  Delhi  Sultanate  as  their  exclusive  heritage.  A  counter¬ 
move,  therefore,  soon  started  in  which  Balban  took  the  leading  part. 
Most  of  the  Turkish  officers  posted  in  the  provinces  round  Delhi 
joined  their  forces  and  prepared  to  march  on  the  capital  to  end  the 
non-Turkish  domination.  Mahmud  was  advised  to  resist  and  the 
royal  forces  set  out  to  oppose  the  insurgents.  But  near  Samian  a, 
despite  Raihan’s  best  efforts  to  encourage  the  king  to  adhere  to  his 
decision  even  at  the  cost  of  an  armed  conflict,  Mahmud  lost  heart 
and  was  glad  to  end  the  tension  by  accepting  the  opponents’  terms. 
Raihan  and  his  associates  were  accordingly  dismissed  from  court 
and  Balban  regained  his  former  ascendancy.26 

Except  for  this  brief  interruption  (A.D.  1253-54),  Balban  held 
all  effective  power  during  the  whole  of  Mahmud’s  reign,  and  is  even 
reported  to  have  used  the  royal  insignia.  His  period  of  viceregency 
can  thus  be  said  to  have  shaded  off  into  his  reign  when,  on  the  death 
of  the  childless  Mahmud  in  A.D.  1265,  he  assumed  the  crown,  thus 
starting  a  new  dynasty  but  no  new  regime. 

III.  INTERNAL  DISORDER 

Of  the  problems  which  had  accumulated  through  all  these  years 
of  changes  on  the  throne,  one  of  the  most  serious  was  the  increas¬ 
ing  tendency  among  the  provincial  governors  to  flout  the  king’s 
authority  and  thus  to  threaten  the  unity  which  Iltutmish  had  envi¬ 
saged.  Military  ineffectiveness  of  the  Central  government  tempt- 


140 


THE  MAML.UK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


ed  the  officers  in  the  western  provinces  to  lean  conveniently  on  the 
neighbouring  Mongol  power,  who  was  thus  enabled  to  extend  its 
pressure  across  the  Sindhu  and  the  Chenab  rivers.  In  the  East, 
the  governors  fought  each  other  and  even  declared  independence 
at  will  while  the  Awadh  and  Doab  provinces,  because  of  their  pro¬ 
ximity  to  Delhi,  sharply  reacted  to  events  in  the  capital.  All  this, 
in  turn,  heartened  the  Hindus  to  greater  and  concerted  aggressions. 
It  was  almost  a  miracle  that  the  Sultanate  escaped  total  dissolution. 

Even  in  Iltutmish’s  lifetime  Lakhnawati  had  become  a  problem 
province.  His  final  arrangement,  effected  after  three  expeditions, 
proved  ineffectual.  Tughan  Khan,  whom  he  had  appointed  to  suc¬ 
ceed  Saif-ud-dln  Aibak  in  Lakhnawati,  forcibly  seized  Bihar  and, 
although  he  kept  up  a  show  of  loyalty  during  the  reigns  of  Raziyya 
and  Bahram,  early  in  A.D.  1242  he  advanced  to  take  possession  of 
the  provinces  of  Kara-Manikpur  and  Awadh.  The  Awadh  governor’s 
appeal  brought  little  help  from  Mas‘ud’s  government,  and  Tughan 
Khan’s  easy  occupation  of  the  town  was  averted  only  by  the  per¬ 
suasion  of  the  respected  ecclesiastic  Minhaj  who  was  then  on  his 
way  to  the  eastern  province.  On  his  return  to  Lakhnawati  Tughan 
repulsed  an  Orissan  attack  on  his  frontier  and  pursued  the  retreat¬ 
ing  Hindus  into  Jajnagar.  At  Katasingh  (near  Midnapore)  he  was, 
however,  routed,  and  as  he  fell  back,  the  Orissan  forces  came  up  in 
close  pursuit.  While  he  sent  an  urgent  appeal  to  Delhi,  the  Hindu 
forces  captured  his  frontier  post  of  Lakhanor  and  advanced  to  besiege 
Lakhnawati  itself.  A  timely  report  of  the  despatch  of  reinforce¬ 
ments  from  Delhi,  however,  saved  the  situation,  for  the  Orissan 
commander  thereupon  raised  the  siege,  plundered  the  countryside, 
and  withdrew.  Reinforcements  arrived  shortly  after,  but  instead 
of  pursuing  the  Orissans,  the  commander  picked  up  a  quarrel  with 
Tughan  and  blockaded  his  capital.  The  latter  defended  himself  in¬ 
effectually  and  was  at  length  obliged  to  hand  over  his  province  to 
the  commander,  Tamar  Khan.  Balban’s  hand  in  this  curious  pro¬ 
ceeding  becomes  evident  when  we  find  Tughan  Khan  being  com¬ 
pensated  with  the  vacant  governorship  of  Awadh  where  he  died  two 
years  later.27 

This  camouflaged  imposition  of  Delhi’s  authority  could  hardly 
last.  Yazbak,  who  was  appointed  to  the  province  some  time  after 
A.D.  1249,  followed  Tughan’s  example,  occupied  Awadh,  and  even 
had  the  khutba  read  in  his  name.  Although  a  reported  approach  of 
Balban’s  troops  made  him  withdraw,  he  crowned  his  insubordination 
by  proclaiming  sovereignty  immediately  on  Balban’s  return.  Even 
his  death  in  course  of  a  rashly  conducted  invasion  of  the  Brahma¬ 
putra  valley  soon  after  failed  to  restore  Delhi’s  authority,  for  within 


141 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


two  years  the  officiating  governor,  Yahya,  was  dispossessed,  and 
killed  in  open  violation  of  authority  by  Arsalan  Khan,  the  governor 
of  Kara  and  Awadh,  who  thereupon  installed  himself  in  Lakhna- 
watl.  He  is  not  known  to  have  assumed  full  sovereignty,  but  against 
his  continued  unauthorised  occupation  of  the  provinces  of  Awadh, 
Bihar  and  Lakhnawatl  Mahmud’s  government  could  take  no  effec¬ 
tive  action,  so  that  Arsalan’s  son  Tatar  Khan,  who  quietly  succeeded 
to  the  position,  boastfully  called  himself  “Chief  of  all  the  Maliks 
of  China  and  East”.28 

Although  comparatively  tranquil  during  the  earlier  years, 
Awadh  and  Doab  also  latterly  reacted  against  the  manner  of  Bal- 
ban’s  restoration  to  power.  Following  his  dismissal  from  the  court, 
and  transfer  to  Bahraich,  Tmad-ud-din  Raihan  allied  himself  with 
Qutlugh  Khan,  the  king’s  step-father  who  held  Awadh  and  was  not¬ 
ed  for  his  antagonism  to  Balban,  and  prepared  to  negative  Mah¬ 
mud’s  authority  in  the  trans-Ganga  region.  An  armed  expedition, 
which  was  ineffectually  opposed  by  Qutlugh  as  it  passed  through 
Awadh,  however,  eventually  succeeded  in  driving  Raihan  from 
Bahraich.  But  when  Qutlugh  was  transferred  to  Bahraich,  he  re¬ 
volted  and  defeated  a  Delhi  force.  On  Balban  taking  the  field  in 
person  he  fled  to  the  Himalayan  foothills,  but  returned  immediate¬ 
ly  on  the  former’s  departure,  seized  Awadh  and  even  threatened 
Kara-Manikpur.  He  was,  however,  repulsed  by  the  local  governor 
and  took  refuge  with  the  chief  of  Santurgarh  who  refused  to  give 
him  up,  suffering,  in  preference,  the  ravaging  of  his  territories  by 
Balban  in  A.D.  1257. 

IV.  MONGOL  RAIDS 

It  was  on  the  west  that  Delhi’s  hold  was  most  seriously  jeo¬ 
pardised  by  continued  Mongol  pressure.  Soon  after  the  accession 
of  Uktai  to  the  supreme  Mongol  Khanate  in  A.D.  1229,  aggressive 
campaigns  were  launched  along  the  Sindhu  basin,  and  by  A.D.  1241 
they  were  extended  up  to  Lahore.  Its  reinforcement  was  undermin¬ 
ed,  as  noticed  earlier,  by  the  intrigues  of  the  wazir  and  it  had  conse¬ 
quently  to  be  evacuated  by  the  governor.  The  Mongols  plundered 
the  city,  destroyed  the  fortifications  and  withdrew,  but  Lahore  pro¬ 
vince  henceforth  became  “the  frontier”.  By  A.D.  1247  it  became  a 
Mongol  dependency  when  a  close  siege,  unrelieved  by  any  hope  of 
aid  from  Delhi,  compelled  the  governor  to  pay  tribute  and  accept  Mon¬ 
gol  suzerainty.29  Control  over  Multan  and  Uch  proved  equally 
insecure.  These  two  cities,  held  rebelliously  by  Kablr  Khan  through¬ 
out  Mas‘ud’s  reign,  suffered,  in  turn,  an  occupation  by  Hasan 
Qarlugh,  the  Khvarazmi  representative  finally  driven  from  the 


142 


THE  MAMLtJK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


west,  and  then  by  the  Mongols  who  came  in  his  pursuit.  Bal- 
ban  managed  to  recover  temporary  control  by  quickly  garrisoning 
the  towns  immediately  on  the  Mongol  withdrawal,  but  the  new 
governor,  Kishlu  Khan,  had  to  face  another  Mongol  raid  and  then 
lost  Multan  once  again  to  Hasan  Qarlugh.  He  was  dispossessed  of 
Uch  by  Sher  Khan,  the  governor  of  Bhatinda,  who,  in  accordance 
with  Balban’s  wish,  refused  to  restore  it  to  Kishlu.  In  revenge, 
the  latter  joined  Raihan  and,  on  Balban’s  dismissal  in  A.D.  1253,  was 
re-instated  over  the  two  provinces.  On  Balban’s  return  to  power 
Kishlu  broke  with  Delhi  and,  shortly  after  A.D.  1255,  made  a  pre¬ 
sent  of  the  whole  Sindh  province  to  the  Mongols  by  formally  trans¬ 
ferring  his  allegiance  to  Hulagu  Khan,  the  Mongol  viceroy  of  Iran.30 

A  further  constriction  of  the  western  frontier  resulted  from 
the  Mongol  help  secured  by  prince  Jalal-ud-din  Mas‘ud,  Mahmud’s 
younger  brother,  who,  dissatisfied  with  his  status  in  life,  had  be¬ 
taken  himself  to  the  Mongol  Khan,  Mangu,  at  Qaraqoram,  and  was 
given  armed  assistance  for  installing  himself  as  the  vassal  over  the 
territories  extending  from  the  Sindhu  to  the  Sutlej.  Although  the 
prince,  following  the  failure  of  an  attempt  to  get  reconciled  with 
Mahmud’s  government,  is  reported  to  have  disappeared  from  the 
scene,  and  Sher  Khan,  despite  his  treasonable  contact  with  the  Mon¬ 
gol  court,  was  soon  after  reconciled  and  was  induced  to  take  action 
against  the  Mongol  protege,  yet  the  boundary  line  was  not  appre¬ 
ciably  advanced  on  the  west.  Within  a  couple  of  years  it  even 
receded  to  the  old  bed  of  the  Beas  up  to  which  the  Mongols  moved 
freely  “to  harass  the  frontiers  of  Delhi”  31  A  grave  danger  threaten¬ 
ed  the  government  when  in  A.D.  1257  Kishlu  Khan,  now  a  Mongol 
protege  and  holding  Sindh,  marched  his  troops  along  the  Beas  to  at¬ 
tack  Delhi  in  conjunction  with  Qutlugh  Khan  whom  Balban  had  fail¬ 
ed  to  draw  out  from  the  Sirmur  Hills.  They  had  partisans  among  the 
Delhi  ecclesiastics  who  promised  to  deliver  the  city.  The  rebels 
therefore  evaded  Balban’s  forces  sent  out  to  oppose  them  at  Sama- 
na,  and  reached  the  capital,  only  to  learn,  however,  that  their  parti¬ 
sans  had  been  discovered  and  banished.  Kishlu  thereupon  with¬ 
drew  and  shortly  after  journeyed  to  Iraq  to  induce  Hulagu  to  sane- 
tion  a  full-scale  invasion  of  the  Delhi  Sultanate. 

Hulagu  refused,  but  promised  him  protection.  The  Mongol 
forces,  stationed  in  Sindh  under  Sali  Bahadur,  were  ordered  to  de¬ 
stroy  the  Multan  fortifications,  but  they  were  not  to  cross  the  Delhi 
frontier  under  any  circumstances.32  This  forbearance,  suggesting 
a  desire  to  stabilise  the  frontiers,  was  quickly  reciprocated  by  the 
Delhi  Government,  who  disbanded  the  special  force  raised  to  meet 
Sali  Bahadur’s  expected  invasion.  Mahmud’s  government  thus 


143 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


tacitly  acquiesced  in  the  loss  of  Sindh  and  the  Punjab  west  of  the 
Beas  line.  An  anxiety  to  avoid  hostilities,  even  with  the  Mongol  vas¬ 
sals,  was  evident  when,  in  A.D.  1258,  Balban  transferred  Sher  Khan 
to  the  interior  provinces  of  Kol  and  Gwalior  from  the  frontier  area 
of  Bhatinda  where  he  was  conducting  operations  against  Kishlu 
Khan  for  the  possession  of  Uch  and  Multan.  Balban  even  made 
friendly  overtures  to  Hulagu,  who  warmly  responded  and  in  A.D. 
1259  sent  a  goodwill  mission  to  Delhi,  where  the  envoys  were  accord¬ 
ed  a  magnificent  reception.33 

Whether  a  formal  agreement  resulted  from  all  this  is  not  de¬ 
finitely  known,  but  Balban  must  have  discerned  some  change  in 
the  attitude  of  the  Mongols  towards  their  protege  Kishlu  Khan  to 
feel  encouraged  to  dispossess  him  of  Multan  a  few  years  later. 
Kishlu  is  reported  to  have  taken  refuge  in  Baniyan,  the  area  west  of 
the  Sindhu,  and  to  have  made  fruitless  attempts  to  recover  Upper 
Sindh  which,  from  the  beginning  of  Balban’s  reign,  appears  in  effec¬ 
tive  control  of  Delhi.34  Whether  the  Mongol  forces  withdrew 
across  the  Sindhu  under  military  pressure,  or  in  accordance  with 
the  agreement,  is  equally  uncertain.  But  they  remained  in  undis¬ 
turbed  possession  of  west  Punjab,  and  Lahore  was  not  reannexed 
until  a  few  years  after  Balban’s  accession. 

V.  REVIVAL  OF  HINDU  POWER 

Dominating  the  entire  background,  however,  were  the  Hindus 
whose  revived  striking  power,  only  feebly  met  by  Iltutmish’s  efforts, 
found  fresh  opportunities  during  the  weak  regime  of  his  successors. 
Along  the  undefined  border,  and  inside  the  vaguely  dominated 
country,  the  Sultanate  was  normally  confronted  with  a  standing 
military  challenge  which  intensified  with  every  local  or  individual 
disaffection.  The  difficulties  of  ensuring  the  governor’s  loyalties 
had  made  Lakhnawatl,  for  example,  an  uncertain  possession;  within 
eight  years  of  Iltutmish’s  death  Orissa’s  confident  aggressions  threa¬ 
tened  its  very  existence.  The  failure  of  Tughan  Khan’s  private 
adventure  in  the  Awadh  province  and  his  implied  rejection  of  Delhi’s 
authority  offered  Narasimha  I  his  chance  of  striking  at  the  Lakhna¬ 
watl  frontier  in  A.D.  1243.  Although  promptly  repulsed,  the  attack 
signified  more  than  it  accomplished,  for  it  highlighted  the  role  which 
the  Hindu  power  now  began  to  play  on  all  the  contiguous  areas.  As 
mentioned  earlier,  Tughan  Khan’s  counter-attack  also  failed,  and  he 
was  chased  back  to  his  capital  which  the  Orissan  forces  closely  be¬ 
sieged.  Until  aid  from  Delhi  could  arrive,  the  Hindu  forces  had  a 
free  run  of  the  country,  and  even  when  they  withdrew  across  Lakha- 


144 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


nor  which  they  plundered,  military  action  for  its  recovery  was  hardly 
possible. 

Although  of  no  major  territorial  consequence,  the  episode  put 
Lakhnawati  on  the  defensive,  with  Orissa  free  to  substantiate  her 
claim  to  have  “despatched  the  Yavanas  of  Ria^ha  and  Varendri”.36 
Her  progress  in  this  direction  is  not  evidenced  in  the  records,  but 
when,  under  Yuzbak,  Lakhnawati  resumed  military  action  ten  years 
later,  the  earlier  pattern  was  repeated.  After  two  minor  triumphs, 
a  major  reverse  in  Orissa  obliged  him  to  seek  Delhi’s  aid  with  which 
he  captured  what  he  thought  was  the  ‘Rai’s  capital’,  but  which,  from 
its  name  “Arzbadan”  (or  Umurdan),  is  probably  to  be  identified  with 
the  village  now  known  as  Garh  Mandaran,  on  the  Hooghly-Midna- 
pore  border,  thus  indicating  the  region  along  which  the  successive 
campaigns  were  fought.  The  Lakhanor  area  evidently  remained 
with  Orissa,  but  Yuzbak  gained  in  the  south  what  he  lost  in  the  west; 
for  he  occupied  Nadiya  and  the  adjacent  BhagirathI  basin  effectively 
enough  to  commemorate  it  by  a  special  issue  of  silver  coins  in  A.D. 
1255  “struck  from  the  kharaj  of  Arzbadan  and  Nodia”.36  But  the 
success  did  little  to  affect  the  overall  pattern  of  the  military  situa¬ 
tion,  for  Orissa’s  frontier  remained  on  the  lower  BhagirathI  till  a 
subsequent  push,  towards  the  end  of  the  century,  completed  the  an¬ 
nexation  of  the  coastal  region. 

From  East  Bengal,  where  the  Sena  dynasty  still  continued,  the 
Turks  apprehended  no  great  danger,  but  in  the  Brahmaputra  valley 
their  offensive  power  suffered  an  unparalleled  set-back  when,  en¬ 
couraged  by  his  success  in  southern  Bengal,  Yuzbak  launched  a 
similar  campaign  in  the  north-east,  against  the  Kamarupa  kingdom, 
then  comprising  the  country  from  the  Karatoya  to  Gauhati.  As  he 
crossed  the  river,  the  Kamarupa  Raja  withdrew  his  troops,  thus 
allowing  the  invader  to  march  unopposed  to  Gauhati,  where  he  pro¬ 
claimed  himself  king  of  Lakhnawati  and  Kamarupa.  He  spurned 
the  Raja’s  request  for  reinstatement  as  a  tributary  vassal  and,  assur¬ 
ed  by  the  rich  crop  then  ripening  in  the  fields,  even  foolishly  sold  his 
own  grain  stock  to  the  latter’s  agents.  His  folly  dawned  on  him  only 
when  he  found  the  standing  crops  totally  destroyed  by  floods  caused 
by  the  Raja’s  cutting  the  embankments  of  the  swollen  rivers.  Yuz¬ 
bak  was  forced  to  retreat,  which  ended  in  disaster.  Trying  to  avoid 
the  flooded  valley  he  moved  along  the  unexplored  and  hostile  Garc- 
Jaintia  Hills,  and  in  the  defiles  was  caught  between  the  hill  tribes 
and  the  Kamarupa  forces.  He  was  taken  prisoner  and  died  of  his 
wounds  while  his  army  was  annihilated.37 

This  disaster  emphasised  once  again  the  altered  military 
situation  which  was  perceptible  almost  simultaneously  in  other  parts 

145 

S.E.— 10 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

of  the  kingdom.  Turkish  hold  on  the  narrow  riverine  strip  of  the 
Patna-Monghyr-Bhagalpur  districts  was  rendered  precarious  by  the 
extended  activity  of  the  surviving  Hindu  princes  of  South  Bihar 
whose  existence  was  never  seriously  affected  by  the  conquest.  Round 
Bodh-Gaya  were  the  Sena  rulers  of  Pithi  to  whose  continuous  occu¬ 
pation  of  the  district  the  votive  records  of  the  Hindu  chiefs  of  Sapia- 
dalaksha  and  Kumayun  bear  indirect  evidence.  Extension  of  Mus¬ 
lim  rule  in  Shahabad,  where  power  of  the  Mahanayakas  of  Rohtasgarh 
could  not  have  entirely  disappeared,  was  hardly  possible,  and  it  is 
only  the  late  Tibetan  traditions  which  ascribe  Turkish  suzerainty 
over  Bodh-Gaya.  Early  in  Mahmud’s  reign  even  the  town  of  Bihar 
had  to  face  Hindu  assaults,  and  the  local  governor  lost  his  life  in 
resisting  what  was  evidently  a  siege.  The  attack  failed,  but  it  was 
a  defensive  achievement  which  retained  control  over  the  route  to 
Lakhnawatl.38 

More  positive  evidence  of  Hindu  revival  comes  from  the  Sulta¬ 
nate’s  southern  frontier.  The  Chandellas  had  effected  a  speedy  re¬ 
covery,  and  by  A.D.  1241  had  earned  recognition  as  overlord  by  the 
Mahdrdnaka  of  Kakare^ika  (modern  Rewah) .  They  advanced  steadi¬ 
ly  towards  the  west  and  claimed,  in  an  inscription  of  A.D.  1263,  to 
be  ruling  over  Jhansi;  a  subsequent  record  implies  overlordship 
over  Nalpur  (Narwar),  Gopal,  Madhuban  (Mathura),  and  Gopagiri 
(Gwalior).  The  situation  became  grave  for  the  Sultanate  as  these 
localities  formed  ihe  nucleus  of  the  growing  power  of  the  Jajapellas 
(Yajvapala),  who  already  in  Iltutmish’s  reign  had  compelled  notice 
as  the  dominating  power  in  the  country  round  Narwar,  “the  greatest 
of  all  the  Rais  of  Hindustan”.  Their  pressure  on  Gwalior  latterly 
increased  to  such  an  extent  that  reinforcing  the  garrison  proved  in¬ 
effective  and,  as  mentioned  before,  Raziyya  was  obliged  to  abandon 
the  fortress.  By  A.D.  1251  the  dynasty,  under  Chahadadeva,  had 
extended  its  power  to  Chanderi  and  even  to  Malwa,  and  Balban’s  ex¬ 
pedition  in  that  year  against  the  “Rana  Chahir  Ajari”  produced  no 
more  abiding  result  than  a  temporary  capture  of  Narwar  and  Gwa¬ 
lior;  for  in  the  dynasty’s  epigraphic  and  numismatic  records  these 
places  continue  to  figure  uninterruptedly  to  as  late  a  date  as  A.D. 
1298. 39 

Just  south  of  the  Yamuna,  between  Mahoba  and  Hamirpur,  the 
Bhar  Rajputs  threatened  the  security  of  the  Doab  province.  The 
rising  power  of  the  Vaghelas  in  Rewah  who,  in  two  generations, 
acquired  control  over  most  of  the  country  south  of  Chunar  and  along 
the  Tons  river,  not  only  barred  Turkish  expansion  southwards  but 
even  endangered  the  cis- Yamuna  area.  Exertions  put  forth  by  the 
governor  of  Awadh  against  the  territory  of  “Bhatigor”  (an  old  name 
of  the  Tons  valley)  failed  to  control  this  rising  power;  even  a  full 


146 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


scale  expedition  led  by  Balban  in  A.D.  1247  into  the  country  between 
Kalanjara  and  Kara  achieved  little  beyond  raiding  the  chief’s 
stronghold.40 

Even  within  the  provinces  administered  by  the  Sultanate  an 
intensification  of  Hindu  resistance  was  in  evidence.  The  half-sub¬ 
dued  countryside  offered  enough  manoeuvring  space  for  the  local 
tribes  who,  in  the  absence  of  organised  military  leadership,  took  to  a 
form  of  guerilla  warfare.  Balban  was  obliged  to  wage  two  sangui¬ 
nary  campaigns  to  obtain  even  a  temporary  control  over  the  Aligarh 
District,  where  local  tribes,  infesting  the  highways  and  forests,  were 
to  engage  the  government’s  undivided  attention  even  in  the  next 
reign.  In  A.D.  1247  it  required  another  campaign  to  recover  por¬ 
tions  of  the  Kanauj  District  from  a  Hindu  chief.  In  the  northern 
fringe  of  the  present  Uttar  Pradesh  Delhi  government  encountered 
heavier  and  more  protracted  resistance  from  the  Hindus.  Notable 
among  these  were  the  tribes  settled  in  Budaun,  Sambhal  and  Aonla, 
described  as  the  Katehriyas,  whose  aggressions  involved  the  Delhi 
government  in  bloody  campaigns  even  far  into  the  fourteenth  cen¬ 
tury.  Their  frequent  raids  on  the  towns  of  Budaun  and  Sambhal 
rendered  Delhi’s  power  in  those  parts  almost  nugatory.  In  order  to 
supplement  the  local  governor’s  attempts  against  them,  Balban  con¬ 
ducted  a  big  expedition  in  A.D.  1254  and  pushed  through  Bijnaur  as 
far  as  the  Ramganga.  The  Katehriya  resistance  caused  heavy  casual¬ 
ties  in  the  Delhi  forces,  and  if  the  campaign  could  be  described  as  a 
success,  it  was  so  only  as  a  retaliatory  measure,  for  control  over  the 
trans-Ganga  districts  remained  as  costly  a  process  as  it  was  before. 
The  reported  success  of  the  governor  of  Meerut  in  overthrowing 
“Ranahs  and  other  independent  Hindu  tribes  inhabiting  places  as 
far  as  Rurki  and  Miapur”,  and  in  reducing  the  Bijnaur  area,  could 
have  meant  no  more  than  preliminary  operations  for  the  establish¬ 
ment  of  a  military  station  in  Amroha.41 

The  most  serious  set-back  was  in  Rajputana.  Iltutmish’s  death 
found  the  Chauhans  pressing  on  Ranthambhor,  and  Raziyya  was  oblig¬ 
ed,  as  in  the  case  of  Gwalior,  to  withdraw  from  the  fortress  which 
thenceforth  became  the  seat  of  the  later  Chauhan  dynasty  under 
Vagbhata.413  It  became  the  centre  from  which  Chauhan  power 
radiated  over  a  lengthening  arc  enclosing  northern  Rajputana  and 
the  collateral  houses  of  Kotah,  Bundi  and  Jalor.  In  inscriptions  of 
even  the  smaller  principality  of  Mewar,  ranging  in  dates  from  A.D. 
1213  to  1252, 42  victory  over  the  Turushkas  provides  special  items  of 
laudation.  Against  this  tide  of  Rajput  power,  the  military  hold 
over  Ajmer  could  be  of  little  consequence,  for  loss  of  the  recently 


147 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


established  defensive  outposts  at  Lawah,  Kasili  and  Sambhar  prac¬ 
tically  sealed  it  off. 

Punitive  expeditions  availed  but  little  to  arrest  this  trend  of 
the  military  situation.  In  A.D.  1248  Balban’s  raid  on  the  Chauhan 
strong-hold  was  repulsed;  ten  years  later  we  read  again  of  similar 
but  apparently  ineffective  raids  into  the  territories  “of  the  infidels 
of  Ranthambhor,  Bundi  and  Chitrur”.  A  factor  which  very  serious¬ 
ly  hampered  Delhi’s  striking  power  in  Rajputana  was  the  continu¬ 
ing  depredation  of  the  turbulent  people  of  the  northern  Alwar 
region  designated  as  the  “Koh-payah”  of  Mewat.  These  were  the 
Yaduvamsi  Rajputs  who,  following  the  loss  of  their  strongholds  of 
Bayana  and  Tahangarh,  spread  themselves  over  the  countryside, 
and  kept  up  an  armed  resistance  which  intensified  as  the  century 
progressed,  and  which  increasingly  tended  to  merge  in  the  general 
Rajput  offensive.  They  harried  the  districts  of  Siwalik,  Harianah, 
and  Bayana,  and  towards  the  end  of  Mahmud’s  reign,  terrorised 
even  Delhi  itself.  Heavily  distracted  by  their  raids,  which  in  A.D. 
1256  reached  as  far  as  HansI,  Balban  had  to  follow  up  his  earlier 
exertions  by  two  full-scale  campaigns  in  A.D.  1258.  But  he  could 
accomplish  little  beyond  plundering  a  few  Mewatx  villages  and 
capturing  some  of  their  leaders.  Although  not  directed  by  the 
Chauhans,  the  Mewatis  yet  appear  to  have  operated  as  their  spear¬ 
heads  which  kent  Delhi  engaged  in  its  neighbourhood  while  Ran¬ 
thambhor  accumulated  strength  and  territory.43 

VI.  BALBAN  RESTORES  THE  AUTHORITY  OF  SULTANATE 

An  effective  solution  of  these  multiplying  problems  called  for 
a  stable  central  direction  which,  in  the  circumstances,  could  only 
come  from  a  strong  king,  realistic  in  approach  and  severely  efficient 
in  execution.  For,  external  dangers  arose  as  a  direct  consequence 
of  internal  weakness,  which  was  due  to  the  state’s  incomplete  con¬ 
solidation.  The  need  for  concentrating  on  this  primary  task  was 
therefore  the  lesson  which  the  politics  of  the  last  three  decades 
clearly  brought  home  to  Balban.  The  initial  expansionist  motives 
of  Muhzz-ud-din  and  Aibak  had  qualified  Iltutmish’s  attention  to 
internal  problems  and  had  become  a  political  tradition  with  his  dy¬ 
nasty.  To  break  with  this  tradition  and  reverse  the  emphasis, 
therefore,  required  unquestioned  power  and  strong  resolution. 

Such  power  Balban  had  in  effect  wielded  as  the  Deputy  of  the 
State  ( Ndib-i-Mdmlikat );  he  was  even  known  to  have  used  some  of 
the  royal  insignia.  He  gave  form  and  content  to  Mahmud’s  king- 
ship  in  such  a  personal  manner  that  when  his  name  formally  ap¬ 
peared  on  the  coins  on  the  latter’s  death  in  A.D.  1265, 44  it  evoked 
little  comment  or  disapproval,  for  it  seemed  a  natural  process  that 


148 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


the  old  dynasty  would  merge  in  his  family.  Old  loyalties  were 
thus  continued,  but  the  new  king  sought  to  reinforce  them  still 
further  by  formulation  of  theories  of  dynastic  monarchy  expressed 
in  such  regalia  and  decorum  that  it  set  the  standard  for  future 
kings.  Like  Iltutmish,  he  also  belonged  to  the  Ilbari  clan  of  Turks, 
but  while  the  former’s  supreme  status  rested  more  on  practical  ability 
than  on  inherited  distinction,  Balban  tried  to  buttress  his  crown 
and  also  his  undoubted  abilities  with  claims  of  noble  lineage;  for  he 
regarded  himself  as  descended  from  Afrasiyab,  the  Turkish  hero 
of  Persian  mythology.  On  the  gradually  spreading  myth  of  Turkish 
racial  superiority  was  thus  superimposed  a  cult  of  family  prestige 
which  effectively  replaced  the  acquired  status  of  the  older  dynasty. 

A  supporting  theory  of  kingship  was  also  formulated  on  the  lines 
of  the  Sassanian  monarchy.  Balban  ignored  Islamic  constitutional 
principles,  and  far  outreached  his  master  when  he  spoke  of  kingship 
as  a  “divine  gift”,  and  of  the  king  as  a  “unique  personage”.  Such  a 
king  ruled  not  merely  by  protecting  Islam,  but  by  insisting  on  the 
absolute  acceptance  of  his  superhuman  status.  This  involved  a  tech¬ 
nique  of  government  which  must  suppress  all  notions  of  Tribal  or 
Islamic  republican  equality,  and  which  therefore  depended  on  the 
king’s  undoubted  ability  to  compel  the  people’s  unquestioning 
obedience.45 

Acting  on  such  ideas,  matured  during  his  deputyship,  and  in 
sharp  contrast  to  the  conduct  of  the  meek,  unassertive  Mahmud, 
Balban  inaugurated  his  reign  by  adapting  the  court  ceremonial  to 
the  new  conception.  This  included  a  rigid  insistence  on  the  zaminbos 
and  paibos  (prostrating  before  and  kissing  the  king’s  feet  or  the 
throne),  two  of  the  non-Islamic  practices  which  Iltutmish  was  vainly 
requested  by  the  jurists  to  regard  with  disfavour.  Since  the  king’s 
person  was  10  be  unapproachable,  Balban  surrounded  himself  with 
body-guards, — a  picked  band  of  impressively  uniformed,  fearsome 
soldiers  with  drawn  sabres  glittering  in  the  sun.  In  public,  he  never 
talked  except  to  his  officials,  and  that  only  through  the  Grand  Cham¬ 
berlain;  once  he  administered  a  sharp  rebuke  to  a  courtier  who 
pleaded  with  him  to  grant  an  interview  to  a  private  citizen,  a  rich 
merchant  of  Delhi,  who  offered  all  his  wealth  for  this  honour.  Even 
in  private  life,  the  consciousness  of  his  ‘unique’  status  hampered  his 
naturalness,  for  he  was  never  seen  even  by  his  immediate  attendants 
to  laugh.  When  his  eldest  son  died  in  battle,  the  sorrow  corroded 
his  heart,  but,  god-like,  he  remained  unmoved,  and  his  conduct  or 
countenance  showed  no  trace  of  his  inner  feelings.  Acting  on  the 
same  motive  he  gave  up  his  earlier  habit  of  drinking  and  prohibited 
the  same  to  his  courtiers.  The  fear  and  dignity  which  he  sought 


149 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


to  earn  by  such  frightful  correctness  of  conduct  was  heightened  by 
the  effects  of  the  Mongol  conquests  which  sent  princes  and  eminent 
scholars  flying  for  asylum  to  his  court. 

Even  more  emphatic  were  the  governmental  expressions  of  his 
autocracy  which  had  to  justify  itself  by  pitiless  efficiency.  As  one 
of  the  departments  through  whose  working  the  king’s  power  and 
correctness  are  usually  assessed,  the  judiciary  received  his  vigilant 
attention.  Justice  was  administered  with  ruthless  impartiality,  for 
it  was  not  so  much  the  Law  which  had  to  be  vindicated,  as  the  King’s 
god-like  power  which  can  suffer  no  distinction  in  its  exercise.  The 
exemplary  punishment  he  gave  to  the  governors  of  Budaun  and 
Awadh,  for  reported  cruelty  to  their  domestic  servants,453  was  not  so 
much  a  judicial  act,  as  the  exercise  of  the  king’s  right  to  seek  out 
and  punish  those  who  impinged  on  his  absolute  guarantee  of  security 
to  all.  To  this  end  he  improved  the  espionage  service  and  reporters 
were  selected  with  the  greatest  care. 

The  prevailing  insecurity  round  the  capital  afforded  him  fuller 
opportunity  to  vindicate  this  sovereign  guarantee.  The  mounting 
Rajput  offensive,  added  to  the  Mongol  pressure  and  the  rebellious 
uprising  of  the  Turkish  chiefs,  had  created  a  situation  which  strain¬ 
ed  the  government’s  resources  almost  to  the  breaking  point.  Robbers 
stalked  the  countryside,  communications  were  unsafe,  and  dense 
forests  near  Delhi  sheltered  marauders  who  menaced  even  the  city 
life.  In  the  Doab  and  Awadh  Hindu  peasants  suffered  little  control, 
and  with  the  ever-turbulent  Katehriyas  holding  Budaun  and  Amroha 
under  constant  threat,  the  king’s  prestige  was  at  a  fearfully  low  ebb. 
Balban  studied  the  problem  carefully,  and  almost  immediately  on 
his  accession  set  to  work  on  it  with  fierce  determination  and  sense 
of  urgency.  Within  a  year  forests  round  the  capital  were  cleared, 
and  robbers  hunted  out.  On  the  south-western  approach  to  the  city 
he  erected  military  posts  and  garrisoned  them  with  seasoned  Afghan 
troops  to  guard  against  the  Mewatls.  Other  approaches  were  simi¬ 
larly  fortified.  Next  year  operations  were  extended  to  the  east,  and 
the  affected  areas  of  Awadh  and  the  Doab  were  divided  into  military 
commands,  with  troops  detailed  to  campaign  relentlessly  against  the 
insurgents.  This  concentrated  drive  produced  quick  results,  and 
within  a  year  brigandage  ceased,  forests  were  cleared,  and  peasants 
returned  to  normal  obedience.  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Kampil  and 
Patiali  (Farrukhabad  District),  where  the  later  Gahadavalas  had 
founded  strongholds,  Balban  conducted  the  operations  personally, 
clearing  forests  and  building  new  roads.  Fortresses  were  erected  at 
strategic  points,  and  permanent  colonies  of  Afghan  soldier-farmers 
were  established  in  and  around  to  ensure  their  safety  and  provide  a 


150 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


local  militia.  News  of  a  fresh  Katehriya  incursion  on  Budaun  inter¬ 
rupted  the  king’s  operations  in  these  areas.  In  terrible  anger  he 
returned  to  fit  out  a  larger  force  from  Delhi  and,  moving  as  on  a  hunt¬ 
ing  expedition,  suddenly  fell  on  Katehr  like  lightning.  A  frightful 
slaughter  of  the  besieged  insurgent  population  then  followed,  their 
houses  were  burnt  and  bodies  lay  rotting  for  days  on  end,  the  stench 
fouling  the  area  as  far  as  the  Ganga.  This  calculated  ferocity 
thoroughly  cowed  down  all  potential  rebels  in  the  neighbourhood, 
and  the  districts  returned  to  peace.  Forests  were  cleared  and  a  net¬ 
work  of  roads  spread  to  facilitate  administrative  control. 

With  security  problems  as  his  primary  occupation,  Balban  thus 
kept  an  unceasing  watch  on  the  slightest  manifestation  of  those  ail¬ 
ments  which  had  paralysed  the  government  during  the  past  few 
decades.  The  conquest  was  yet  to  lead  to  settlement  in  the  country; 
the  governmental  machinery  had  to  shed  its  inchoate  and  improvised 
character  and  had  to  work  primarily  towards  integrating  the  loosely 
co-ordinated  provincial  army  commands.  There  was  no  longer  any 
organised  Hindu  opposition  on  a  large  scale  in  the  conquered  area, 
but,  ill-defined  though  it  was,  the  Sultan’s  government  had  to  fight 
its  way  through  the  countryside.  All  round  the  state  were  Indian 
powers,  whose  energies  the  Sultanate’s  recent  weakness  had  tended 
to  revive  to  such  an  extent,  that  the  original  war  of  conquest  seemed 
once  again  to  be  in  progress.  A  supremely  dangerous  complication 
was  the  Mongol  who  controlled  the  major  areas  of  the  Punjab  and 
pressed  on  up  to  the  Beas.  As  a  foreigner  the  Turk  was  cut  off  from 
his  homeland,  and  shortage  of  man-power  therefore  threatened  his 
dominating  position  in  the  Sultanate. 

During  his  deputyship  Balban  had  made  a  correct  appraisal  of 
these  recent  developments,  and  inevitably  decided  on  adopting  the 
only  possible  course  of  action,  namely  conservation  of  strength  pri¬ 
marily  for  consolidation  rather  than  expansion.  This  involved  a 
departure  from  the  policy  hitherto  guiding  the  Sultanate,  and  when 
his  courtiers,  unable  to  outgrow  the  earlier  tradition,  urged  him  to 
acquire  new  territories,  he  told  them  that  he  could  ill  afford  to 
employ  his  limited  man-power  and  resources  in  occupying  hostile 
states,  for  it  will  endanger  internal  security.  The  problem  of  safe¬ 
guarding  the  western  frontier  governed  his  foreign  policy  and  limit¬ 
ed  his  striking  power.  With  regret — for  he  was  no  pacifist — he  had 
to  restrain  himself  from  the  temptation  of  leading  “his  well-prepared 
forces  to  capture  the  distance  Ranas”.  He  constantly  reminded  him¬ 
self  of  the  prudent  counsel  not  to  overstrain  oneself  by  trying  to 
subjugate  others.  He  would  certainly  defend  his  borders  against 
aggression,  but  if  he  was  to  maintain  the  dominant  position  of  the 

151 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Turks  in  India,  as  he  was  determined  to  do,  he  could  not  extend  his 
military  commitments.46 

This  last  point  deserves  attention.  It  explains  the  ruling  temper 
of  the  Mamluk  state  which  had  resulted  in  the  main  from  the  race- 
movements  conditioning  the  initial  conquest.  A  feeling  of  racial 
superiority  sustained  the  otherwise,  loose  federation  of  the  conquer¬ 
ing  Turks  both  against  the  Hindus  and  the  Mongols.  The  State  in¬ 
evitably  took  the  character  of  a  Turkish  proprietary  concern,  and  the 
non-Turk  Indian  Muslim  found  as  in  the  early  years  of  Mahmud’s 
region,  that  any  attempt  to  claim  a  share  in  the  administration  in¬ 
tensified  the  opposition  of  the  ruling  race.  The  House  of  Iltutmish 
jealously  championed  this  racialism. 

In  itself,  this  was  an  untenable  policy;  the  effect  of  the  Mongol 
conquests  made  it  dangerously  so.  Pure-born  Turks  were  rapidly 
diminishing  in  number,  for  no  more  immigrants  came  through  the 
Mongol  barriers.  Mixing  of  blood  was  fast  producing  a  generation 
which  had  little  direct  contact  with  the  racial  traditions  of  the  Turks, 
and  had  greater  community  of  feeling  with  the  Indian  Muslims. 
Even  as  regards  the  Hindus,  a  sense  of  community  of  interest  had  to 
be  fostered  in  order  to  put  forth  the  maximum  resistance  to  the 
Mongol  barbarian.  And  through  all  these  years,  by  immigration  and 
conversion,  non-Turki  elements  tended  to  increase  as  much  in  num¬ 
ber  as  in  quality.  What  was  therefore  easy  for  Iltutmish  was 
impossible  in  the  age  when  Balban  reigned.  His  striking  power  was 
limited  by  his  racialism,  for  he  had  to  extend  the  basis  of  his  state 
in  order  to  command  those  forces  which  proved  so  irresistible  when 
used  later  by  the  Khaljis. 

But  Balban  sought  to  resist  this  process  of  time  and  employed 
his  extraordinary  energy  and  will-power  to  perpetuate  a  racial  polity 
which,  in  its  ultimate  form,  merged  with  his  absolutism.  He  sym¬ 
bolised  the  primacy  of  the  Turk,  with  his  own  power  exercised 
primarily  in  the  interest  of  his  race.  Expansion  of  the  kingdom  was 
therefore  of  less  immediate  importance  than  perfecting  the  coercive 
instrument  with  which  to  vindicate  this  superiority.  In  devoting 
his  energies  to  this  end  he,  however,  helped  in  a  necessary  historical 
process,  though  with  an  objective  which,  as  will  be  seen  presently, 
could  not  stand  the  ultimate  pressure  of  events. 

Since  defence  required  improvement  of  the  army,  Balban 
expanded  it  with  more  and  abler  personnel.  Defects  in  the  cavalry 
organization,  discovered  in  course  of  an  expedition  to  Lahore  early 
in  the  reign,  were  remedied  by  reallotting  the  revenue  assignments 
among  better  recruits  and  cashiering  the  unserviceable  men,  to  make 


152 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


that  radical  approach  to  the  problem  of  army  organization  which 
brought  outstanding  result  to  his  successor  dynasty. 

His  vigilance  nevertheless  proved  a  compensating  factor,  and 
along  the  western  border  defence  measures  against  the  Mongols 
proved  effective.  Balban’s  cousin  Sher  Khan  held  the  frontier  pro¬ 
vinces  of  Multan  and  Dipalpur  till  his  death  a  few  years  after  the 
Sultan’s  accession,  and  was  reported  to  have  been  “like  the  walls 
of  Gog  and  Magog  to  the  Mongols”.  When  appointing  a  successor, 
Balban  decided  on  reducing  the  extent  of  the  governor’s  administra¬ 
tive  responsibility  so  that  his  striking  power  remained  unhampered. 
While  Multan  and  Dipalpur  were  placed  under  his  eldest  son 
Muhammad,  the  eastern  district  of  Bhatinda  was  separated  to  become 
the  forward  base  of  the  Sunam-Samana  provincial  command  which, 
under  his  second  son  Bughra  Khan,  was  detailed  to  hold  the  Beas 
line.  While  Prince  Muhammad  v/as  made  the  supreme  commander 
of  the  entire  frontier  region,  under  each  of  the  two  commanders  a 
picked  force  of  eighteen  thousand  horsemen  was  provided  to  hold 
the  strategic  points,  while  an  equally  strong  reserve  force,  based  on 
Delhi,  was  to  supplement  the  defence  as  occasion  demanded.  The 
result  of  this  arrangement  was  a  vast  improvement  in  the  defence 
strategy,  ensuring  quick  and  co-ordinated  action.  Although  Lahore 
remained  as  a  border  region,  yet  the  Mongols  were  effectively  check¬ 
ed,  and  we  are  told  that  whenever  they  tried  to  cross  the  Beas,  the 
three  forces  quickly  converged,  and  “as  a  result  of  the  several  vic¬ 
tories  obtained  over  them  they  never  dared  to  approach  the  river  any 
more”.  A  greater  concentration  was  effected  towards  the  end  of 
the  reign  when,  in  view  of  Bughra’s  proposed  transfer  to  Lakhnawati, 
the  Sunam-Samana  command  was  divided  into  smaller  regional 
units,  all  co-ordinated  to  work  under  the  overall  command  of  Prince 
Muhammad.  The  effect  of  this  strategy  was  soon  felt  by  the  Mongols, 
for  the  prince  easily  kept  them  beyond  the  Sindhu,  and  annually  sent 
to  Delhi  captives  taken  from  among  the  raiders.47 

Contemporary  accounts  bear  eloquent  testimony  to  the  security 
which  directly  resulted  from  all  these  measures.  The  king  was  held 
in  awe,  and  the  governing  machinery  worked  with  ruthless  efficiency 
for  peace.  The  only  incident  which  marred  this  picture  was  a  rebel¬ 
lion  in  the  distant  Bengal,  but  its  costly  failure  only  emphasised  the 
terrible  strength  of  the  will  which  worked  that  machine.  Lakhna¬ 
wati  had  shown  persistent  disapproval  of  her  subservience  to  Delhi, 
and  throughout  the  Mamluk  period  the  province  was  in  chronic  dis¬ 
temper,  distance  and  climatic  hazards  adding  to  the  ease  with  which 
ambitious  governors  often  flouted  the  central  government.  During 
the  last  decade  of  Mahmud’s  reign  Lakhnawati  enjoyed,  as  mentioned 


158 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


earlier,  unmolested  autonomy  under  Arsalan  Khan,  who  annexed 
Bihar  and  bequeathed  the  territories  to  his  son  Tatar  Khan.  One  of 
the  latter’s  inscriptions,  dated  A.D.  1265,  claims  almost  imperial 
status  for  him,  but  he  appears  to  have  avoided  open  proclamation  of 
sovereignty,  and  even  to  have  placated  Balban  by  sending  token  pre¬ 
sents.  Whether  he  died  or  was  removed  shortly  after  is  uncertain, 
but  Delhi’s  control  over  the  province  was  firm  enough  to  enable  one 
of  Balban’s  freedmen,  named  Tughril,  to  be  appointed  governor. 
Tughril,  however,  lost  no  time  in  imbibing  the  country’s  political 
tradition,  for,  having  earned  popularity  by  liberal  and  efficient 
administration,  and  increased  his  resources  by  raids  into  the  neigh¬ 
bouring  Hindu  states,  he  allowed,  as  the  chronicler  puts  it,  “the  bird 
of  rebellion  to  lay  eggs  in  his  brain”.  Balban’s  alleged  infirmity,  due 
to  advanced  age,  was  considered  to  offer  a  good  opportunity,  and  so, 
some  time  in  A.D.  1280,  Tughril  signified  his  rebellion  by  withhold 
ing  the  king’s  share  of  the  booty  captured  in  his  latest  expedition. 
This  he  followed  up  by  a  formal  declaration  of  sovereignty,  clothed 
with  the  regal  title  of  Sultan  Mughls-ud-dm.  He  defeated  the  force 
sent  by  Balban  under  Amin  Khan,  the  governor  of  Awadh, — most  of 
the  Royal  troops  deserting  to  his  side,  as  Hindu  tribes  harassed  their 
retreat. 

The  news  of  this  reverse  hurt  Balban’s  pride  and  the  vanquished 
general  was  hanged  for  his  failure  to  vindicate  the  king’s  authority. 
But  when  the  next  two  succeeding  expeditions  also  met  with  a 
similar  fate,  the  king  decided  to  stake  everything  on  this  challenge 
to  his  prestige.  Vowing  never  to  return  without  the  rebel’s  head,  he 
set  out  personally  at  the  head  of  a  large  force  of  provincial  and 
special  troops,  and  ignoring  the  hazards  of  the  rainy  season  he  march¬ 
ed  expeditiously  through  Awadh  and  North  Bihar.  He  encountered 
no  opposition,  and  found  on  arrival  that  the  city  of  Lakhnawati  had 
been  evacuated  by  the  rebel.  Tughril  was  frightened  by  the  unexpect¬ 
ed  hardening  of  the  octogenarian  king’s  will,  and  was  reported  to 
be  hiding  in  the  eastern  districts.  His  plan  was  obviously  to 
depend  on  the  climate  and  the  water-logged  country  to  wear  out  the 
king’s  forces.  But  Balban  pushed  towards  Sonargaon  where  the 
local  ruler  Danujamadhava  of  the  Deva  dynasty  was  persuaded  to 
co-operate  in  preventing  the  rebel’s  flight  by  the  water-routes  of  his 
kingdom,  which,  it  appears,  extended  to  the  Feni  river.48  With  the 
rivers  thus  closed  to  him,  Tughril  moved  by  land  towards  the 
Tippera  frontier,  but  Balban  scented  his  trail  and  sent  detachments 
to  scour  the  countryside.  One  of  these  eventually  came  upon  the 
rebel  camp,  fell  on  the  unsuspecting  troops,  and  cut. off  Tughril’s  head 
as  he  tried  to  escape.  With  the  rebel’s  adherents  in  chain,  Balban 
returned  to  Lakhnawati  to  execute  everyone  suspected  of  the 


154 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


slightest  sympathy  with  him.  Their  corpses,  hung  on  gibbets,  lined 
the  main  bazaar,  and  while  advising  his  son  Bughra  Khan,  whom  he 
left  in  charge  of  the  province,  he  tellingly  pointed  to  these  emphatic 
proofs  of  the  king’s  unconquerable  power. 

As  he  returned  triumphantly  after  three  years,  governors  and 
chiefs  hastened  to  congratulate  and  to  reaffirm  their  subservience. 
Perfect  peace  and  order  prevailed  in  every  part  of  the  kingdom,  and 
the  Sultan’s  prestige  was  at  its  height.  Balban  could  feel  legitimate 
pride  in  restoring  order  and  in  completing  Iltutmish’s  work,  for 
he  had  almost  recreated  the  Sultanate.  This  he  never  tired  of  in¬ 
stilling  into  the  mind  of  his  heir  apparent,  his  eldest  son  Muham¬ 
mad,  a  prince  whose  qualities  evoked  warm  praise  from  all  his  con¬ 
temporaries.  Muhammad,  however,  was  not  destined  to  succeed  his 
father,  for  early  in  A.D.  1286  he  was  killed  in  a  fierce  engagement 
with  the  Mongols  in  course  of  one  of  their  periodical  raids  on  the 
Lahore-Dipalpur  border.  This  meant  no  military  set-back,  as  the 
Mongols  were  eventually  expelled,  but  the  prince’s  death,  frust¬ 
rating  all  his  hopes,  came  as  a  fatal  shock  to  the  old  monarch.  For 
Bughra  Khan  was  no  substitute.  The  iron  king  remained  calm  in 
public  but  melted  in  tears  in  his  nightly  solitude. 

Balban  lived  for  a  year  more,  weighed  down  by  sickness  and 
anxiety.  He  summoned  Bughra  to  be  near  his  death-bed  and  as¬ 
sume  the  eventual  responsibility.  But  the  prince,  avoiding  a 
direct  refusal,  waited  for  the  king  to  recover  slightly,  and  then 
slipped  away  from  the  hazards  of  the  Delhi  throne  to  the  enervat¬ 
ing  ease  of  Lakhnawatl.  On  the  way  he  heard  of  his  father’s  re¬ 
lapse  but  he  stuck  to  his  decision.  With  his  end  approaching  fast, 
and  thus  left  with  a  choice  between  his  two  grandsons,  both  adole¬ 
scents,  the  king,  resigned  to  his  predicament,  nominated  Kaikhus- 
rav,  son  of  the  deceased  Muhammad.  In  so  doing  he  only  provided 
for  his  dynasty,  but  for  carrying  on  his  policy  he  depended  ulti¬ 
mately  on  his  friends,  notably  the  Kotwal  and  the  Wazir,  to  whom 
his  dying  request  was  to  render  the  prince  all  necessary  help  and 
guidance.  He  breathed  his  last  in  A.D.  1287. 

In  keeping  alive  the  traditions  of  the  Sultanate’s  founders, 
Balban  had  ruthlessly  held  back  the  new  forces  which  insistently 
demanded  adjustment.  His  achievement  lay  in  the  strength  with 
which  the  State  was  regenerated,  and  it  was  obvious  that  he  was 
irreplaceable  in  the  scheme  in  which  the  Sultanate  was  meant  to 
function.  His  courtiers,  therefore,  had  reason  to  mourn  the  death 
of  this  stern  king,  for,  as  the  Kotwal  put  it,  he  was  their  only  gua¬ 
rantee  “against  every  upstart  who  would  now  aspire  to  the  crown”, 
and  against  the  consequent  “destruction  of  the  old  aristocracy”.49 


155 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


VII.  THE  END  OF  BALBAN’S  DYNASTY 

Since  Balban  resisted  the  new  social  forces,  adjustment  through 
violent  process  became  inevitable  when  his  ruthless  will  was  stilled 
by  death.  The  history  of  the  next  reign  of  three  years  was  a 
quickening  of  this  process,  the  king’s  incapacity  giving  a  handle  to 
his  jealous  and  more  conservative  nobles  to  raise  a  wall  round  their 
power  without  the  necessary  ability  to  reinforce  it.  The  bursting 
that  resulted  was  less  violent  than  it  could  have  been,  but  more 
revolutionary  in  implications  that  what  Balban  had  striven  to 
oppose. 

How  his  pervasive  strength  of  will  was  necessary  to  divert  the 
latent  factiousness  of  the  Turk  was  seen,  by  contrast,  when  on  the 
night  of  his  death,  and  flouting  his  wish,  the  Kotwal ,  who  bore 
personal  animosity  to  prince  Muhammad’s  family,  manoeuvred 
Kaikhursrav  out  of  the  capital  and  had  Kaiqubad,  Bughra  Khan’s 
son,  proclaimed  king.  Kaikhusrav  was  sent  off  as  governor  of  Mul¬ 
tan  and  his  supporters,  headed  by  the  Wazir ,  were  all  imprisoned 
and  exiled.  The  government  thus  became  a  family  oligarchy  in 
which  the  Kotwal* s  scheming  and  able  son-in-law  Nizam-ud-din  was 
enabled  quickly  to  gather  the  strings  of  power. 

Nizam-ud-din  sedulously  encouraged  the  youthful  king’s  thirst 
for  sensuous  pleasure,  denied  to  him  by  the  austere  grandfather. 
Wine,  women  and  song  kept  the  Sultan  busy,  and  the  gaiety  soon 
infected  the  court  and  became  the  norm  of  city-life.  The  adminis¬ 
trative  machine  was  kept  going  only  by  the  momentum  gathered 
in  the  last  reign,  and  the  frontier  defences  retained  enough  strength 
and  cohesion  to  repeat  the  earlier  triumphs  over  the  Mongols. 
Nizam-ud-din  possessed  the  dictator’s  ability,  and  although  offi¬ 
cially  only  the  city-magistrate  ( Dad-beg )  of  Delhi,  his  authority  as 
the  de  facto  ruler  was  openly  admitted.  With  the  king  completely 
under  his  control — he  sent  his  wife  to  supervise  Kaiqubad’s  harem 
— the  dictator  used  his  opportunities  towards  consolidating  his 
power  for  the  final  usurpation  which  to  everyone  appeared  in¬ 
evitable  and  even  necessary.  Within  six  months  Kaikhusrav  was 
murdered,  supposedly  under  the  king’s  orders;  the  new  Wazir , 
Khwaja  Khatlr,  was  next  removed,  and  a  charge  of  sedition  was 
trumped  up  to  replace  a  large  number  of  influential  officers  by 
Nizam-ud-din’s  own  creatures. 

But  he  was  not  to  reap  the  fruit  of  his  labour.  Report  of 
Kaiqubad’s  heedless  gaiety  and  his  impending  fall  reached  his  father 
in  Lakhnawati,  and  the  family  shirker  was  at  last  roused  to  a  sense 
of  paternal  responsibility.  Letters  and  messages  being  of  no  avail, 


156 


THE  MAML.UK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


Bughra  eventually  decided  to  meet  his  son,  and  a  meeting  was 
arranged  on  the  border  of  Awadh.  Some  writers,  including  Amir 
Khusrav  who  wrote  a  long  poetical  account  celebrating  the  occa¬ 
sion,  refer  to  political  motives  actuating  the  fathe?  ■  In  any 
case,  moved  in  full  military  strength.  Kaiqubav.  ruarcned  with 
an  army  to  the  camp  on  the  Saraju  river  and,  under  Nizam-ud- 
din’s  instructions,  insisted  on  the  Lakhnawatl  ruler  coming  over 
from  the  other  side  and  paying  respects  due  to  the  Sultan  of  Delhi. 
A  protracted  exchange  of  arguments  on  points  of  procedure,  punc¬ 
tuated  by  occasional  threats,  was  ended  by  the  father  finally  agree¬ 
ing  to  do  homage  to  Balban’s  successor.  The  meeting  that  follow¬ 
ed  is  one  of  the  tenderest  incidents  of  medieval  history.  Kai- 
qubad  affected  stern  dignity  as  Bughra  Khan,  bowing  and  kissing 
the  ground,  approached  his  feet,  but  his  feeling  welled  up  at  length, 
and  the  audience  broke  into  sobs  as  the  son  tearfully  clasped  his 
father.  For  three  days  Bughra  Khan  gave  him  paternal  advice  to 
mend  his  ways  and  realise  his  responsibilities,  repeating  what  he 
had  himself  heard  in  vain  from  Balban,  and,  while  taking  leave, 
whispered  a  request  to  “get  rid  of  men  like  Nizam-ud-din’’. 

Kaiqubad’s  impulsive  resolution  to  heed  his  father’s  advice 
and  correct  his  ways,  however,  gave  way  even  before  he  reached 
Delhi,  but  Nizam-ud-dln’s  rivals  sought  opportunities  to  remind  him 
of  Bughra’s  parting  advice.  The  dictator  lacked  the  daring  and 
quick  decision  of  a  soldier,  and  so  used  backstairs  method  to  de¬ 
stroy  his  rivals  while  putting  off  the  final  action.  The  governor 
of  Multan  provoked  his  jealously  by  his  famed  victories  over  the 
Mongols,  and  so  was  killed;  Malik  Tuzaki,  the  recently  appointed 
army  minister,  was  similarly  removed.  But  then,  in  a  drunken  fit, 
Kaiqubad,  reminded  of  his  father’s  advice,  ordered  Nizam-ud-din 
to  proceed  to  Multan  as  governor,  and  on  his  hesitating  to  comply, 
caused  him  to  be  poisoned. 

The  sudden  disappearance  of  this  one  dominant  and  stable  fac¬ 
tor  in  the  government,  however,  created  a  vacuum  which  neither 
the  king  nor  any  of  his  courtiers  was  able  effectively  to  fill.  Ziya- 
ud-din  BaranI  pictures  the  resulting  state  of  affairs  as  a  chaos  in 
which  jealous,  power-loving  men  of  no  ability  kept  pursuing  each 
other,  while  the  king  sank  rapidly  under  the  cumulative  effects  of 
his  excesses.  Two  of  the  new  court  functionaries,  the  Amir-i-Hajib 
Malik  Kachhan  and  the  Barbak  Malik  Surkha,  controlled  the  king’s 
establishment,  and  so  were  enabled  to  initiate  policy.  Seeking  to 
safeguard  their  power  as  guardians  of  Balban’s  heritage,  they  plan¬ 
ned  a  rigid  enforcement  of  his  racialism  which,  as  evidenced  by 
some  of  the  recent  appointments,  was  tending  to  lose  its  primary 


157 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


stress.  Deciding  to  begin  with  a  purge  of  all  undesirable  non-Turki 
elements  in  the  administration,  they  drew  up  a  list  of  men  whose 
elimination  was  to  be  effected  urgently  and  under  the  king’s  autho¬ 
rity.  As  the  afflicted  Kaiqubad  had  become  unserviceable  even  as 
a  titular  head,  the  policy-makers  took  the  radical  step  of  finding  a 
new  king  for  their  use,  in  the  person  of  the  three  year  old  prince 
Kayumars  who  was  formally  proclaimed  king  as  Shams-ud-din.  In 
A.D.  1289  Kaiqubad’s  reign  thus  faded  into  that  of  his  son. 

But  before  the  Regency  Council,  formed  by  Kachhan,  Surkha 
and  the  Kotwal,  could  begin  implementing  the  new  programme  and 
strike  at  the  listed  men,  the  initiative  was  seized  by  the  opposing 
forces.  Heading  the  black  list  was  Malik  Yaghrash  Firuz,  leader 
of  an  influential  and  numerous  clan  known  as  the  Khalji,  who,  be¬ 
cause  of  their  early  separation  from  Turkistan,  were  universally, 
though  erroneously,  believed  to  be  of  non-Turki  stock.  His  recent 
appointment  to  the  army  ministry  was  considered  a  dangerous  vio¬ 
lation  of  Balban’s  principles,  but  since  his  open  dismissal  was  like¬ 
ly  to  prove  ineffective  as  he  had  the  army’s  support,  Kachhan  had 
volunteered  to  assassinate  him.  One  of  his  servants,  named  Ahmad 
Chap,  however,  happened  to  be  the  Khalji  chief’s  nephew,  and  so 
apprised  the  latter  of  the  conspiracy.  Firuz  thereupon  collected 
his  kinsmen,  and  shifted  his  headquarters  from  Delhi  to  the  sub¬ 
urban  village  of  Giyaspur  where  an  army  muster  had  been  sche¬ 
duled.  Unaware  of  all  this,  and  anxious  to  decoy  him  from  his 
people,  Kachhan  one  day  rode  up  to  deliver  an  urgent  summons 
from  the  king’s  court.  Firuz  begged  for  time  to  finish  the  parade, 
and  then  as  Kachhan  relaxed  in  the  tent-shade,  cut  off  his  head. 
He  followed  it  up  with  an  immediate  raid  into  the  king’s  palace, 
and  carried  away  the  boy-king  before  the  Delhi  citizens  could 
realise  the  significance  of  these  happenings.  But  the  initial  coup 
provide  decisive.  On  the  persuasion  of  the  Kotwal  the  citizens  re¬ 
strained  themselves  from  streaming  out  to  an  unequal  contest,  and 
a  feeling  of  hopelessness  seized  most  of  the  Turkish  officers.  With 
the  king  now  in  his  control,  Firuz  was  able  to  legitimise  his  vic¬ 
tory  and  dispense  the  offices.  Both  the  Kotwal  and  Balban’s  nep¬ 
hew  having  disdained  to  receive  the  office  of  the  Naib  (Deputy  of 
the  Kingdom)  from  him,  Firuz  accepted  it  himself,  and  for  three 
months  continued  this  fiction  of  Balban’s  dynasty.  How  this  fiction 
was  finally  closed  and  Kayumars  disappeared  from  history,  is  not 
recorded,  but  Firuz  only  gave  form  to  the  realities  of  the  situation 
and  symbolized  the  coming  of  a  new  age,  when  he  proclaimed  his 
own  accession60  as  Sultan  Jalal-ud-dln  Firuz  on  June  18,  1290. 


158 


THE  MAMLUK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 


I.  This  dynasty  is  usually  referred  to  as  Slave  Dynasty  in  Indian  history.  But 
of  the  nine  rulers,  only,  three,  Aibak,  Iltutmish  and  Balban,  began  their  poli¬ 
tical  career  as  bond-slaves;  all  the  others  were  freemen.  Among  the  three  it 
was  only  Aibak  whose  manumission  followed  his  accession  to  sovereign  power, 
Iltutmish  and  Balban  both  having  obtained  their  freedom  early  in  their  life. 
None  of  these  rulers  in  any  case  assumed  the  insignia  of  royalty  while  still  a 
slave.  To  describe  the  entire  series  of  these  rulers  as  the  Slave  Dynasty,  is, 
therefore,  inappropriate,  even  if  it  is  overlooked  that  they  belonged  not  to  one 
but  to  three  dynasties  or  families.  And  yet  they  have  obvious  difference  with 
the  later  Turkish  dynasties, — difference  emphasised  by  the  domination  of  freed- 
mcn  grouped  round  leading  members  of  the  same  class  and  functioning  as  a 
closed  oligarchy  and  seeking  reinforcement  only  from  similar  bondsmen. 
These  features  are  exactly  paralleled  in  contemporary  Egypt  where  the  Turks, 
supplanting  the  Ayyubide  dynasty  in  1250,  ruled  up  to  the  Ottoman  conquest 
through  a  series  of  ex-slaves  recruited  and  trained  by  means  of  a  rigidly  con¬ 
trolled  organization  and  who  never  cared  for  the  principle  of  hereditary  succes¬ 
sion.  To  mediaeval  historians  they  are  known  as  the  Mamliiks,  lit.  ‘owned’  (from 
Arabic  ‘raalaJc’,  to  possess),  based  on  the  Quranic  term  for  a  slave,  “and  what 
your  right  hands  possess”  (xvi,  77).  Being  of  such  long  usage  in  Muslim 
history  and  indicative  of  what  seems  to  be  a  widespread  Turkish  practice  in 
the  Middle  Ages  the  term  Mamluk  has  thus  greater  applicability  to  the 
thirteenth  century  lulers  of  Delhi  than  the  word  ‘slave’  which  implies  a  life¬ 
long  servitude. 

2.  See  above,  p.  124.  Andkhul  is  also  spelt  as  Andkhud. 

3.  The  long-drawn  struggle  between  the  Indian  States  and  the  Sultanate  of  Delhi 
has  been  described  in  detail  in  connection  with  the  history  of  those  states  in 
Chs.  II  and  III  above. 

4.  TN,  pp.  88-89. 

5.  Hasan  Nizami,  I.O.  Ms.  f.  202  a;  TN,  p.  140.  For  Yildiz’s  position  in  Ghur  and 
the  Khvarazmi  pressure,  see  Mir  Khvand,  Rauzat-us-Safa,  IV,  pp.  126-27.  For 
Qabacha’s  coins  see  JASB,  1887,  p.  171. 

6.  TN,  p.  158. 

7.  For  coins  evidencing  Parihara  rule,  including  those  of  Malay avarmadeva,  in 
Narwar,  Gwalior  and  Jhansi,  see  Ojna,  Rdjputdne-lca-ItiJiasa,  I,  p.  166;  I  A.  1918, 
p.  241;  also  Cunningham,  Arch.  Sur.  Reports,  II,  315,  378-381.  Account  of 
Ranthambhor’s  recovery  of  independence  under  Govindaraja  is  to  be  found  in 
the  fragmentary  Rajput  ballad,  Hammira-Mahdkdvya,  I  A,  1879,  p.  69.  See  also 
a  reference  to  Ranthambhor’s  suzerainty  over  Jaitra  Singh  of  Manglana,  in 
IA,  XVI,  p.  86. 

8.  TN,  p.  135;  Hasan  Nizami,  op.  cit.,  f.  230  b. 

9.  Ibid,  op.  cit.,  f.  245;  TN,  p.  171. 

10.  For  Chingiz  Khan’s  operations  against  Khvarazm  Shah  and  the  flight  of  the 
prince  Jalal-ud-dln,  see  Juwaini,  Ta’nkh-i-Jahan  Kusha,  II,  pp.  140  sq.; 
Howroth,  History  of  the  Mongols,  I,  p.  90;  Nessawi,  Sirat-i-Jaldl-ud-din 
Mangbarni,  ed.  Scheffer,  pp.  83-84;  see  also  TN,  pp.  171,  293.  A  detailed  account 
is  in  Habibullah,  Foundation  of  Muslim  Rule  in  India,  pp.  191-97. 

II.  TN,  p.  144;  Aufi,  Jwamiul  Hikdyat,  I.O.  Ms.  f.  3a. 

12.  TN,  pp.  160-164;  174,  231-232.  For  ‘Iwaz’s  coins,  see  Thomas  in  JRAS,  VI  p.  348; 
Wright,  Coins  and  Metrology  of  the  Sultans  of  Delhi ,  pp.  15-16.  For  reference 
to  the  conflict  of  the  Senas  with  the  Garga-Yavanas,  see  JASB,  1896,  pp.  5-6; 
X  (N.S.)  pp.  99-104;  HBR,  I.  226.  For  Orissa  and  Kamarupa,,  see  JASB,  1898, 
pp.317-327;  1903,  p.  109;  El,  XIII,  p.  150;  Barua,  Early  History  of  Kamarupa, 
p.  224;  Gait,  History  of  Assam,  p.  37.  For  ‘Iwaz’s  public  works  see  Abid  Ali, 
Gaiir  and  Panduah. 

13.  See  note  7  above. 

14.  El,  IX,  pp.  72-73;  IA,  XVI,  p.  36. 

15.  Hasan  Nizami,  (Elliot’s  trans.)  HIED,  II,  p.  241;  Ojha,  op.  cit.  I,  p.  272  II,  p.  462. 

16.  TN,  p.  175.  Cf.  Hiraman  Munshi,  Gwalior  Namah  I.O. Ms.  f.  11;  see  El,  VII, 
pp.  223-224,  ami  IA.  1918.  p.  242.  for  a  wrong  identification  of  this  Chnhndndeva 
wilh  C'hnhadadeva  of  Kanlhuinbhor.  See  above,  p.  07. 

17.  TN,  pp.  170,  179,  247;  Cf.  Ray,  DHN1,  I,  p.  547. 

159 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


18.  TN,  p.  174.  For  a  silver  commemorative  coin,  see  Thomas,  Chronicles  of  the 
Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi ,  no.  28,  and  Wright,  op.  cit.  p.  18,  no.  50c. 

19.  These  Turks  had,  during  the  reign  of  Iltutmish,  divided  among  themselves  all 
the  great  fiefs  and  all  the  highest  offices  in  the  State. 

20.  TN,  p.  392. 

21.  Ibid,  pp.  184-89,  235  and  253;  Isami,  Futuh'us-Salatin  ed.  Mahdi  HJusain,  pp. 
127-29;  Ibn  Batuta,  Kitabur  Rihla,  ed.  Defremery  &  Sanguinetti,  II,  pp.  25-26. 

22.  TN,  pp.  191-192,  253. 

23.  Idem,  See  also  Haji  Dabir,  An  Arabic  History  of  Gujrat,  ed.  Ross,  II,  p.  704; 
TA,  I,  p.  68.  For  a  full  account  of  Raziyya’s  reign,  see  Sultana  Raziah ,  in  IHQ, 
1940. 

24.  TN,  p.  197. 

25.  Ibid l,  pp.  189,  201. 

26.  For  Raihan’s  episode,  TN,  pp.  217,  280  &  298. 

27.  For  Tughan  Khan's  Orissan  campaigns,  ibid,  pp.  243-246;  Banerji,  History  of 

OHssa,  I,  p.  263.  On  Katasingh,  see  N.  Vasu,  Vangiya  Sdhitya  Parishad  Patrika 
XVI,  p.  132,  note  1.  , 

28.  Epigraphia  Indo-Moslemica,  1913,  pp.  23-24;  Barahdari  inscription,  Bihar. 

29.  TN,  p.  195. 

30.  Ibid,  pp.  212,  214,  217,  270-71.  Tarikh-e-Wassdf,  British  Museum  Ms.  f.  254b. 

31.  Ibid,  p.  314. 

32.  Ibid,  p.  322. 

33.  Ibid,  pp.  317  319. 

34.  Isami,  op.  cit.  pp.  147-150. 

35.  JASB,  LXV,  pp.  223-257;  Banerji,  op.  cit.  I,  p.  267. 

36.  Catalogue  of  Coins  in  the  Indian  Museum,  II,  p.  146,  no.  61.  For  Arzbadan,  see 
JASB,  (N.S.)  V,  pp.  215-17. 

37.  TN,  pp.  263-65;  also,  Barua,  op.  cit.  p.  199. 

38.  TN,  p.  259.  For  the  rulers  of  PIthI,  see  I  A,  1875,  p.  366;  1919,  p.  47;  JASB,  V 
p.  658;  IA,  X,  p.  346;  JASB,  1913,'  pp.  72-73;  El,  XII,  p.  27;  HBR,  I,  pp.  259-61; 
also  IA,  1887,  p.  341,  7;  JASB.  (N.S.)  XVII,  p.  222. 

39.  IA,  1918,  p.  241.  On  the  Jajapellas,  see  also,  El,  VII,  pp.  223-24. 

40.  TN,  p.  291.  On  the  Vaghelas,  see  JASB,  1881,  p.  34;  Cunningham,  op  cit.  XXI, 
p.  106;  Memoirs  of  the  Archaeological  Survey  of  India,  No.  21,  p.  12;  also,  Ray, 
op.  cit.  II,  p.  720. 

41.  TN,  p.  280. 

41a.  See  above,  p.  85. 

42.  I  A,  1928,  p.  32;  Vienna  Oriental  Journal,  “the  Chirwa  Inscription”,  in  Vol.  XXI; 
also  Bhavnagar  Inscriptions,  p.  93. 

43.  TN,  p.  285;  also  pp.  313-315. 

44.  Mahmud’s  latest  coin  is  dated  664,  although  Baranl  places  Balban’s  accession 
in  1263;  see  Wright  op.  cit.  p.  54,  No.  224;  Balban’s  earliest  coin  was  also  in 
the  same  year,  see  ibid,  p.  59,  No.  242a.  For  converting  the  Hijra  into  Christian 
date,  Wolseley  Haig’s  Comparative  Tables  of  Muhammadan  and  Christian  dates 
(London,  1933)  has  been  used.  Christian  dates  given  in  the  text  indicate  only 
the  beginning  of  the  Hijra  year.  On  the  correct  date  of  Balban’s  accession,  see 
Haji  Dabir,  op.  cit.  II,  p.  725,  and  also  Ta’rikh-i-Alfi,  British  Museum  Ms.  f.  61a. 

45.  Baranl,  pp.  34-35,  37,  40,  70-71. 

45a.  For  a  detailed  account,  cf.  CHI,  III.  74-5;  HIED,  III.  101. 

46.  For  a  full  account  of  his  discourses,  see  Baranl,  pp.  50-53. 

47.  Ibid,  pp.  75,  81.  , 

48.  For  this  prince  and  his  dynasty,  see  above,  p.  42  and  HBR,  I,  pp.  254-59.  For  a 
fuller  account  of  the  whole  episode  see  Habibullah,  op.  cit.  pp.  164-168. 

49.  Baranl,  p.  123. 

50.  Baranl  wrongly  dates  the  event  in  1289,  p.  175;  FIruz  KhaljTs  earliest  coin — a 
gold  piece — is  dated  689/1290;  Wright,  op.  cit.  p.  83,  No.  280.  For  details  of 
events  leading  up  to  his  accession,  see  Habibullah,  op.  cit ,  pp.  175-187. 


160 


CHAPTER  VI 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS 

OF  KALYANA 

© 

1.  TAILA  II  (A.D.  973-997) 

'  .4 

Taila  II,  who  re-established  the  sovereignty  of  the  Chalukyas  in 
the  Deccan  after  overthrowing  the  Rashtrakuta  Karkka  II  in  A.D. 
973-74,  claims  to  be  a  remote  descendant  of  the  Chalukya  dynasty 
of  Badami.  The  Chalukya  KIrttivarman  II  of  that  dynasty,  who  was 
dethroned  by  the  Rashtrakuta  Dantidurga  in  the  middle  of  the 
eighth  century,1  is  said  to  have  had  an  uncle  whose  name  was  possi¬ 
bly  Bhlma.  Bhima  was  followed  in  succession  by  KIrttivarman  III, 
Taila  I,  Vikramaditya  III,  Bhlma  II,  Ayyana  I,  and  Vikramaditya 
IV.2  Of  them  Ayyana  I  is  known  to  have  married  the  daughter 
of  the  Rashtrakuta  Krishna  II  of  Manyakheta,  and  Vikramaditya  IV 
married  BonthadevI,  the  daughter  of  the  Kalachuri  Lakshmana  of 
Tripurl.  Vikramaditya  IV’s  son  and  successor  was  Taila  II.  Two 
inscriptions,  dated  A.D.  957  and  965,  disclose  that  Taila  II  was,  in 
the  early  part  of  his  life,  a  feudatory  of  the  Rashtrakuta  Krishna  III 
in  Tardavadi  1000  country.  Tardavadi  is  now  represented  by  the 
small  village  of  Taddewadi  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Bhlma,  in 
the  Indi  Taluk,  Bijapur  District,  Bombay  State.  The  Bagewadi 
Taluk  of  this  district  was  also  included  in  it.  It  may  be  assumed 
that  the  predecessors  of  Taila  II  also  ruled  this  country  as  feuda¬ 
tories  of  the  Imperial  Rashtrakutas.  A  number  of  other  Chalukya 

families  also  ruled  in  the  Deccan  as  vassals  of  the  Rashtrakutas 

•  • 

during  this  period,  but  their  relation  with  the  main  line  is  not 
known. 

Circumstances  leading  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Rashtrakutas 
by  Taila  II  in  A.D.  973-74  have  been  described  above3  Taila  II 
was  variously  known  as  Tailapa,  Tailappa  and  Tailappaya.  He 
assumed  the  titles  Ahavamalla  and  Bhuvanaikamalla,  and  his  capi¬ 
tal  was  Manyakheta  at  least  up  to  A.D.  993.  Immediately  after 
his  accession  Taila  II  devoted  his  energies  to  the  consolidation  of 
his  power.  He  found  in  Ganga  Panchaladeva,  who  made  himself 
master  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Ganga  Marasimha  II,  his  strong  rival. 
Pahchaladeva’s  kingdom  included  Mulgunda  12  (modern  Mulgund, 
in  the  DharWar  District)  in  Belvola  300,  in  A.D.  975,  and  is  said  to 
have  extended  up  to  the  Krishna  on  the  north.  Panchaladeva,  who 

161 

S.E.— 11 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


is  described  as  the  ‘Chalukya-pahchanana,’  i.e.  a  very  lion  to  the 
Chalukyas,  challenged  the  authority  of  Taila  II.  Taila  II,  along 
with  his  general  Nagadeva,  the  Ganga  Bhutigadeva,  and  many  feu¬ 
datory  chiefs,  confronted  his  rival  in  the  battlefield.  Bhutigadeva, 
who  was  the  governor  of  Kogali  500,  the  country  round  the  village 
Kogali,  in  the  Hadagalli  Taluk ,  Bellary  District,  Madras  State,  under 
the  Rashtrakuta  Khottiga  in  A.D.  972,  seems  to  have  been  dislodged 
from  his  position  by  Panchaladeva.  In  the  initial  stage  of  the  battle 
that  followed  Panchaladeva  reduced  Taila  II  into  a  very  precarious 
condition,  as  the  Chalukya  feudatories,  who  were  in  the  rear,  took 
to  flight.  The  situation  was  eventually  saved  by  Bhutigadeva,  who 
succeeded  in  defeating  and  killing  Panchaladeva.  In  recognition  of 
this  service  Taila  II  honoured  him  with  the  title  Ahavamalla,  and 
made  him  the  feudatory  of  Toragale,  modern  Torgal,  on  the  confines 
of  the  Dharwar  District.  The  defeat  of  Panchaladeva,  which  took 
place  before  A.D.  977,  enabled  Taila  II  to  establish  his  supremacy 
over  the  countries  up  to  northern  Mysore.  The  central  and  southern 
Mysore  were  under  the  Ganga  Rachamalla,  son  and  successor  of 
Marasimha,  in  A.D.  977.  About  this  time  Taila  II  defeated  and 
killed  Ranastambha,  who  was  an  ally  of  the  Rashtrakuta  Karkka  II. 
Some  time  before  A.D.  980,  Taila  II  came  into  conflict  with  the  Chola 
king  Uttama  Chola  and  won  a  victory.  After  settling  the  affairs  in 
the  south  Taila  II  looked  for  conquest  towards  the  western  region. 
The  strip  of  land  between  the  Western  Ghats  and  the  sea  and  bet¬ 
ween  the  Purna  river  and  Goa  was  known  as  the  Konkana  country 
(Konkan).  A  branch  of  the  Silahara  dynasty  had  been  ruling  in 
Southern  Konkan,  with  its  capital  at  Valipattana  and  as  vassal  of 
the  Rashtrakutas,  from  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century.  Taila 
II  with  the  help  of  his  general  Kesa(va)jiya  brought  Southern  Kon¬ 
kan  under  his  sway,  and  the  Silahara  Avasara  III  or  his  son  Rattaraja 
acknowledged  his  supremacy.  The  Northern  Konkan,  which  had  its 
capital  at  Thana,  and  was  at  this  time  ruled  by  Aparajita  Mriganka 
of  a  collateral  branch  of  the  Silahara  dynasty,  remained  outside  the 
limits  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Chalukyas.  The  Yadava  Bhillama  II, 
ruler  of  Seuna-desa  (the  country  round  Daulatabad,  in  the  Auranga¬ 
bad  District,  Hyderabad  State),  transferred  his  allegiance  from  the 
Rashtrakutas  to  the  Chalukyas.  Taila  II  made  an  attempt  to  assert 
his  supremacy  over  the  countries  in  the  north,  which  once  formed 
parts  of  the  Rashtrakuta  empire.  He  invaded  Lata  (the  country 
between  the  Sabarmati  river  in  Gujarat  and  the  Ambika  river  in 
Surat,  Bombay),  conquered  it,  and  placed  it  under  his  general 
Barappa  of  the  Chaulukya  family.  To  the  north  of  Lata  was  the 
kingdom  of  Gurjara,  ruled  by  the  Chaulukya  Mularaja  I.  About 


162 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 


this  time,  when  the  kingdom  of  Mularaja  was  invaded  by  the  Cha- 
hamana  Vigraharaja  I  of  Sakambharl,  Barappa  attacked  Mularaja 
from  the  south.  He  gained  some  success,  for  an  inscription  credits 
Taila  II  with  a  victory  over  the  Gurjaras.  But  Vigraharaja  over¬ 
ran  the  Gurjara  country,  and  reached  Bhrigukachchha  forcing  his 
way  through  the  kingdom  of  Barappa.  The  Chahamana  occupation 
of  Gurjara  and  Lata  was,  however,  shortlived.  Mularaja  concluded 
a  treaty  with  Vigraharaja  and  sent  his  son  Chamunqlaraja  to  fight 
with  Barappa,  who  was  killed  in  the  battle.  It  cannot  be  ascertained 
whether  Taila  II  could  maintain  control  over  the  successors  of 
Barappa  who  ruled  Lata  for  some  time. 

Taila  II  wanted  to  assert  his  supremacy  over  Malava,  which 
was  formerly  included  in  the  Rashtrakuta  empire.  He  led  six  in¬ 
vasions  against  that  country,  but  was  repulsed  on  all  those  occasions 
by  the  Paramaras  under  their  king  Munja,  also  known  as  Utpala. 
At  last  Munja  took  the  offensive  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  the  further 
aggressions  of  the  Chalukyas.  He  crossed  the  Godavari,  and  led  a 
campaign  against  Taila  II.  Taila  II,  with  the  help  of  his  feudatory 
the  Yadava  Bhillama  II  of  the  Seuna-desa,  defeated  him  and  took 
him  prisoner  to  his  capital  Manyakheta.  The  general  Kesa(va)jiya 
claims  to  have  won  the  admiration  of  Taila  II  for  the  military  skill 
which  he  showed  on  the  bank  of  the  Godavari.  It  seems  to  have  re¬ 
ferred  to  the  last  battle  of  Taila  II  with  Munja.  Taila  IPs  victory 
over  the  Paramaras  on  this  occasion  made  him  master  of  the  southern 
portion  of  the  Paramara  kingdom.  Munja  was  kept  confined  in  the 
prison  of  the  Chalukya  capital.  The  story  runs  that  Taila  IPs  sister 
Mrinalavati,  who  was  detailed  to  attend  the  captive  king,  fell  in  love 
with  him,  but  when  she  came  to  learn  that  Munja’s  ministers  made 
secret  arrangements  for  his  escape,  she  reported  the  matter  to  her 
brother.  Thereupon  Taila  II  treated  Munja  with  great  indignity 
and  executed  him  shortly  afterwards. 

Taila  II  and  his  successors  are  mentioned  as  kings  of  Karnata, 
Kuntala,  or  Rattapadi  seven  and  a  half  lakh  country.  The  kingdom 
of  the  Chalukyas  at  this  time  included  the  Shimoga,  Chitaldroog  and 
Bellary  Districts  in  the  south,  Southern  Konkan  and  the  border  of 
Northern  Konkan  in  the  west,  and  extended  up  to  the  upper  course 
of  the  Godavari,  and  possibly  even  the  Narmada  on  the  north.  Taila’s 
feudatory  Brahmarasa  governed  Banavasi  12000  and  Santalige  1000. 
Banavasi  comprised  the  Shikarpur  and  Sorab  Taluks  of  the  Shimoga 
District,  and  Santalige,  Nagar  and  Tirthahalli  Taluks  of  the  same 
district.  The  tract  of  the  country  round  Davanagere  Taluk  of  the 
Chitaldroog  District  was  known  as  Kadambalige  1000.  It  was  gov¬ 
erned  by  the  feudatory  Mulugun<Ja  Sinda  Jatarasa.  The  Kadamba 

163 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Aryavarman  and  the  Kadamba  Adityavarman  administered  in  suc¬ 
cession  Kogali  500,  Kisukad  70,  and  Sundavatti.  Sundavatti  is 
identical  with  Sindavadi,  which  is  to  be  located  in  the  Alur  Taluk 
of  the  Bellary  District.  Kisukad  is  the  modern  Lingsugur,  Hydera¬ 
bad.  The  Ratta  feudatory  Karttavirya  I  ruled  the  Kundi  country 
from  its  capital  Venugrama,  modern  Belgaum,  in  the  Bombay 
State.  6antivarman  of  the  Baisa  family  administered  Saundatti,  now 
in  the  Belgaum  District. 

Taila  II  married  Jakabba,  the  daughter  of  the  Ratta  Bhammaha, 
and  had  by  her  two  sons  Satyasraya  and  Dasavarman  also  known 
as  Yasovarman.  Dasavarman  acted  as  a  Governor  during  the  reign 
of  Taila  II.  The  last  known  date  of  Taila  II  from  inscription  is 
A.D.  996.  He  ruled  for  twenty-four  years  and  was  succeeded  by 
Satyasraya  in  A.D.  997. 

2.  SATYASRAYA  (A.D.  997-c.  1008) 

Satyasraya,  also  known  as  Sattiga  and  Sattima,  assumed  the 
titles  Irivabedanga,  Ahavamalla,  and  Akalankacharita.  The  earliest 
known  date  of  his  reign  from  inscription  is  A.D.  999.  Satyasraya 
came  into  conflict  with  his  northern  neighbours  soon  after  his  acces¬ 
sion.  The  Parmara  Sindhuraja  led  an  army  against  him  and  recon¬ 
quered  territories  which  were  wrested  from  Munja  by  Taila  II.  The 
Kalachuri  Kokalla  II  of  Tripuri  claims  to  have  forced  the  king  of 
Kuntala  to  live  in  exile  (vanavasa) .  There  is  obviously  a  pun  on  the 
word  Vanavasa  which  refers  to  the  country  of  Banavasi.  The  Kun¬ 
tala  king,  who  was  Kokalla  II’s  adversary,  seems  to  have  been  Satya¬ 
sraya. 

The  Silaharas  of  Northern  Konkan,  who  did  not  submit  to  Taila 
II,  fell  a  victim  to  the  attack  of  Satyasraya.  Satyasraya  reduced 
the  Silahara  Aparajita  to  a  precarious  position.  It  is  stated  that 
“hemmed  in  by  the  sea  on  one  side,  and  the  Satyasraya’s  army  on 
the  other,  Aparajita  trembled  like  an  insect  on  a  stick  both  the  ends 
of  which  are  on  fire”.  Aparajita  eventually  saved  himself  by  taking 
resort  to  the  sea.  Satyasraya  burnt  the  city  of  Amsunagara  in  the 
kingdom  of  the  Silaharas,  received  twenty-one  elephants  from  them, 
and  asserted  his  supremacy  over  all  the  territory  up  to  the  sea  shore. 
Aparajita  and  his  successors  were,  however,  allowed  to  rule  Northern 
Konkan  as  feudatories  of  the  Chalukyas.  After  his  conquest  of 
Konkan  Satyasraya  seems  to  have  invaded  the  Gurjara  kingdom  and 
inflicted  a  defeat  on  the  Chaulukya  Chamun^araja,  son  of  Mularaja  I. 

Satyasraya  had  to  face  a  grave  situation  in  the  southern  part  of 
his  kingdom.  Chola  Rajaraja,  the  Great,  the  successor  of  Uttama 


164 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 


Chola,  invaded  the  Deccan  with  900,000  soldiers,  and  after  conquer¬ 
ing  the  southern  divisions  of  the  Chalukya  kingdom,  viz.  Santalige, 
Banavasi,  Kadambalige,  and  Kogali,  captured  the  fort  of  Unkallu, 
modern  Unkal,  in  the  DharwSr  District.  Lenka  Keta,  the  comman¬ 
der  of  the  fort,  gave  up  his  life  in  the  battle  with  the  Cholas  while 
defending  the  stronghold.  Rajaraja  next  pitched  his  camp  at 
Dhanvur,  modern  Donur,  in  the  Bagewadi  Taluk  of  the  Bijapur  Dis¬ 
trict.  An  inscription  of  the  third  year  of  Rajendra  Chola,  son  of  Raja- 
raja,  states  that  Rajendra  Chola  conquered  Iditurai-nadu,  Banavasi, 
and  Kollipakkai.  Idtiurai -nddu  is  the  same  as  Ededorenad,  the 
country  comprising  a  large  part  of  the  Raichur  District  between  the 
Krishna  and  the  Tungabhadra,  and  Kollipakkai  is  the  modern  Kulpak, 
about  45  miles  north-east  of  Hyderabad.  These  conquests  seem  to 
have  been  made  by  Rajendra  Chola  during  his  father’s  campaign 
against  Satyasraya,  Rajaraja,  while  encamping  at  Donur,  ravaged 
the  surrounding  country,  killed  women,  children  and  the  Brahmanas, 
forcibly  carried  away  the  Brahmana  girls,  and  gave  them  in  marriage 
to  the  people  of  different  castes.  Satyasraya  made  a  desperate  at¬ 
tempt  to  free  his  country  from  the  tyranny  of  the  Cholas,  and  a 
fierce  battle  ensued.  §rutiman  Nakkan  Chandiran,  the  chief  of  the 
elephant  forces  of  Rajaraja,  made  a  charge  on  the  enemy  at  the 
order  of  his  master,  but  lost  his  life.  Rajaraja,  being  defeated,  made 
a  hasty  retreat,  but  Satyasraya  pursued  him  and  captured  a  large 
train  of  his  baggage  wagons.  Rajaraja  returned  to  his  own  kingdom 
with  some  booty  of  gold  flowers,  which  he  dedicated  to  the  temple 
of  Tan j  ore.  Satyasraya  then  led  aggressive  campaigns  against  his 
southern  neighbours.  He  brought  all  the  territories  up  to  the  Kur- 
nool  and  Guntur  Districts  under  his  sway.  A  stone  inscription  of 
the  reign  of  Satyasraya,  found  in  the  Bapatla  Taluk  of  the  Guntur 
District,  is  dated  A.D.  1006.  In  A.D.  1004  Satyasraya  is  known  to 
have  been  residing  in  &riparvata,  also  known  as  Srlsailam,  in  the 
Markapur  Taluk  of  the  Kurnool  District. 

Bhimarasa  continued  to  govern  Banavasi  during  the  reign  of 
Satyasraya.  Sobhanarasa  ruled  Belvola  300,  Kundur  500,  Purigere 
300,  Halsasige  12000,  and  Kukkanur  30.  Masavacji  was  administered 
by  Taila,  and  one  of  Satyasraya’s  officers  governed  Panuhgal  500. 
Satyasraya  had  a  feudatory  named  Kundamarasa,  often  described  as 
his  son,  who  distinguished  himself  in  the  Chola  war.  Satyasraya’s 
younger  brother  Dasavarman  had  three  sons,  viz.  Vikramaditya  V. 
Ayyana  II,  and  Jayasiihha  II,  and  one  daughter,  Akkadevl. 
Satyasraya  was  succeeded  by  his  nephew  Vikramaditya  V. 


165 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


3.  VIKRAMADITYA  V  (c.  A.D.  1008-1014) 

Vikramaditya  V  assumed  the  titles  Tribhuvanamalla  and  Valla- 
bha-narendra.  Dates  of  the  inscriptions  of  his  reign  range  from 
A.D.  1008  to  1013-14.  During  this  period  the  Chalukyas  turned 
their  attention  to  the  expansion  of  their  kingdom  towards  the  east. 
The  general  Kesavajiya,  who  was  sent  with  an  army  in  that  direc¬ 
tion,  claims  that  he  pleased  Vikramaditya  (V)  by  his  conquest  of 
the  Kosala  country.  At  this  time,  the  king  of  Kosala,  i.e.  South 
Kosala,  appears  to  have  been  SomavariisI  Bhimaratha  Mahabhava- 
gupta  II.  It  may  be  noted  in  this  connection  that  a  SomavariisI  king, 
who  cannot  be  definitely  identified,  claims  that  he  defeated  the  king 
of  the  Karnata  country. 

Kundamarasa  ruled  Banavasi  12000  and  Santalige  1000  as  a 
governor  under  Vikramaditya  V,  the  Dandanayaka  Kesava  adminis¬ 
tered  Belvola  300  and  Purigere  300,  and  Vikramaditya  V’s  sister  Ak- 
kadevl  was  the  Governor  of  Kisukai  700  in  A.D.  1012. 

4.  JAYASIMHA  II  (A.D.  1015-1043) 

Vikramaditya  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Ayyana  II 
in  A.D.  1014.  Ayyana  II  did  not  rule  for  more  than  a  year,  and  was 
succeeded  by  his  youngest  brother  Jayasiihha  II  in  or  before  A.D. 
1015. 

Jayasiihha  II,  also  known  as  Sirigadeva,  assumed  the  titles 
Jagadekamalla  II,  Trailokyamalla ,  Mallikamoda,  and  Vikramasimha. 
The  dates  of  his  inscriptions  range  between  A.D.  1015  and  1043, 
Shortly  before  A.D.  1019  the  Kalachuri  Garigeyadeva,  the  Paramara 
Bhoja,  and  Rajendra  Chola  formed  a  confederacy  and  made  simul¬ 
taneous  attacks  on  the  Deccan.  Jayasiihha  claims  to  have  repulsed 
all  of  them,  but  Bhoja  succeeded  in  annexing  Northern  Konkan  to 
his  kingdom.  Rajendra  Chola  claims  that  he  defeated  Jayasiihha 
at  Musarigi,  which  is  identified  with  Maski  in  the  Raichur  Doab,  and 
conquered  Rattapadi  seven  and  a  half  lakh  country.  There  is  no 
doubt,  however,  that  Jayasiihha  succeeded  in  driving  out  the  Cholas 
from  his  kingdom.  Along  with  his  general  Chavanarasa,  he  pursu¬ 
ed  Rajendra  Chola  up  to  the  Gangavadi  and  the  Chera  countries. 
He  plundered  Dorasamudra,  modern  Halebid  in  Mysore,  and  Baleya- 
vattana,  modern  Beliapatam,  in  the  Chirakkal  Taluk,  Malabar,  and 
the  country  of  the  Malepas.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1024  Jaya¬ 
siihha  II  and  his  general  Chavanarasa  reconquered  Konkan,  appa¬ 
rently  after  defeating  the  Paramara  Bhoja. 

The  general  Chavanarasa  claims  to  have  conquered  Pannala, 
also  called  Praijala  and  Parnala,  modern  Panhala,  12  miles  north- 


166 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYA^A 

west  of  Kolhapur,  which  was  then  apparently  ruled  by  the  Silahara 
Jatiga  II,  and  stormed  the  fortress  of  Bijavodi.  Jayasima  IPs 
feudatory  Bijjarasa,  the  officer  in  charge  of  Santalige,  is  said  to  have 
defeated  Bhillama  and  Chattuga,  seized  Bhatta,  and  conquered 
Paftarali,  Patahakota,  and  Toragale.  Bhillama,  referred  to,  is 
Bhillama  III  of  the  Yadava  dynasty  of  Seuna -desa,  who  married  the 
daughter  of  Jayasirhha  II.  All  these  facts  indicate  that  the  Chalukya 
kingdom  was  torn  asunder  by  internecine  quarrel  for  some  time 
during  the  reign  of  Jayasimha.  This  assumption  is  confirmed  by  an 
inscription,  which  states  that  the  generals  and  vassals  of  Jayasimha 
II  revolted,  and  even  made  a  plot  to  murder  the  king.  Jayasimha  II 
succeeded  in  averting  the  danger  and  bringing  under  control  all  the 
hostile  forces  with  the  help  of  his  general  Kalidasa. 

The  kingdom  of  Jayasimha  II  included  Shimoga,  Tumkur, 
Anantapur  and  Cuddapah  Districts  in  the  south.  Its  boundary  on 
the  east  lay  beyond  Kulpak,  45  miles  north-east  of  Hyderabad. 
Several  inscriptions,  dated  in  A.D.  1028  and  subsequent  years,  prove 
that  Jayasimha  II  ruled  from  his  capital  Kalyana  or  Kalyani,  modern 
Kalyani,  in  Bidar,  Hyderabad.  The  Chalukya  capital  was  shifted 
there  from  Manyakheta  some  time  after  A.D.  993.  Kundamarasa 
governed  Banavasi  and  Santalige  from  the  capital  Balipura,  modern 
Belgami,  in  the  Shikarpur  Taluk ,  Shimoga  District,  at  least  up  to 
A.D.  1031.  A  certain  Satyasraya  administered  Santalige  under  him. 
Vikramaditya  V’s  sister  AkkadevI  ruled  Banavasi,  Belvola,  and 
Puligere  jointly  with  Mayuravarman  from  A.D.  1037.  The  Kadamba 
Shashthadeva,  ruler  of  Gove  or  Gopaka-pattana,  modern  Goa,  ac¬ 
knowledged  his  supremacy.  Jagadekamalla  Nolamba-Pallava  Udaya- 
ditya  governed  Kadambalige,  Kogali,  Ballakunde,  Ededore  etc. 
from  his  headquarters  at  Kampili,  modern  Kampli,  in  the  Hospet 
Taluk ,  Bellary  District.  The  Haihaya  Revarasa  administered  the 
Gulbarga  District,  and  the  Sinda  Nagaditya  was  in  charge  of  the 
administration  of  Bagalkot,  Bijapur  District.  Jayasimha  II  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Somesvara  I  in  A.D.  1043-44. 

5.  SOMESVARA  I  (A.D.  1043-1068) 

Somesvara  I  assumed  the  titles  Ahavamalla,  Trailokyamalla  and 
Rajanarayana,  and  was  also  known  as  Vira-Martanda.  Dates  of 
the  inscriptions  of  his  reign  range  from  A.D.  1043  to  1068.  Imme¬ 
diately  after  his  accession  in  A.D.  1043-44,  he  was  involved  in 
a  protracted  war  with  the  Cholas.  The  Chola  Rajadhiraja  invaded 
the  Chalukya  kingdom  with  a  big  army.  He  was  opposed  at  Pundi 
by  Vichchaya  or  Bachcharasa,  feudatory  of  the  Chalukyas  in  the 
Rayadurg  Taluk ,  in  the  Bellary  District,  who  subsequently  fled  away. 

167 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


The  northward  march  of  the  Cholas  was  next  opposed  by  the 
Chalukya  generals  Nulumba  (Nanni-Nolamba),  Chamunijaraja,  the 
ruler  of  Banavasi,  Kalidasa,  Kommayya,  and  Villa  vara  j  a.  But  it 
was  of  no  avail.  The  next  resistance  to  the  advance  of  the  Cholas 
was  given  by  Somesvara  I  at  Koluru,  on  the  bank  of  the  Bhima,  near 
Chitapur  Railway  Station,  in  the  Shorapur  District,  Hyderabad 
Though  the  Cholas  suffered  a  heavy  loss  on  this  occasion,  they  forced 
Somesvara  I  to  withdraw.  Rajadhiraja  next  made  a  triumphant 
march  to  the  Chalukya  capital  Kalyana,  pillaged  the  city,  and  burnt 
the  royal  palace.  He  celebrated  his  victory  there  by  performing  the 
Vi rdbhisheka,  and  assuming  the  title  Vijayarajendra.  It  was 
probably  from  Kalyana  that  he  advanced  towards  Kollippakkai. 
Somesvara,  along  with  his  son  Vikramaditya,  Vijayaditya  of  Vengi 
and  his  commanders  Sangamaya,  Gandappaya,  Gangadhara  and 
others,  gave  the  Cholas  here  a  stiff  resistance,  but  Kollippakkai 
could  not  be  defended.  Gandappaya  and  Gangadhara  lost  their  lives 
in  the  encounter  and  Somesvara  I  fled  away  like  a  coward.  Raja¬ 
dhiraja  returned  to  his  kingdom  after  overrunning  the  Deccan. 

Some  time  before  A.D.  1047  Rajadhiraja  led  another  campaign 
against  Somesvara  I,  defeated  the  Chalukya  generals  Ga^^ar-Dina- 
kara,  Narayana,  Ganapati,  and  Kalidasa’s  son  Madhusudana,  and 
captured  Kampili.  After  sacking  the  city  of  Pun<Jur,  on  the  bank  of 
the  Krishna,  where  there  was  a  cantonment,  he  seized  a  place  named 
Mannandlppai.  In  consequence  of  these  Chola  invasions  the  normal 
life  in  the  Deccan  was  greatly  disturbed.  An  inscription,  dated 
A.D.  1050,  from  the  Dharwar  District,  states  that  some  ministers  and 
administrative  officers  granted  the  renewal  of  corporate  constitution 
of  some  Settis,  which  was  partly  broken  down  in  the  stress  of  the 
war  with  the  Cholas.  Somesvara  I,  however,  did  not  suffer  any  loss 
of  territory  on  this  occasion.  His  general  Chamun<Jaraja,  governor 
of  Banavasi,  succeeded  in  driving  out  the  Cholas  before  A.D.  1047. 

In  A.D.  1051-52  Rajadhiraja  invaded  the  kingdom  of  Somesvara 
I  for  the  third  time,  and  was  accompanied  by  his  brother  Rajendra 
on  this  occasion.  He  seized  Kollapuram,  burnt  down  many  Jain 
temples,  and  defiled  and  damaged  the  Jain  sanctuaries.  Somesvara  I 
took  a  bold  stand,  and  not  only  checked  the  further  progress  of  the 
Chola  army,  but  even  pursued  the  enemy  which  was  retreating  south¬ 
ward.  For  the  final  trial  of  strength  the  Cholas  and  the  Chalukyas 
confronted  each  other  in  the  battlefield  of  Koppam,  a  celebrated 
place  of  pilgrimage  on  the  bank  of  a  big  river.  Some  suggest  that 
the  place  is  identical  with  Khidrapur  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Krishna,  about  30  miles  east  by  south  of  Kolhapur.  Some  again  think 
that  it  is  to  be  identified  with  the  ancient  Kopana  or  Kupanapura, 


168 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYA^A 

modern  Kopal,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  stream  Hirehalla,  a  tributary 
of  the  Tungabhadra  in  Lingsugur.  When  the  battle  was  in  progress 
Rajadhiraja,  seated  on  an  elephant,  was  mortally  wounded  by 
Somesvara  I’s  feudatory  Per(ma)la  Madarasa.  At  the  death  of  their 
king  the  Cholas  were  retreating  in  confusion,  when  the  deceased 
king’s  brother  Rajendra  II  rallied  the  Chola  forces  with  great  skill 
and  renewed  operations  against  the  enemy.  Somesvara  I’s  brother 
Jayasirhha,  and  the  Chalukya  generals  Pulikesin,  Dasapanman, 
Nanni-Nolamba,  Asokaiyan,  Araiyan,  Mottaiyan  and  many  others 
lost  their  lives  in  the  battle.  Somesvara  I,  together  with  his  generals 
Vanniya-Revan,  identified  with  the  Haihaya  feudatory  Revarasa, 
Tuttan,  Kundamayan,  and  many  others  fled  away.  After  this  victory 
Rajendra  II  crowned  himself  king  in  the  battlefield  and  returned 
to  the  Chola  country,  but  he  could  not  annex  any  part  of  the 
Chalukya  kingdom. 

The  earliest  known  date  of  the  inscriptions  referring  to  the 
battle  of  Koppam  is  A.D.  1054.  In  that  year  Somesvara  I  was  en¬ 
camping  at  Kampili  on  the  Tungabhadra,  and  led  some  aggressive 
campaigns  against  the  Cholas  from  time  to  time.  Shortly  before  the 
battle  of  Koppam  he,  along  with  his  general  Pulikesin,  who  lost  his 
life  at  this  battle,  invaded  Kanchl  and  captured  that  city,  wherefrom 
the  Chola  governor  fled  away.  Bilhana’s  statement  of  the  conquest 
of  Kanchl  by  Somesvara  I  is  corroborated  by  an  inscription  of  the 
reign  of  this  king  dated  A.D.  1058.  In  A.D.  1058-59  Somesvara  I  is 
known  to  have  led  another  expedition  to  the  Chola  country.  Some 
time  between  A.D.  1059  and  1061  Somesvara  I,  together  with  his  son 
Vikramaditya  and  his  general  Valadeva,  made  an  attack  on  the 
kingdom  of  the  Cholas.  The  Chola  Rajendra  II  and  his  son  Raja- 
mahendra  advanced  to  resist  the  invaders.  A  battle  took  place  at 
Mudakaru,  which  seems  to  be  the  same  as  Mudakakere  on  the  bank 
of  the  Tunga  river,  in  the  Channagiri  Taluk ,  Shimoga  District. 
Somesvara  I  suffered  defeat  and  fled  away  with  Vikramaditya  and 
the  general  Irugaiyan,  while  Valadeva  lost  his  life  in  the  engage¬ 
ment.  The  intensity  of  the  struggle  between  the  Chalukyas  and  the 
Cholas  greatly  increased  during  the  reign  of  Rajendra’s  successor 
Virarajendra.  An  inscription  issued  in  the  latter  part  of  Vira- 
rajendra’s  reign  states  that  the  king  saw  the  back  of  Ahavamalla  five 
times  in  battle.  It  means  that  he  fought  with  his  adversary  at  least 
five  times.  Somesvara,  along  with  his  son  Vikramaditya  and  some 
feudatories,  met  Virarajendra  first  in  the  battlefield  of  Gangava^i, 
i.e.  central  Mysore.  They  were  defeated  and  pushed  back  to 
the  bank  of  the  Tungabhadra.  The  next  battle  between  the  two 
kings  was  fought  in  the  Andhra  country. 


169 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Some  time  before  A.D.  1049  Somesvara  asserted  his  supremacy 
over  the  Eastern  Chalukya  king  Rajaraja  of  the  Andhra  country.  A 
stone  inscription  of  Somesvara’s  reign,  dated  A.D.  1057,  has  been 
found  in  the  Ramchandrapur  Taluk  of  the  Godavari  District.  Some¬ 
svara  Vs  son  Somesvara  II,  while  serving  his  father  as  a  governor  in 
A.D.  1049  and  1053,  assumed  the  title  ‘the  lord  of  Vengi.’  Vijaya- 
ditya  VII,  successor  of  the  Eastern  Chalukya  Rajaraja,  turned  hostile 
to  Somesvara  I,  and  sought  the  protection  of  Virarajendra.  After 
the  battle  of  Gangavadi  Virarajendra  marched  to  Vengi,  the  capital 
of  the  Andhra  country,  to  lend  support  to  Vijayaditya  against  his 
enemies.  In  the  battle  that  followed,  the  Chalukya  general 
Chamundaraja,  the  governor  of  Banavasi,  lost  his  life,  the  nose  of 
the  queen  of  Irugaiyan,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Chamundaraja,  was 
cut  off,  and  the  Chalukya  army  under  the  leadership  of  Irugaiyan 
was  routed. 

Shortly  after  his  success  in  the  Andhra  country  Virarajendra 
met  Somesvara  I  at  KudaFsahgamam,  also  mentioned  as  Kudal. 
According  to  Fleet  it  is  the  confluence  of  the  Pahchagahga  and  the 
Krishna  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Khidrapur.  Mr.  V.  K.  Pillai  takes 
it  to  be  the  junction  of  the  Tungabhadra  and  the  Krishna.  Mr.  Rice 
identifies  it  with  Kudali  at  the  junction  of  the  Tunga  and  Bhadra. 
It  is  known  from  a  record  of  Vikramaditya  VI  that  in  A.D.  1073  he 
granted  land  to  the  god  Samgamesvara  at  Kudal.  This  Saihgamesvara 
temple  is  situated  in  the  village  Singepalle  in  the  Rayadrug  Taluk 
of  the  Bellary  District.  Kudal-sangamam  may  be  identified  with  this 
place.  Somesvara  I,  along  with  his  two  sons  Vikramaditya  and  Jaya- 
simha,  his  feudatory  Singan,  who  was  the  chief  of  Kosal(ai),  his 
lieutenants  Kesava,  Kettarasan,  Marayan,  Pottarayan,  Irechchayan, 
Annalan,  and  Maduvanan,  fought  with  all  their  might  in  the  battle, 
but  failed  miserably.  Singan  fell  fighting  and  Somesvara  I,  together 
with  his  sons  and  generals,  fled  away.  Virarajendra  claims  to  have 
seized  Somesvara’s  wives,  family  treasures,  parasols  etc.  on  this 
occasion.  The  victory  at  Kudal  was  one  of  the  greatest  military 
achievements  of  the  Cholas  of  that  age,  and  they  remembered  it  with 
pride  for  many  generations. 

In  A.D.  1063-64  Somesvara  led  an  expedition  against  the  Cholas 
and  encamped  at  Mudukakere  on  the  Tunga,  in  the  Shimoga  District. 
He  was  opposed  by  Virarajendra  there  and  was  defeated.  Vira¬ 
rajendra  claims  to  have  won  victory  over  the  Chalukyas  at 
Mutfakkaru,  which,  according  to  some,  means  a  winding  river,  but 
may  be  taken  as  identical  with  Mudukakere.  It  appears  that  not 
long  after  this  engagement  Virarajendra  fought  a  sanguinary  battle 
on  the  bank  of  a  river  with  a  number  of  generals,  who  seem  to  have 

170 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 

been  the  officers  of  Somesvara  I,  and  killed  many  of  them.  Shortly 
afterwards  Virarajendra  accepted  the  challenge  of  Somesvara  to  try 
his  strength  with  him  again  at  Kutjal  and  reached  with  his  army  at 
Kandai,  a  place  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kudal.  Somesvara,  instead 
of  meeting  his  adversary  there  at  the  appointed  time,  fled  to  the 
western  coast,  and  his  generals  Devanathaiv&itti  and  Kesi  retreated. 
Virarajendra,  having  waited  for  the  enemy  for  a  month,  overran 
Rattapadi  and  planted  a  pillar  of  victory  on  the  Tuhgabhadra.  About 
this  time  Somesvara  I  succeeeded  in  regaining  his  position  in  the 
Andhra  country,  and  so  Virarajendra  moved  from  the  Tuhgabhadra 
towards  Vehgi.  He  inflicted  a  defeat  on  the  Chalukya  generals 
Jananatha  of  Dhara,  Rajamayan,  and  Mupparasan  on  the  bank  of  the 
Krishna  near  Visaiyavadi  (Vijayawada),  and  claims  to  have  restored 
Vijayaditya  of  the  Eastern  Chalukya  family  to  power.  All  these 
wars  between  Somesvara  I  and  the  Cholas  were  fought  before  the 
fifth  year  of  Virarajendra’s  reign  (A.D.  1067).  In  A.D.  1067-63 
Vikramaditya,  son  of  Somesvara  I,  marched  against  the  Chola  capital 
Gangaikonda  and  plundered  it.  Somesvara  I  fought  with  the  Cholas 
for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  yielded  to  their  military  forces 
on  many  occasions.  His  enemies,  however,  could  not  wrest  from 
him  any  part  of  his  kingdom. 

Besides  the  Cholas  Somesvara  I  had  to  fight  with  many  other 
ruling  dynasties  of  his  time.  The  Silahara  Aparajita  of  Northern 
Konkan  had  two  sons  Vajjada  II  and  Arikesarin  (A.D.  1017). 
Vajjada  II  had  three  sons  Chittaraja,  Nagarjuna,  and  Mummuni. 
After  Arikesarin  his  nephews  Chittaraja  (A.D.  1026)  and  Mummuni 
ruled  in  succession.  There  was  a  civil  war  in  Northern  Konkan 
during  the  reign  of  Mummuni.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1047  Some¬ 
svara  I,  together  with  his  generals,  the  Kakatlya  Prola,  Kadamba 
Chamundaraja  of  BanavasI,  the  Yadava  Ajjavasa,  the  Haihaya 
Revarasa,  Madhusudana  alias  Madhuva,  and  Pulikesin,  invaded  that 
country,  overthrew  Mummuni,  and  placed  his  own  nominee  on  its 
throne.4  How  long  Somesvara  kept  Konkan  under  his  control  can¬ 
not  be  determined.  Mummuni’s  nephew  Anantapala,  son  of 
Nagarjuna,  claims  that  he  defeated  those  enemies  “who  at  a  time  of 
misfortune  from  relatives  that  had  become  hostile,  having  obtained 
power,  devastated  the  whole  Konkana  district,  and  harassed  the  gods 
and  Brahmanas.”  Anantapala’s  adversaries  seem  to  have  been  the 
Chalukyas.  About  this  time  Somesvara  I  raided  Lata  and  Gujarat. 
His  adversary  in  Gujarat  was  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  I,  and  in  Lata 
the  Chaulukya  Vatsaraja  or  his  successor  Trilochanapala.  He  also 
invaded  the  adjoining  territory  of  Malava  with  the  assistance  of  his 
generals  Nagadeva,  Gundamaya,  Jomarasa,  and  Madhusudana, 
and  plundered  Man^apa  (modern  Mandu,  in  Dhar,  Madhya  Bharat), 


171 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Ujjaiyini,  and  Dhara,  the  capital  of  the  Paramara  Bhoja,  who  fled 
away.  In  A.D.  1055,  when  the  Kalachuri  Kama  and  the  Chaulukya 
Bhlma  forcibly  took  possession  of  Malava,  Vikramaditya  VI,  at  the 
order  of  his  father  Somes  vara  I,  defeated  them  and  restored  Jaya¬ 
simha,  successor  of  Bhoja,  to  power.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1048 
Somesvara  came  into  conflict  with  the  Kalachuri  Kama.  Bilhana 
states  that  Somesvara  I  utterly  destroyed  the  power  of  Kama,  who, 
on  the  other  hand,  claims  that  he  defeated  the  king  of  Kuntala. 
Prakrita-paingalam  mentions  that  Kama  vanquished  Vikrama,  i.e 
Vikramaditya  VI. 

Somesvara  I  and  his  feudatory,  the  Kakatlya  Prola,  raided 
Kosala,  and  conquered  Chakrakota,  in  the  Bastar  State,  after  defeat¬ 
ing  a  king  of  the  Naga  dynasty.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  he  came  into 
clash  with  Vlrarajendra  and  Rajendra  Chola  II  at  Chakrakota.  Prola 
claims  to  have  defeated  a  chief  named  Bhadranga  (?)  Kadparti,  and 
killed  Gonna,  the  chief  of  Purakuta.  Vajrahasta  V,  king  of  Kalinga, 
suffered  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Somesvara  I.  Some  time  before 
A.D.  1047  Somesvara  I,  assisted  by  his  son  Vikramaditya  and  his 
feudatory  Chamundaraja,  invaded  Kerala  or  Malabar  coast  and 
defeated  and  killed  the  king  of  that  country.  Nagadeva,  the  general 
of  Somesvara  I,  subdued  the  revolt  of  the  Yadavas  of  Seuna-de.sa 
shortly  before  A.D.  1060.  Somesvara  I’s  feudatory,  the  Kadamba 
Jayakesin  I,  son  of  Shashthadeva,  who  is  referred  to  as  the  king  of 
Konkana,  conquered  the  Alupas,  king  of  Kapardikadvipa,  and  up¬ 
rooted  Kamadeva. 

Several  inscriptions  of  Somesvara  Fs  reign  with  dates  com¬ 
mencing  from  A.D.  1050,  mention  that  he  conquered  Vanga,  Magadha, 
Nepala,  Kanauj,  Panchala,  Kuru,  Khasa,  and  Abhlra.  Bilhana  states 
that  the  prince  Vikramaditya  VI  led  expeditions  against  Gauda, 
Kamarupa,  Pandya,  and  Ceylon.  But  one  may  doubt  the  authenticity 
of  all  these  claims,  though  there  may  be  historical  basis  for  some  of 
them.  In  any  case  he  must  be  regarded  as  a  great  king. 

Somesvara  I  had  four  sons,  viz.  Somesvara  II,  Vikramaditya  VI, 
Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya,  and  Jayasimha,  all  of  whom  occupied 
administrative  posts  under  him.  Somesvara  II  was  in  charge  of 
Belvola  and  Purigere,  Vikramaditya  VI  governed  Gahgavadi, 
Banavasi,  Santalige,  and  Nolambavadi,  and  Jayasimha  was  in  charge 
of  Uchchangi,  Mandali,  Sulungal  etc.  Jayasimha  acted  as  subordi¬ 
nate  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  In  recognition  of  the  Kakatlya  Prola’s 
military  service  Somesvara  I  granted  him  the  Anmakonda -vishaya, 
modern  Warangal  District,  Hyderabad.  Somesvara  I’s  kingdom 
extended  in  the  south  up  to  Shimoga,  Chitaldroog,  Anantapur,  and 


172 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 

Kurnool  Districts.  He  appointed  his  son  Somes  vara  II  as  his  suc¬ 
cessor,  and  died  in  March,  1068. 

6.  SOMES  VARA  II  (A.D.  1068-1076) 

Somesvara  II,  who  assumed  the  title  Bhuvanaikamalla,  was 
involved  in  a  war  with  his  brother  Vikramaditya  immediately  after 
his  accession.  Vikramaditya  strengthened  his  position  by  marrying 
the  daughter  of  Vlrarajendra  who,  in  or  before  the  sixth  year  of  his 
reign  (A.D.  1068-69),  led  an  expedition  against  Somesvara  II  to  secure 
the  throne  of  the  Deccan  for  his  son-in-law.  Vlrarajendra  burnt  the 
city  of  Kampili,  set  up  a  pillar  of  victory  at  Karadikal  (modern  village 
of  Karadi,  in  the  Lingsugur  Taluk ,  Raichur  District,  Hyderabad), 
and  declared  Vikramaditya  as  the  king  of  Rattapadi  seven  and  a  half 
lakh  country.  Somesvara  II,  with  the  help  of  his  cavalry 
forces,  routed  Vararajendra  and  established  peace  and  order  in  his 
kingdom.  After  this  Vikramaditya  submitted  to  his  brother  and 
lived  with  him  cordially,  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1074.  After  his  victory 
over  the  Cholas,  Somesvara  II  made  a  confederacy  with  the  Chaulu- 
kya  Kama  of  Gujarat,  defeated  the  Paramara  Jayasimha,  successor  of 
Bhoja,  and  occupied  Malava.  He  could  not  retain  possession  of  it 
for  a  long  time  as  the  Paramara  Udayaditya,  with  the  help  of  the 
Chahamanas,  drove  him  and  his  ally  out  of  Malava. 

Vikramaditya  VI  is  known  to  have  been  governing  Bellary, 
Anantapur,  Chitaldroog,  and  Dharwar  Districts  from  his  head¬ 
quarters  at  Govindavadi  (modern  Govindavada,  a  village  in  the  Raya- 
drug  Taluk ,  Bellary  District),  at  least  from  A.D.  1071  to  1074. 
In  A.D.  1072  Jayasimha,  the  younger  brother  of  Vikramaditya,  was 
in  charge  of  Chitaldroog  District.  As  all  these  territories  are  known 
to  have  been  within  the  kingdom  of  Somesvara  II  during  this  period, 
both  the  princes  must  have  administered  them  as  his  subordinates. 
That  Vikramaditya  was  in  the  service  of  Somesvara  II  and  was  in 
cordial  relation  with  him  is  proved  by  the  Nrialgi  inscription,  dated 
A.D.  1074,  which  states  that  the  Mahamandalesvara  Vikramaditya 
and  Vishnuvardhana-Vijayaditya  were  then  at  Bankapura  (in 
Dharwar  District)  in  the  service  of  the  king  Bhuvanaikamalla.  After 
the  death  of  Vlrarajendra  there  was  anarchy  in  the  Chola  country. 
Vikramaditya  VI,  as  a  feudatory -/of  Somesvara  II,  put  down  the 
revolt  and  placed  Vlrarajendra’s  son  Adhirajendra  on  the  throne. 
Shortly  afterwards,  when  Rajendra  Chola  II  alias  Kulottunga  I 
occupied  the  Chola  throng  after  the  death  of  Adhirajendra  in  a 
popular  commotion,  Vikramaditya  marched  against  the  usurper  but 
failed  to  dethrone  him.  Bilhana’s  statement  that  about  this  time, 
i.e.  in  A.D.  1070,  Vikramaditya  overthrew  Somesvara  II  is  erroneous. 


173 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Inscriptions  of  Kulottunga  I  supply  much  information  about  his  con¬ 
flict  with  Vikramaditya  VI  during  this  period.  An  inscription  of  the 
year  A.D.  1074  records  his  victory  over  the  king  of  Kuntala,  and 
another  of  A.D.  1076  mentions  that  Vikramaditya  and  Jayasimha, 
having  suffered  defeat  at  his  hands,  plunged  into  the  river.  His 
inscription  of  A.D.  1080  states  that  he  fought  with  Vikramaditya  VI 
between  Nahgili  (in  the  Kolar  District)  and  the  Tuhgabhadra  and 
captured  two  countries  Gangamandalam  and  Singanam.  But  in  the 
midst  of  these  conflicts  with  the  Cholas  Vikramaditya  seized  the 
Chalukya  kingdom. 

The  Vikramankadeva-charita  and  a  number  of  inscriptions  of 
Vikramaditya  Vi’s  reign  state  that  Somesvara  II  became  vicious  and 
neglectful  of  his  royal  duties;  so  Vikramaditya  VI,  with  the  help  of 
the  Hoysala  Ereyanga  and  Pandya  of  the  Chola  family,  defeated 
Somesvara,  took  him  prisoner,  and  wielded  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Deccan.  It  is  difficult  to  say  whether  this  represents  the  whole  truth. 
Unfortunately  no  further  details  of  this  palace  revolution  are  known 
to  us.  The  last  known  date  of  Somesvara  IPs  reign  is  A.D.  1078 
which  is  also  the  year  of  Vikramaditya  Vi’s  accession. 

7.  VIKRAMADITYA  VI  (A.D.  1076-1126) 

Vikramaditya  VI,  also  known  as  Permadideva,  assumed  the  title 
Tribhuvanamalla.  Immediately  after  his  accession  in  A.D.  1076  he 
started  a  new  era,  called  after  his  own  name.  An  inscription  dated 
in  the  second  year  of  the  Chalukya-Vikrama  era  has  been  found. 
Jayasimha  governed  Banavasi,  Santalige,  and  Kadur  as  a  subordi¬ 
nate  of  his  brother  Vikramaditya  VI  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1082.  Some 
time  after  his  marriage  with  the  Silahara  princess  Chandralekha, 
Vikramaditya  received  the  news  that  Jayasimha  had  turned  hostile 
to  him  and  advanced  with  his  army  to  the  bank  of  the  Krishna, 
where  he  was  joined  by  many  feudatories.  He  opposed  his  brother 
there  and  suffered  defeat  at  the  initial  stage  of  the  battle.  Even 
tually  he  succeeded  in  taking  Jayasimha  prisoner,  but  released  him 
shortly  afterwards. 

After  a  long  period  of  peace  following  his  accession  Vikrama¬ 
ditya  VI  marched  against  the  Cholas  and  took  Kahchl  some  time 
before  A.D.  1085.  Some  time  between  A.D.  1091  and  1093  he, 
along  with  his  general  Govindarasa,  burnt  Vengl,  defeated  the 
Velananti  Gonka  I,  and  wrested  Andhra  from  Vlra-Choda, 
son  of  Kulottunga  Chola  I.  In  the  latter  part  of  A.D.  1099 
Kulottunga  reconquered  Vengl  from  the  Chalukyas  and  retained 
his  control  over  it  till  A.D.  1117.  In  the  closing  years  of  Kulot- 
tunga’s  reign,  when  his  son  Vikrama  Chola,  the  viceroy  of  Andhra 


174 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 


country,  left  for  the  Chola  capital  to  secure  his  succession,  Vikra- 
aditya  VI  annexed  it  again  to  his  kingdom.  Inscriptions  of  Vik¬ 
ramaditya  prove  that  he  was  in  possession  of  the  Andhra  country 
from  A.D.  1118  to  at  least  1124. 

Vikramaditya  VI  came  into  conflict  with  the  Hoysalas  of  Gau- 
gavadi,  which  included  Hassan,  Turnkur,  and  part  of  the  Mysore 
Districts,  and  had  its  capital  at  Dorasamudra.  The  Chalukya 
Somesvara  I  had  married  a  Hoysala  princess,  and  the  Hoysala  Nri- 
pakama’s  son  Vinayaditya  (A.D.  1047-1101)  acknowledged  the 
supremacy  of  Somesvara  I,  Somesvara  II,  and  Vikramaditya  VI. 
Shortly  after  his  death  the  Hoysalas  tried  to  assert  their  indepen¬ 
dence.  About  this  time  the  Paramara  Jagaddeva  abdicated  the 
throne  of  Malava  in  favour  of  his  brother  Naravarman,  and  became 
an  ally  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  The  Chalukya  emperor  sent  Jagad¬ 
deva  to  put  down  the  revolt  of  the  Hoysalas.  The  Hoysala  princes 
Ballala,  I,  Vishnu vardhana  and  Udayaditya,  sons  of  Ereyahga,  and 
the  grandsons  of  Vinayaditya,  gave  stiff  resistance  to  the  Chalukya 
army  under  Jagaddeva,  and  won  some  initial  successes  over  the 
invader.  But  Jagaddeva  eventually  succeeded  in  forcing  his  way 
into  Dorasamudra  and  bringing  the  Hoysalas  under  control.  A 
Sravana  Belgola  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1118,  states  that  the  Hoy¬ 
sala  Vishnuvardhana’s  general  Gangaraja  made  a  night  attack  on 
the  army  of  the  Chalukya  Tribhuvanamalla,  encamped  at  Kannegal 
under  the  command  of  the  twelve  samantas,  and  defeated  it.  The 
Sinda  chief  Acha  II  of  Erambarage  is  stated  to  have  pursued  and 
prevailed  against  Hoysala  at  the  command  of  the  universal  emperor 
Vikramaditya.  Vishnuvardhana’s  inscriptions  claim  that  the  king 
conquered  Belvola,  Hanungal,  Banavasi,  and  Nolambavadi,  and  his 
horses,  in  course  of  his  victorious  march,  bathed  in  the  Krishna 
river  some  time  before  A.D.  1120.  These,  no  doubt,  reflect  the 
different  phases  of  the  conflict  between  the  Hoysalas  and  the  Chalu- 
kyas  in  the  early  part  of  the  twelfth  century.  Though  the  relation 
between  these  two  dynasties  became  acrimonious  from  time  to  time, 
the  inscriptions  of  Ballala  I  and  Vishnuvardhana,  dating  from  A.D. 
1101,  prove  that  they  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Vikramaditya. 

The  Kadamba  Jayakesin  I  of  Goa,  son  of  Shaashthadeva,  owed 
allegiance  to  Vikramaditya  VI  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1071.  Jayakesin 
I  had  two  sons,  Guvaladeva  II  and  Vijayaditya.  Guvaladeva  was 
ruling  in  A.D.  1098.  His  successor  Vijayaditya  seems  to  have  re¬ 
volted  against  the  Chalukyas.  The  Sinda  Acha  II  of  Erambarage, 
at  the  order  of  Vikramaditya,  took  Gove,  burnt  it  down,  and  put  to 
flight  Lakshma,  a  commander  of  the  Kadamba  army.  Thereupon 

175 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  Kadambas  submitted  to  Vikramaditya.  Vijayaditya’s  son 
Jayakesin  II,  whose  known  regnal  years  are  A.D.  1125  and  1147, 
married  MailaladevI,  daughter  of  Vikramaditya  VI,  and  ruled  his 
territory  along  with  Konkan  900,  Halasige  12000,  Payve  500,  and 
Kavadi-dvlpa  125000  jointly  with  his  queen  as  a  subordinate  of  the 
Chalukyas.  Acha  II  also  put  down  the  revolt  of  a  Pandya  chief  of 
Uchchahgi. 

A  branch  of  the  Silahara  dynasty  ruled  at  Karahataka,  modern 
Karad,  in  the  Satara  District,  from  the  tenth  century  A.D.  Kolha¬ 
pur  and  Panhala  were  the  other  headquarters  of  this  family.  The 
Chalukya  Jayasiriiha  II  asserted  his  supremacy  over  it.  Vikrama¬ 
ditya  VI  married  Chandralekha,  the  daughter  of  a  king  of  this 
family,  who  seems  to  have  been  Marasimha.  Marasimha  had  five 
sons,  Guvala  II,  Gangadeva,  Ballala,  Bhoja  and  Gandaraditya,  who 
ruled  in  succession.  Bhoja,  who  came  to  the  throne  after  A.D.  1086, 
revolted  and  attacked  the  territory  of  the  Sindas  of  Erambarage, 
but  the  Sinda  Acha  III  succeeded  in  repulsing  him.  Vikramaditya 
VI  led  an  expedition  against  the  rebel  Bhoja  and  encamped  at 
Appayanadakuppa  on  the  Bhlmarathl  river  in  A.D.  1100.  But  as 
Bhoja  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in  A.D.  1108,  he  could  not  evi¬ 
dently  he  brought  under  control. 

An  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1078,  states  that  Seven  Konkanas 
became  like  bracelets  to  Vikramaditya  through  the  aid  of  his  brother 
Jayasimha.  Vikramaditya’s  conquest  of  Konkana  is  mentioned  in 
another  inscription.  An  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1113,  records  that 
the  Pandya  Kamadeva  ruled  the  Konkana-ra.shtra  as  a  feudatory  of 
Vikramaditya  VI. 

The  Yadavas  of  Seuna-desa,  whose  kingdom  extended  from  the 
Ahmadnagar  District  to  the  Narmada,  were  feudatories  of  Vik¬ 
ramaditya  VI.  Iramadeva,  son  of  Seunachandra  of  this  family, 
acknowledges  the  supremacy  of  Vikramaditya  VI  in  an  inscription 
dated  A.D.  1100.  Vikramaditya  VI  put  down  the  revolt  of  the 
Yadavas,  who  declared  hostility  against  him  about  this  time. 

Some  time  before  A.D.  1088  Vikramaditya  crossed  the  Narmada 
and  brought  Kanama  and  some  other  chiefs  under  his  control.  It 
was  probably  on  this  occasion  that  he  plundered  Lata  and  burnt 
the  city  of  the  Gurjara  king,  who  seems  to  have  been  the  Chaulukya 
Kama.  A  fragmentary  inscription  relates  that  Vikramaditya’s  feu¬ 
datory  Bijjala,  son  of  Pitta,  had  some  relation  with  Jayasimha  of 
Gurjararashtra,  i.e.  Jayasimha-Siddharaja,  son  of  Kama.  The 
Kalachuri  king  Jajalladeva  of  Ratanpur  (the  capital  of  Dakshina- 
Kosala)  pushed  the  western  frontier  of  his  kingdom  near  the  border 
of  the  empire  of  the  Chalukyas,  but  Vikramaditya  checked  his  fur- 


176 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 

ther  advance  towards  the  west.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1124  his 
feudatory  Pandyadeva  of  Nojambavadi  chased  at  his  command  the 
king  of  Ratanpur,  who  was  apparently  Jajalladeva  I.  A  large  num¬ 
ber  of  Vikramaditya  Vi’s  inscriptions,  with  dates  beginning  from 
A.D.  1077,  state  that  he  conquered  Gurjara,  Dahala,  Konkana,  Maru, 
Nepala,  Barbara,  Kashmir,  Sindhu,  Turushka,  Abhira,  Nallura, 
Vidarbha  and  Vanga.  Vikramaditya  probably  made  some  of  these 
conquests  before  his  accession,  but  much  of  it  seems  to  be  mere 
panegyrics. 

Vikramaditya  Vi’s  empire  extended  up  to  Hassan,  Tumkur  and 
Cuddapah  Districts  in  the  south,  Khammamett  District  in  Hydera¬ 
bad  and  Godavari  District  in  the  east  and  south-east,  and  the  Nar¬ 
mada  in  the  north.  The  Hoysalas  of  Dorasamudra,  Kadambas  of 
Goa,  Pandyas  of  Nolambavadi,  Santaras  of  Patti-Pomburcha  (mo¬ 
dern  Humcha  in  the  Nagar  Taluk,  Shimoga  District),  Sindas  of  Eram- 
barage,  Yadavas  of  Seuna-desa,  and  the  Kakatiyas  of  Telingana 
were  his  vassals.  Vikramaditya  VI  had  at  least  three  sons,  Malli¬ 
karjuna,  Jayakarna,  and  Somesvara  III.  Mallikarjuna  was  the 
governor  of  Tardavadi,  and  Jayakarna  administered  Kaladgi  and 
Belgaum  Districts.  In  A.D.  1083  Vikramaditya  VI  sent  an  embassy 
to  the  court  of  Vijayabahu,  king  of  Ceylon.  The  Kashmirian  poet 
Rilhana,  the  author  of  Vikramankadeva-chariia,  and  Vijnanesvara,  the 
author  of  Mitakshard ,  graced  his  court.  He  erected  a  big  temple 
and  founded  a  city,  which  was  given  the  name  Vikramapura.  The 
last  known  date  of  his  reign  is  A.D.  1126.  He  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Somesvara  III  in  that  year. 

8.  SOMESVARA  III  (A.D.  1126-1138) 

Somesvara  III  assumed  the  titles  Bhulokamalla  and  Tribhu- 
vanamalla .  The  Hoysala  Vishnuvardhana  led  an  expedition  against 
the  kingdom  of  the  Chalukyas  during  his  reign,  captured  Bana- 
vasi,  assulted  the  Uchchangi  fort,  and  laid  siege  to  Panuhgal,  ruled 
by  the  Kadamba  Mallikarjuna.  The  Hoysalas  were,  however,  ulti¬ 
mately  routed  by  the  Chalukyas.  It  is  known  from  an  inscription 
found  in  the  Shikarpur  Taluk  of  the  Shimoga  District,  dated  A.D. 
1129,  that  Somesvara  III  came  to  the  south  in  course  of  an  expedi¬ 
tion  and  encamped  in  Hulluri  tirtha.  He  had  to  surrender  the 
Andhra  country  to  Kulottunga  Chola  II  before  A.D.  1134,  though  he 
is  credited  with  conquests  of  Andhra  and  Dramila  countries  in  an 
inscription  of  this  period.  The  statement  that  he  conquered  Magadha 
and  Nepala  cannot  be  verified,  but  it  probably  refers  to  the  rule  of 
Karnata  dynasties  in  these  kingdoms.6 

177 

S.  E— 12 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Somesvara  III,  who  was  given  the  title  Sarvajna-bhupa  or 
Sarvajna-Chaki'avartti  for  his  extensive  knowledge,  composed  the 
book  entitled  Manasollasa  or  Abhilashitdrtha-chintdmaniS  He  had 
two  sons,  Taila  III  and  Jagadekamalla  II.  Taila  III  governed  Sinda- 
vadi  in  A.D.  1120  under  Vikramaditya  VI,  and  continued  to  hold 
that  position  during  the  reign  of  his  father.  The  Kadamba  Taila 
administered  Banavasi  as  a  feudatory  of  Somesvara  III,  and  Vira 
Pandya  was  the  vassal  of  this  Chalukya  monarch  in  Nolambavadi, 
the  capital  of  which  was  Uchchahgi.  Somesvara  III  was  succeeded 
by  Jagadekamalla  II  in  A.D.  1138. 

9.  JAGADEKAMALLA  (A.D.  1138-1151)  AND  TAILA  III 

(AD.  1151-1156) 

Either  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Somesvara  III  or  in  the 
early  part  of  that  of  Jagadekamalla,  the  Hoysalas  of  Gangavadi, 
the  Kadambas  of  Goa,  and  some  other  feudatories  revolted,  but  the 
Sinda  Permadideva,  son  of  Acha  II  of  Erambarage,  helped  the  Cha- 
lukyas  in  putting  down  the  revolt.  An  inscription  of  Permadideva 
issued  during  Jagadekamalla  II’s  reign,  states  that  Permadideva 
defeated  Kulasekharanka,  besieged  Chatta  and  beheaded  him,  pur¬ 
sued  Jayakesin,  invested  Dorasamudra,  and  pursued  the  Hoysala 
Vishnuvardhana  as  far  as  Belupura  and  took  the  city.  He  finally 
came  to  the  mountain  pass  of  Vahadi  in  pursuit  of  his  enemy. 
Jayakesin  referred  to  is  Jayakesin  II  of  the  Kadamba  family  of  Goa. 
Chatta  seems  to  have  been  Chatta  II,  ruler  of  Toragale  (modern 
Torgal),  whose  grandson  Barma  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  in 
A.D.  1188.  The  Hoysala  Vishnuvardhana  increased  his  power  and 
prestige  and  stationed  himself  at  Bankapura  in  Dharwar,  but  paid 
nominal  allegiance  to  the  Chalukyas. 

About  the  year  A.D.  1143  Jagadekamalla,  together  with  the 
Hoysala  Narasimha,  invaded  Malava,  dethroned  the  Paramara  Jaya- 
varman,  and  placed  one  Ballala  on  the  throne.  It  was  probably  on 
this  occasion  that  Jagadekamalla  plundered  Lata  and  won  a  victory 
over  the  Gurjara  king,  who  was  Kumarapala.  In  the  south  Jaga¬ 
dekamalla  fought  successfully  with  Chola  Kulottunga  II  and  Ananta- 
varman  Chodaganga  of  Kalihga,  and  also  put  down  the  revolt  of  a 
Nojamba-Pallava  chief.  Vira  Pandya  of  Nolambavadi,  Goravadeva- 
rasa  of  Banavasi,  Jagaddeva  Santara  of  Pomburcha,  Kesvagovinda 
of  Belvola  etc.,  Iruhgulachola  of  Anantapur,  and  Sinda  Permadideva 
of  Erambarage  were  his  feudatories.  The  last  known  date  of  Jaga¬ 
dekamalla  II  is  A.D.  1151  in  which  year  he  was  succeeded  by  his 
brother  Taila  III. 


178 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 

Taila  III,  who  assumed  the  title  Trailokyamalla,  was  also  known 
as  Nurmadi  Taila.  His  inscriptions  prove  that  he  was  in  possession 
of  Shimoga,  Cuddapah,  and  Kurnool  Districts  in  the  south.  Some 
time  before  A.D.  1153  he  succeeded  in  repelling  the  attacks  of  the 
Chaulukya  Kumarapala  and  the  Chola  Kulottunga  II.  At  this  time, 
the  Kakatiyas  of  Telifigana  revolted.  Taila  III,  along  with  the 
Santara  Jagaddeva,  marched  to  Warangal  to  punish  the  rebels,  but 
was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Kakatiya  Prola,  who  is  said  to  have 
released  him  forthwith  out  of  devotion  for  him.  This  incident 
gave  a  crushing  blow  to  the  prestige  of  the  Chalukyas.  Ere  long 
the  Chalukya  empire  was  shattered  by  internal  revolts.  In  A.D. 
1156  the  feudatory  chief  Bijjala  of  the  Kalachuri  dynasty  prac¬ 
tically  wielded  the  sovereignty  of  the  Deccan.  Bijjala  and  the 
other  feudatories,  however,  acknowledged  the  nominal  sway  of  the 
Chalukyas  till  the  death  of  Taila  III.  An  inscription  from  Hanam- 
konda,  dated  A.D.  1163,  states  that  Taila  III  died  of  dysentery  for 
fear  of  the  Kakatlya  Rudradeva.  The  Deccan  was  ruled  by  Bijjala 
and  his  successors  for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century,7  till  the  for¬ 
tunes  of  the  Chalukyas  were  restored  by  Somesvara  IV,  son  of 
Taila  III. 

10.  THE  KALACHURI  USURPATION  (A.D.  1156-1181) 

Bijjala,  who  wrested  the  sovereignty  of  Kalyana  from  Taila  III, 
was  a  member  of  one  of  the  many  branches  of  the  Kalachuri  family, 
which  ruled  in  different  parts  of  the  Deccan  as  feudatories  of  the 
Chalukyas.  Krishna,  an  early  member  of  this  family,  is  said  to 
have  conquered  Kalahjara  and  Dahala.  In  his  lineage  was  born 
Kannama,  who  flourished  in  Mahgaliveda,  in  the  country  of  Tari- 
kadu  in  Kuntala.  Mahgaliveda  is  the  modern  Mangalvedha,  in  the 
old  Sangli  State.  Kannama’s  son  was  the  king  Raja,  whose  sons 
were  Ammugi,  Sankama  I,  and  Jogama.  Jogama,  who  is  said  to 
have  attained  to  the  mighty  splendour  of  primitive  kings,  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  son  Permadi,  also  called  Hemmadi.  Hemmadi  is  known 
to  have  been  governing  Taradavadi  (in  the  Bijapur  District)  in  A.D. 
1129  as  a  feudatory  of  the  Chalukya  Somesvara  III.  He  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Bijjala  before  A.D.  1147,  in  which  year  the  latter  served 
the  Chalukya  Jagadekamalla  II  as  a  feudatory.  Bijjala  also  served 
Taila  III  in  that  capacity  for  some  time,  and  got  the  charge  of  the 
administration  of  the  southern  divisions  of  the  Chalukya  kingdom, 
which  included  Banavasi  and  Nolambavadi  in  addition  to  Tarda- 
vadi.  Taila  Ill’s  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Kakatiyas  of  Telingana 
encouraged  Bijjala  to  bid  for  the  sovereignty  of  the  Deccan.  With 
the  help  of  the  gilahara  Vijayaditya,  son  of  Gandaraditya,  rulej  of 

179 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Karahataka,  and  the  Dandadhinatha  Racha,  the  officer  in  charge  of 
Nagarakhanda  in  Banavasi,  he  seized  the  throne  of  the  Chalukyas. 

Bijjala  assumed  the  titles  Tribhuvanamalla,  Nissahkamalla, 
Sanivarasiddhi,  and  Giridurgamalla.  Several  inscriptions  of  his 
reign  prove  that  he  ascended  the  throne  of  the  Deccan  in  A  D.  1156 
and  occupied  Kalyana  before  A.D.  1160.  He,  however,  acknow¬ 
ledged  the  nominal  sway  of  Taila  III  so  long  as  the  latter  was  alive. 
He  devoted  the  early  years  of  his  reign  to  putting  down  distur¬ 
bances  in  the  south.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1162  he  is  known  to 
have  been  encamping  at  Balligave  in  the  Banavasi-nad  in  order  to 
subdue  the  southern  region.  He  destroyed  Tagarate  in  the  Shi- 
moga  District,  defeated  the  Santara  Jagaddeva  of  Pomburcha,  and 
laid  siege  to  the  fort  of  Gutti  (Gooty  in  Anantapur),  which  was 
destroyed.  The  Hoysala  Narasimha  I  suffered  a  reverse  at  his 
hands  on  the  bank  of  the  Tungabhadra.  The  Pandya  chief  Vijaya 
Pandya,  also  known  as  Kama,  who  refused  to  acknowledge  his 
supremacy,  was  brought  under  control.  Bijjala  fought  successfully 
with  the  Cheras  of  the  Malabar  coast,  the  Chola  Rajaraja  II,  Vela- 
nanti  Rajendra-Choda  II  of  Andhra,  the  Gahga  Raghava  of  Kalihga 
in  the  south,  and  the  Chaulukya  Kumarapala,  whose  kingdom  in¬ 
cluded  Gurjara,  Lata,  Saurashtra,  and  Malava,  in  the  north.  He 
inflicted  a  defeat  on  the  Kalachuri  Jayasimha  of  the  Chedi  coun¬ 
try,  but  his  victory  over  this  Kalachuri  monarch  was  not  decisive, 
as  the  latter  also  claims  to  have  won  a  victory  over  the  king  of 
Kuntala.  The  statements  in  some  inscriptions  of  the  successors  of 
Bijjala  that  he  invaded  Simhala,  Nepala,  Turushka,  Anga,  Vanga, 
and  Magadha  are  obviously  hyperboles.  Kesapayya-Nayaka  of  Bana¬ 
vasi,  Vijaya  Pandya  of  Nolambavadi,  Barma  or  Bammidevarasa  of 
Sindavadi,  Sinda  Chavunda  II  of  Erambarage,  Sridhara  of  Tarda- 
vadi,  Kadamba  Somadeva  of  Hangal  (Hanungal),  Silahara  Vijaya- 
ditya  of  Karahataka,  and  the  Ratta  Karttavlrya  III  of  Saundatti 
were  his  feudatories. 

Some  works  of  the  late  period,  viz.  the  Basavapurana,  Channa- 
bcisavapurana ,  and  Bijjalardya-charita  narrate  stories  referring  to 
Bijjala’s  quarrel  with  Basava,  son  of  Mladiraja,  the  founder  of  the 
Lingayat  sect.  It  is  stated  that  Bijjala,  a  patron  of  the  Jains,  ap¬ 
pointed  Basava  as  his  minister,  but  soon  quarrelled  with  him  as  he 
was  using  his  office  for  the  propagation  of  his  creed.  Basava  mur¬ 
dered  the  king  through  his  agents  and  himself  committed  suicide 
to  avoid  the  extreme  punishment  at  the  hands  of  the  son  of  the 
deceased  king.  The  authenticity  of  the  story  may  reasonably  be 
doubted  as  the  contemporary  evidence  proves  that  Bijjala  abdicated 


180 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 

the  throne  in  favour  of  his  son.  An  inscription  of  this  period  from 
Ablur  states  that  Ekantada  Ramayya,  a  great  devotee  of  Siva,  who 
brought  discredit  on  the  Jains  by  performing  some  miracles,  won 
the  admiration  of  Bijjala.  Bijjala  gave  him  a  jaya-patra  (a  certi¬ 
ficate  of  victory)  over  the  Jains  and  honoured  him  by  laving  his 
feet. 

Bijjala  had  four  sons,  Somesvara,  Sankama,  Ahavamalla  and 
Siiighana,  and  one  daughter  SiriyadevI,  who  was  given  in  marriage 
to  Sinda  Chavunda  II  of  Erambarage.  An  inscription  reports  that 
in  the  16th  Kalachuri  (Bijjala)  year  (S.  1090  =  A.D.  1168)  Bijjala 
abdicated  his  throne  in  favour  of  his  son  Somesvara.  Another  ins¬ 
cription,  dated  A.D.  1165,  mentions  Somesvara  as  the  king  of  Kun- 
tala.  It  seems  that  Somesvara  was  associated  in  the  government 
with  his  father  from  A.D.  1165. 

Somesvara,  also  known  as  Somadeva  and  Sovideva,  assumed 
the  title  Raya-Murdri.  His  inscriptions  fix  the  date  of  his  accession 
in  A.D.  1168.  The  Shimoga  District  was  included  in  his  kingdom. 
He  was  also  in  possession,  in  A.D.  1174,  of  the  Krishna  District  which 
was  probably  annexed  by  Bijjala.  Somesvara  is  said  to  have  con¬ 
quered  Chola,  Gurjara,  and  Lata  countries  before  A.D.  1172.  At 
this  time  the  Chola  country  was  ruled  by  Rajaraja  II,  and  Gur¬ 
jara  and  Lata  were  ruled  by  Chaulukya  Kumarapala.  Some  time 
before  A.D.  1174  Somesvara  is  stated  to  have  plundered  Khasa, 
Kalinga,  Kimmira,  Turushka,  Chera,  and  Saurashtra.  During 
this  period  Kalinga  and  Kimmira  (Kimida),  modern  Kimide,  in  the 
Ganjam  District,  were  under  the  sway  of  the  Gahga  Rajaraja  II. 
Somesvara’s  feudatory,  the  Kadamba  Sovideva,  took  prisoner  in 
battle  the  Changalva  king  Mahadeva,  who  ruled  western  Mysore 
and  Coorg.  Somesvara’s  minister  Bayalike  Kesimayya  governed 
Banavasi,  Sindavadi,  Tardavadi,  and  Hanungal.  The  last  known 
date  of  Somesvara’s  reign  is  A.D.  1177,  which  is  also  the  earliest 
known  date  of  the  reign  of  his  younger  brother  and  successor  San¬ 
kama. 

Sankama  II  had  an  able  general  named  Kavana,  who  had 
seventy-two  officers  to  serve  him.  Kavana,  defeated  the  Velananti 
Rajendra-Choda  II  of  the  Andhra  country,  won  victory  over  the 
Chola  Rajaraja  II,  led  an  expedition  to  the  south  through  Banavasi, 
and  fought  successfully  with  the  Hoysala  Ballala  II.  The  Kadamba 
Vijayaditya  of  Goa  and  the  Silahara  Aparaditya  II  of  Northern 
Konkan  yielded  to  his  forces.  He  claims  to  have  worsted  in  battle 
the  king  of  Gurjara,  who  was  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  II.  An  inscrip¬ 
tion  of  his  reign  makes  the  very  extravagant  claim  that  he  con¬ 
quered  Gauda,  Magadha,  Turushka,  and  Sirhhala.  The  Sinda 


181 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Isvara-bhupa,  who  governed.  Banavasi,  Edevatte  etc.,  and  the  Sinda 
Vikkayya,  son  of  Chavunda  II  of  Erambarage,  were  his  feudatories. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Ahavamalla. 

Ahavamalla’s  inscriptions  fix  the  date  of  his  accession  in  A.D. 
1130.  Like  his  predecessors  he  carried  on  campaigns  against  his 
neighbours.  With  the  help  of  his  generals  Kesimayya,  Laksh- 
mana,  and  Chandugideva,  he  defeated  the  Velananti  Gonka  III  of 
the  Andhra  country,  plundered  Kanchl  after  defeating  Kulottuhga 
Chola  III,  won  victory  over  the  Hoysala  Ballala  II,  and  subdued  the 
Kadamba  Vijayaditya  of  Goa.  He  also  worsted  in  battle  the  Sila- 
hara  Aparaditya  II  of  Northern  Konkan,  and  the  Par  am,  ar  a  Vin- 
dhyavarman  of  Malava.  An  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1181,  gives 
him  credit  for  conquering  the  Chaulika  army.  This  may  be  refer¬ 
ring  to  his  success  in  frustrating  an  early  attempt  of  the  Chalukya 
Somesvara  IV  to  conquer  the  Deccan.  His  governor  in  Banavasi, 
Santalige,  etc.,  was  his  general  Kesimayya.  In  A.D.  1181  Somes¬ 
vara  IV  succeeded  in  wresting  from  Ahavamalla  the  larger  portion 
of  the  Deccan  including  Kalyana.  After  this  discomfiture  Ahava¬ 
malla  continued  to  rule  Belvola  and  Banavasi  for  two  more  years. 
The  last  known  date  of  his  reign  is  A.D.  1183,  and  he  was  succeed¬ 
ed  by  his  youngest  brother  Singhana  in  that  year.  In  A.D.  1183-84 
Singhana  surrendered  to  Somesvara  IV  Belvola  and  Banavasi,  and 
acknowledged  his  supremacy.  An  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1184, 
mentions  him  as  a  feudatory  of  Somesvara  IV.  There  is  no  trace 
of  the  rule  of  this  branch  of  the  Kalachuris  after  this  date. 

11.  SOMESVARA  IV  (A.D.  1181-c.  1189),  THE  LAST 

CHALUKYA  RULER 

The  political  status  of  Somesvara  IV,  son  of  Taila  III,  during 
the  rule  of  the  Kalachuris  is  not  known.  Some  suggest  that  he 
resided  at  Annigere  in  the  Dharwar  District  during  this  period.  In 
any  case  he  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1181-82  and  assumed  the 
title  Tribhuvanamalla.  Within  two  or  three  years,  as  noted  above, 
he  defeated  the  Kalachuri  rulers  Ahavamalla  and  Singhana  and  re¬ 
covered  his  ancestral  kingdom.  In  this  he  was  greatly  helped  by 
his  general  Brahma,  also  called  Bomma  and  Bammayya. 

An  inscription  from  Kurgod,  in  the  Bellary  Taluk  of  the  Bel¬ 
lary  District,  states  that  in  A.D.  1181-82  Somesvara  IV  was  on  the 
throne  of  Kalyana  and  that,  under  him,  the  Sinda  Rachamalla  ruled 
over  Ballakunde  from  the  fort  of  Kurugodu,  modern  Kurgod.  Other 
inscriptions  of  his  reign  prove  that  Shimoga,  Chitaldroog,  Bellary 
and  Bijapur  Districts  were  included  in  his  kingdom.  Kamadevarasa 


182 


LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 

of  Banavasi  and  Hanungal,  Hoysala  Ballala  II  of  Dorasamudra,  and 
Vijaya  Pandya  of  Nolambavadi  were  his  feudatories. 

Somesvara  IV  invited  the  Saiva  Ekantada  Ramayya  to  his  palace 
and  showed  him  reverence.  He  ruled  the  Deccan  up  to  the  Goda¬ 
vari  river  in  the  north  till  at  least  A.D.  1184,  and  the  last  known 
date  of  his  supremacy  over  the  Bellary  and  Shimoga  Districts  is 
A.D.  1189.  He  was  deprived  of  his  sovereignty  of  the  Deccan  by 
the  Yadava  Bhillama  in  or  before  that  year.  He  then  took  shelter 
with  the  Kadamba  Jayakesin  III  of  Goa,  who  acknowledged  his 
suzerainty  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1198.  Nothing  further  is  known  of 
Somesvara  IV. 

1.  Vol.  IV,  p.  2. 

2.  This  genealogy,  given  in  later  grants,  is  not  regarded  as  reliable  by  either 
Bhandarkar  or  Fleet  (Bom.  Gaz.  Vol.  I,  Part  II,  pp.  211,  378-9,  427).  Altekar 
takes  the  same  view  ( Rashtrakutas ,  p.  127). 

3.  Vol.  IV,  p.  16. 

4.  An  inscription  in  the  Ambarnath  temple  belongs  to  the  Mahamandalesvara 
Mamvaniraja  (KL.  No.  308).  Some  identify  this  chief  with  the  Silahara 
Mummuni.  The  date  of  the  record  is  read  by  some  as  S.  982=A.D.  1060'.  If 
the  reading  of  the  date  is  correct,  Mummuni  is  to  be  taken  to  have  been  over¬ 
thrown  after  A.D.  1060.  But  Kielhorn  remarks  that  the  reading  of  the  second 
numerical  figure  as  8  is  doubtful. 

5.  See  p.  47. 

6.  Cf.  Ch.  XV  for  the  contents  of  the  Mdnasollasa. 

7.  About  this  time  some  chiefs  of  the  Chalukya  dynasty  were  wielding  political 
power  in  the  southern  part  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Chalukyas.  As  inscription, 
dated  A.D.  1160,  found  in  the  Sagar  Taluk ,  Shimoga  District,  states  that  the 
Santara  Jagaddeva  ruled  Banavasi  and  Santalige  as  a  feudatory  or  Bhuloka- 
malla.  An  inscription  from  the  same  Taluk,  issued  in  the  same  year,  mentions 
Trailokyamalla  as  the  overlord  of  Jagaddeva.  Some  inscriptions,  dated 
A.D.  1164,  relate  that  the  Chalukya  Tribhuvanamalla  was  ruling  Shimoga. 
Tumkur,  and  Kadur  Districts,  and  the  Hoysala  Narasimha  of  Gahgavadi  was 
his  vassal.  Another  epigraphic  record  reports  that  in  A.D.  1170  Mallideva 
Chola -Maharaja  was  ruling  Govindavadi  as  a  subordinate  of  Tribhuvanamalla. 
An  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1164,  from  Davanagere  Taluk,  Chitaldroog  District, 
records  that  when  the  Chalukya  Jagadekamalla,  who  conquered  Lata,  Pallava, 
and  Kalihga,  was  ruling  his  kingdom,  the  king  Bijjala’s  feudatory  Vijaya 
Pandya  was  ruling  Nolambavadi.  Another  record,  dated  A.D.  1165,  from  the 
same  locality,  states  that  Vijaya  Pandya  ruled  Nolambavadi  as  a  subordinate 
of  Jagadekamalla.  An  inscription  discloses  that  when  in  A.D.  1169  Jagadeka¬ 
malla  was  ruling  from  Kalyana,  his  vassal  Mallideva  Chola  was  administering 
Anantapur  District.  The  Chalukya  Jagadekamalla  is  known  to  have  been 
ruling  the  Bellary  and  Tumkur  Districts  in  A.D.  1173,  1179,  1181,  and  1183.  The 
Hoysala  Ballala’s  acknowledgment  of  the  supremacy  of  Jagadekamalla  is  proved 
by  his  inscriptions  dated  A.D.  1187  and  1194.  The  identity  of  these  three 
Chalukya  kings  Bhulokamalla,  Tribhuvanamalla,  and  Jagadekamalla  cannot  be 
established. 


183 


APPENDIX 


THE  SILAHARAS 

Reference  has  been  made  above,  more  than  once,  to  the  Sila- 
haras.  There  were  three  distinct  families  of  this  name,  ruling 
respectively  in  Northern  Konkan,  Southern  Konkan,  and  the  South 
Maratha  country  comprising  the  districts  of  Kolhapur,  Miraj  and 
Karhad.  They  were  founded  in  the  times  of  the  Rashtrakutas  and 
were  feudatories  to  them.  The  title  Tagarapura-varadhlsvara,  borne 
by  all  of  them,  indicates  that  they  once  ruled  at  the  city  of  Tagara. 

The  first  two  of  these  dynasties,  founded  about  the  middle  of 
the  ninth  century  A.D.,  passed  through  vicissitudes  of  fortunes  dur¬ 
ing  the  suzerainty  of  the  later  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana.  These  have 
been  referred  to  in  course  of  the  general  narrative  in  this  chapter. 

The  third  &ilahara  family,  founded  in  the  tenth  century  A.D. 
by  Jatiga,  with  his  capital  probably  at  Karhad,  had  a  more  dis¬ 
tinguished  career.  The  chiefs  ruled  as  independent  or  semi-inde¬ 
pendent  sovereigns  after  the  fall  of  the  Rashtrakuta  empire.  South¬ 
ern  Konkan  was  added  to  their  dominions  some  time  before  A.D. 
1058. 

Gandaraditya  of  this  family,  who  ruled  in  the  first  half  of  the 
twelfth  century  A.D.,  was  a  famous  figure,  and  is  said  to  have  fed 
a  hundred  thousand  Brahmanas.  He  constructed  a  large  tank  call¬ 
ed  Gandasamudra  (sea  of  Ganda)  in  the  Miraj  District,  placed  on  its 
margin  images  of  Buddha,  Jina  and  Siva,  and  assigned  land  for  the 
maintenance  of  each. 

Vijayaditya,  the  son  and  successor  of  Gandaraditya,  enabled  the 
Northern  Silaharas  to  recover  their  independence,  and  aided  Bijjala 
in  his  revolt  against  the  Later  Chalukyas.  During  the  reign  of 
Bhoja  II,  son  and  successor  of  Vijayaditya,  the  Kalachuris  wanted 
to  establish  their  authority  over  him,  but  without  success.  Bhoja 
II  formally  declared  independence,  but  Sihghana  defeated  him  and 
annexed  his  principality  to  the  Yadava  dominions,  as  mentioned 
above. 

The  &ilaharas  carried  the  Suvarna-Garuda-Dhvaja  (banner  of 
a  golden  Garuda),  and  used  the  title  Sriman-Makdlakshrrvi-labdha- 
vara-prasada.  Thus  Mahalakshml  was  their  tutelary  deity  and  they 
were  followers  of  the  Puranic  and  Vedic  religion.  An  epigraphic 
record1  describes  the  Silahara  family  as  “the  best  of  the  Simhala 
kings”,  indicating  some  real  or  fancied  connection  with  the  island 
of  Ceylon.  According  to  the  same  record,  the  Silaharas  were 
descended  from  Jlmutavahana,  the  lord  of  the  Vidyadharas,  son  of 
Jimutaketu,  who  gave  his  life  to  Garuda. 

1.  El,  III.  292. 


184 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIR1 

The  predecessors  of  the  Yadavas  of  Devagiri  ruled  over  a  coun¬ 
try  comprising  Khandesh,  Nasik,  and  Ahmadnagar  Districts  in  the 
Bombay  State,  as  vassals  of  the  Rashtrakutas  of  Manyakheta  and 
the  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana  for  more  than  three  hundred  years.  The 
founder  of  this  feudatory  family  was  Dridhaprahara,  who  is  said  to 
have  been  the  son  of  Subahu,  king  of  Dvaravatipura,  modern  Dw.a- 
raka,  in  Kathiawar.  Dridhaprahara  flourished  in  the  first  half  of 
the  ninth  century  A.D.,  and  established  his  capital  at  Chandraditya- 
pura,  modern  Chandor,  in  the  Nasik  District.  His  son  and  succes¬ 
sor  Seunachandra  I  founded  a  city  called  Seunapura  and  also  gave 
the  name  Seuna-desa  or  Sevuna-desa  to  his  kingdom  after  his  own. 
It  was  situated  on  the  confines  of  Dandaka,  and  included  Devagiri, 
modern  Daulatabad,  in  the  Aurangabad  District.  The  successors  of 
Seunachandra  are  referred  to  as  the  Sevunas  in  their  own  inscrip¬ 
tions  as  well  as  in  those  of  their  neighbours.  A  remote  successor 
of  Seunachandra  was  Karina,  whose  son  Bhillama  V  was  the  first 
independent  king  of  the  dynasty.1 

1.  BHILLAMA  V 

Bhillama  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1185,  when  there  was  a 
great  political  upheaval  in  the  Deccan.  Though  the  Chalukya 
Somesvara  IV  Tribhuvanamalla  succeeded  in  recovering  his  empire 
from  the  Kalachuris  with  the  help  of  his  general  Brahma,  he  failed 
to  consolidate  his  power  by  putting  down  all  the  refractory  ele¬ 
ments.  This  offered  a  favourable  opportunity  to  Bhillama  to  bid 
for  paramount  power  in  the  Deccan.  He  had  a  number  of  able 
generals,  such  as  Jaitrasimha,  Peyiya  SahanI,  Mayideva,  and  Lakh- 
khana.  With  their  help  he  organised  an  army  of  more  than  two 
lakhs  of  infantry  and  twelve  thousand  cavalry,  and  launched  an 
aggressive  campaign.  He  wrested  from  Somesvara  IV  not  only 
Kalyana,  the  capital  of  the  Chalukyas,  but  also  Kisukad-nad,  the 
capital  of  which  was  Erambarage  (modern  Yelburga,  Lingsugur, 
Hyderabad),  Tardavadi-ndd  (country  round  Mutgi  in  the  Bagewadi 
Taluk ,  Bijapur  District),  Belvola  (country  around  Gadag,  in  the 
Dharwar  District),  and  the  adjoining  territories.  The  Chalukya 
Emperor,  in  his  distress,  took  shelter  with  the  Kadambas  of  Goa, 
and  was  acknowledged  as  suzerain  by  the  Kadamba  Jayakesi  III 


185 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


at  least  up  to  A.D.  1198.  About  this  time  the  chief  of  Mangala- 
veshtaka  (modern  Mangalvedha  in  the  old  Sangli  State)  lost  his  life 
in  an  engagement  with  the  Sevunas  (Seunas).  Bhillama  next  in¬ 
vaded  the  kingdom  of  the  Hoysalas  of  Dorasamudra,  who  had  also 
taken  advantage  of  the  weakness  of  the  Chalukyas  to  declare  inde¬ 
pendence  about  this  time.  In  vain  did  Ballala  II,  the  king  of  the 
Hoysalas,  try  to  defend  his  kingdom  against  the  incursion  of  the 
Sevunas.  Bhillama  overran  the  Hoysala  kingdom  and  reached 
Seringapatam,  in  the  Mysore  District.  During  this  campaign  he 
also  invaded  the  territory  of  the  Cholas  and  won  a  victory  over 
Kulottuhga  III.  In  the  meantime  Ballala  II  organised  another  strong 
army,  and  confronted  the  Sevunas  at  Ingalakupe,2  modern  village 
of  Ingalaguppe,  in  the  Seringapatam  Taluk.  In  A.D.  1188-1189  he 
inflicted  a  severe  defeat  upon  Bhillama  which  forced  the  latter 
to  withdraw  from  the  Hoysala  country.  Inscriptions  of  Bhillama’s 
reign  refer  to  his  supremacy  over  Belvola,  Tardavadi,  and  Mada- 
gihal  in  the  old  Jath  State.  The  Silaharas  of  Northern  and  South¬ 
ern  Konkan,  Kadambas  of  Goa,  and  the  Rattas  of  Saundatti  do  not 
seem  to  have  acknowledged  his  suzerainty. 

Bhillama  also  led  expeditions  against  his  northern  neighbours. 
He  wrested  the  city  of  Srfvardhana,  near  Nagpur,  from  a  chief 
named  Antala.  At  this  time  the  Paramara  Vindhyavarman  was 
ruling  in  Malava,  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  II  was  ruling  in  the  Gur- 
jara  country,  and  the  Chahamana  Kelhana  was  ruling  in  Nadol 
(Naddula).  Bhillama  overran  Malava  and  Gurjara  after  defeating 
Vindhyavarman  and  Bhlma  II  and  reached  the  border  of  the  Nadol 
kingdom  in  the  old  Sirohi  State.  Kelhana  proved  himself  equal  to 
the  occasion  and  baffled  all  the  attempts  of  the  Sevunas  to  make 
further  advance  in  that  direction.  After  this  discomfiture  Bhillama 
retired  to  his  own  kingdom.  The  other  adversaries  defeated  by 
Bhillama,  viz.  the  Varalas,  Malla,  Malluji,  Munja,  and  Anna  cannot 
be  identified.  The  statement  of  the  Mutgi  inscription  of  his  reign 
that  he  won  victories  over  the  Kalingas,  Gaudas,  Vangas,  Angas, 
Nepalas,  and  the  Panchalas  seems  to  be  a  hyperbole. 

In  the  closing  years  of  his  reign  Bhillama  was  again  engaged 
in  a  terrible  struggle  with  the  Hoysalas.  Ballala  II  launched  an 
aggressive  campaign  against  the  Sevunas  and  readily  captured 
Virata’s  fort  (Hangal),  Gutti,  and  Rattapalli.  The  Hoysala  army 
next  attacked  the  fort  at  Soratur,  twelve  miles  south  of  Gadag. 
Jaitrasimha,  Bhillama’s  general  of  the  southern  forces,  finding  his 
position  untenable  there,  withdrew  to  the  fortress  at  Lokkigundi, 
modern  Lokkundi,  six  miles  east  of  Gadag,  where  there  was  a  big 
concentration  of  the  Sevuna  army.  Ballala  II  pursued  him  there 


186 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIRI 


and  compelled  him  to  surrender  the  fort.  After  this  unique  achi¬ 
evement  Ballala  advanced  towards  Erambarage,  which  was  defend¬ 
ed  by  a  number  of  fortresses.  Within  a  short  time  the  city  was 
besieged  and  taken  possession  of  by  the  Hoysala  army,  which  finally 
advanced  up  to  the  Krishna  river  in  pursuit  of  the  Sevunas.  All 
these  conquests,  which  were  made  between  A.D.  1191  and  1192, 
made  Ballala  master  of  Huligere  (the  country  around  Lakshmes- 
war,  Dharwar  District),  Belvola,  Kisukad  and  the  adjoining  terri¬ 
tories  up  to  the  Heddore,  i.e .  the  Krishna  river.  After  finishing  his 
northern  conquest  he  encamped  at  Lokkigundi  for  some  time  in 
A.D.  1193.  He  made  Erambarage  his  capital  for  the  northern 
countries  and  is  known  to  have  resided  there  in  A.D.  1196. 

According  to  Hemadri  Bhiilama  founded  the  city  of  Devagiri 
and  presumably  transferred  his  capital  there.  The  earliest  men¬ 
tion  of  Devagiri  as  the  capital  of  the  Sevunas  is  found  in  an  inscrip¬ 
tion  of  Jaitugi,  also  known  as  Jaitrapala,  son  of  Bhiilama,  dated 
A.D.  1196.  The  last  known  date  of  Bhiilama  is  A.D.  1193,  but  an 
inscription  of  Jaitugi  is  dated  A.D.  1192.  Another  inscription  of 
this  king  bears  a  date  corresponding  to  A.D.  1196,  which  was  the 
sixth  year  of  his  reign.  All  these  point  out  that  Bhiilama  associat¬ 
ed  with  him  his  son  Jaitugi  in  the  government  from  A.D.  1191  and 
died  shortly  after  A.D.  1193. 

2.  JAITUGI 

Jaitugi  failed  to  dislodge  Ballala  II  from  Kisukad  and  Bel¬ 
vola.  He  however  succeeded  in  wresting  the  eastern  portion  of 
Sindavadi  country  in  which  was  situated  the  modern  Adoni  Taluk 
of  the  Bellary  District.  Though  he  claims  victory  over  the  Pandyas, 
apparently  of  Nolambavadi,  who  were  feudatories  of  the  Hoysalas, 
he  could  not  push  the  boundary  of  his  kingdom  further  south. 
Ballala  II  is  known  to  have  been  ruling  the  Siraguppa  and  Bellary 
Taluks  of  the  Bellary  District  even  after  the  death  of  Jaitugi. 

About  this  time  the  northern  part  of  the  Kurnool  District 
seems  to  have  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  Sevunas.  The  exten¬ 
sion  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Sevunas  up  to  the  confluence  of  the 
Krishna  and  the  Tungabhadra  brought  Jaitugi  near  the  border  of 
the  kingdom  of  the  Kakatlyas  and  he  now  pressed  hard  on  them. 
The  Kakatlya  Mahadeva,  who  ascended  the  throne  shortly  after 
A.D.  1195,  used  all  his  forces  to  resist  the  advance  of  the  enemies, 
but  failed.  In  the  engagement  that  followed  he  lost  his  life,  and 
his  young  son  Ganapati  was  taken  prisoner.  The  whole  of  the 
Kakatlya  kingdom  lay  prostrate  before  Jaitugi.  About  this  time 
Jaitugi  seems  to  have  successfully  fought  with  Anangabhlma  II  of 


187 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  Gahga  dynasty  of  Kalinga  and  Kulottunga  III  of  the  Imperial 
Chola  dynasty.  Subsequently  Jaitugi  took  compassion  on  the  young 
Ganapati,  released  him,  and  placed  him  on  his  paternal  throne. 

Like  his  father  Jaitugi  also  waged  wars  against  his  neighbours 
to  the  north  of  the  Narmada.  The  Paramara  Subhatavarman  and 
the  Chaulukya  Bhima  II  yielded  to  his  force  and  their  kingdoms 
were  plundered  by  the  Sevuna  army.  Probably  about  this  time 
Jaitugi  came  into  clash  with  the  forces  of  Qutb-ud-din  Aibak, 
who  were  carrying  on  depredation  in  Gujarat  in  A.D.  1197. 

Jaitugi’s  minister  was  Murari  Kesava,  and  two  brothers,  Malli- 
deva  and  Sahadeva,  were  the  commanders  of  his  army.  The  king 
ruled  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1198  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sin- 
ghana  about  the  year  A.D.  1200. 

3.  SINGH  ANA 

Singhana,  who  was  the  most  distinguished  member  of  his 
family,  made  an  extensive  preparation  for  establishing  an  empire  in 
the  Deccan.  But  the  Hoysalas  proved  a  great  obstacle  to  the  fur¬ 
ther  expansion  of  the  Sevuna  kingdom  in  the  south.  With  the 
assistance  of  his  able  general  Blchana,  Singhana  launched  an  ex¬ 
pedition  against  the  Hoysala  Ballala  II  in  A.D.  1211.  Vikramaditya 
of  the  Sinda  family,  who  was  ruling  the  Kisukad  country  from  his 
capital  Erambarage  as  a  vassal  under  the  Hoysalas,  submitted  to 
him.  Belvola,  Huligere,  Masavadi,  and  Hanungal  (Hangal)  fell  be¬ 
fore  him  one  after  the  other.  Vlra- Vikramaditya  II  of  the  Gutta 
family  of  Guttal,  near  Haveri,  in  the  Dharwar  District,  transferred 
his  allegiance  to  him.  All  these  conquests  brought  Singhana  to  the 
northern  border  of  the  Banavasi  country,  the  capital  of  which  was 
located  at  Balligrama,  modern  Belgami,  in  the  Shikarpur  Taluk  of 
the  Shimoga  District,  Mysore.  The  country  consisted  of  at  least 
three  divisions,  viz.,  Nagarkhanda,  Jiddulige  and  Edavatte.  The 
headquarters  of  Nagarkhanda  were  at  Bandanike,  modern  Banda- 
like,  in  the  Shikarpur  Taluk,  and  those  of  Jiddulige  at  Uddare,  mo¬ 
dern  Udri,  in  the  Sorab  Taluk  of  the  Shimoga  District.  Adjacent 
to  Banavasi  was  Santalige,  the  country  round  the  village  of  Pune- 
dahalli,  in  the  Shikarpur  Taluk ,  the  capital  of  which  was  at  Hosa- 
gunda.  Mallideva  of  a  collateral  branch  of  the  Sinda  family  was 
at  this  time  ruling  Banavasi  and  Santalige  as  a  feudatory  under 
the  Hoysalas.  Ballala  II  made  extensive  preparations  for  the 
defence  of  Banavasi.  But  a  fiercely  contested  battle  soon  enabled 
Singhana  to  establish  his  authority  over  Balligrama.  The  Sevuna 
king  then  advanced  towards  Bandalike  where  Ballala  gave  him  a 
stiff  opposition.  But  the  Hoysalas  capitulated  as  soon  as  they 


188 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIRI 


found  that  their  grain  store  was  seized  by  the  Sevuna  army.  With¬ 
in  a  short  time  Uddare  shared  the  same  fate  with  Balligrama  and 
Bandalike.  By  the  year  A.D.  1213  Singhana  conquered  the  whole 
of  Banavasi  and  Santalige  and  reached  the  banks  of  the  Tuhga  river. 
This  brilliant  success  emboldened  him  to  make  a  bid  for  the  whole 
of  the  Hoysala  kingdom,  and  he  marched  towards  Dorasamudra. 
Yelavare,  son  of  Malleya-Nayaka,  an  officer  of  Ballala,  lost  his  life 
in  an  attempt  to  arrest  the  advance  of  the  Sevuna  army. Singhana, 
like  his  grandfather  Bhillama,  reached  the  Kaverl  river  in  course  of 
his  conquest,  and  defeated  Jajalladeva,  the  ruler  of  Rahga3  or 
Seringapatam,  Mysore.  About  this  time  he  also  defeated  Kakkalla, 
king  of  Virata.  But  he  had  eventually  to  withdraw  to  the  north  of 
the  Tunga  river  which  formed  the  southern  boundary  of  his  domi¬ 
nion.  Stone  inscriptions  of  his  reign  have  been  found  in  large 
numbers  in  the  Shikarpur  and  Sorab  Taluks.  Singhana  directed 
another  expedition  against  the  Hoysalas.  Two  Sevuna  generals 
Vikramapala  and  Pavusa  lost  their  lives  in  that  engagement. 

Singhana  also  turned  his  arms  against  the  petty  chiefs  of  the 
western  coast  of  the  Bombay  State.  The  Kadamba  Tribhuvana- 
malla,  son  of  Jayakesi  III,  king  of  Gove  (Goa),  and  Karttavlrya  IV 
of  the  Ratta  family  of  Venugrama,  modern  Belgaum,  which  was 
the  capital  of  the  Kundi  country,  submitted  to  him.  Singhana  put 
an  end  to  the  rule  of  the  Kolhapur  branch  of  the  Silahara  family 
by  overthrowing  Bhoja,  II,  who  resided  at  the  fort  of  Pranala,  mo¬ 
dern  Panhala,  twTelve  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Kolhapur.  An 
Abhlra  chief  named  Lakshmideva,  ruler  of  Bhambhagiri,  presumably 
modern  Bhamar  in  Pimpalner  Taluk  of  the  West  Khandesh  Dis¬ 
trict,  submitted  to  him.  Singhana  does  not  seem  to  have  made  any 
attempt  to  bring  the  Silaharas  of  Northern  Konkan  under  his  sway. 
On  the  south-east  he  annexed  the  larger  portion  of  the  Anantapur 
District,  Madras  State,  apparently  by  defeating  the  Hoysalas.  His 
attempt  to  extend  his  power  into  the  Kakatlya  kingdom,  which  lay 
to  the  east  of  Anantapur,  was  foiled  by  the  Kakatlya  Ganapati. 
On  the  east  Singhana,  in  course  of  his  conquest,  reached  Chahanda, 
modern  Chanda  District,  Madhya  Pradesh,  where  he  inflicted  a  de¬ 
feat  upon  the  Paramara  Bhoja,  who  belonged  to  a  minor  branch 
of  the  Paramara  dynasty  ruling  in  that  part  of  the  country.  Hema- 
dri,  whom  the  Sevuna  king  worsted  in  a  battle,  was  the  king  of 
Parnakheta,  which  seems  to  have  been  situated  in  Berar. 

After  making  himself  master  of  the  Deccan,  Singhana  turned 
his  arms  against  his  hereditary  enemies,  the  Paramaras  of  Malava 
and  the  Chaulukyas  of  Gujarat.  About  this  time  the  country  of 
Lata  with  its  capital  Bhrigukachchha  formed  a  part  of  the  kingdom 

189 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  the  Paramara  Arjunavarman,  and  was  ruled  by  a  chief  named 
Sindhuraja.  Singhana,  assisted  by  his  Brahmana  general  Kholes- 
vara,  crossed  the  Tapti  river  and  attacked  Bhrigukachchha.  Arjuna¬ 
varman  and  his  feudatory  Sindhuraja  gave  battle  but  were  defeat¬ 
ed,  and  the  latter  lost  his  life.  The  Sevuna  army  next  invaded  the 
Gurjara  country,  which  was  passing  through  a  crisis  under  the 
weak  rule  of  the  Chaulukya  Bhlma  II.  Lavanaprasada  of  the  Vag- 
hela  family,  who  was  the  de  facto  ruler  of  the  country,  failed  to 
withstand  the  onslaught  of  the  invaders,  who  after  a  successful 
raid  withdrew  to  their  own  country.  Some  time  afterwards  Sing- 
hana  again  attacked  Lata  and  defeated  Sankha,  son  of  Sindhuraja. 
During  the  reign  of  Sankha,  also  known  as  Saihgramasiihha,  the  son 
and  successor  of  Sindhuraja,  Singhana  led  two  more  expeditions 
against  Lata.  Though  on  the  first  occasion  Sankha  succeeded  in  re¬ 
pulsing  the  invaders,  he  fell  a  captive  in  their  hands  on  the  second 
occasion.  When  Sankha  was  produced  before  the  Sevuna  king  he  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  securing  his  release  by  asserting  his  influence  over  the 
victor.  Henceforward  he  acted  as  one  of  the  allies  of  the  Sevunas. 

Singhana  also  led  two  more  expeditions  against  Gujarat.  Dur¬ 
ing  the  first  campaign  when  his  approach  was  announced  in  the 
Gurjara  country,  the  people  became  very  much  panicky.  In  appre¬ 
hension  of  the  tyranny  of  the  foreign  army,  they  gave  up  the  work 
of  the  construction  of  new  houses  and  also  of  the  storing  up  of 
foodgrains,  and  thought  only  of  securing  large  numbers  of  carts 
for  the  transport  of  their  valuables  from  the  war  zone  in  times 
of  emergency.  As  Singhana  advanced  nearer  and  nearer,  burning 
villages  on  his  way,  the  crowd  of  the  Gurjaras  retreated  farther  and 
farther,  ascertaining  the  position  of  the  enemy  from  the  smokes 
arising  out  of  the  burning  villages.  Lavanaprasada  and  his  son 
Yiradhavala  arrayed  their  army  on  the  bank  of  the  Mahl  against 
the  Sevuna  king.  But  the  situation  became  perilous  to  the  Gur¬ 
jaras  as  Lavanaprasada  w^as  forced  to  hurry  to  the  north  to  meet 
the  invasion  of  a  confederacy  of  the  Maravada  chiefs.  But  curious¬ 
ly  enough  Singhana,  for  some  unknown  reasons,  did  not  avail  him¬ 
self  of  this  opportunity,  and  retreated  to  his  own  country.  Some 
time  between  A.D.  1221  and  1229  he  made  a  confederacy  with 
the  Paramara  Devapala,  king  of  Malava,  and  his  vassal  Sankha, 
ruler  of  Lata,  for  another  invasion  of  the  Gurjara  country.  On 
receipt  of  this  news  Vlradhavala  made  arrangement  for  a  suitable 
resistance.  But  the  disquieting  news  of  the  advance  of  the  Mus¬ 
lim  army  against  northern  Gujarat  compelled  him  to  rush  to  the 
northern  border  of  the  Chaulukya  kingdom,  leaving  his  minister 
Vastupala  in  charge  of  the  defence  of  the  southern  front.  Vastupala 


190 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIRI 


thought  it  injudicious  to  confront  the  vast  army  of  Singhana  and 
his  allies  with  the  forces  at  his  command,  and  took  recourse  to  a 
skilful  stratagem.  Some  well-trained  spies  employed  by  him  soon 
succeeded  in  creating  suspicion  into  the  mind  of  Singhana  about 
the  integrity  of  his  allies.  The  Sevuna  king,  in  disgust,  dissolved 
the  confederacy,  and  abandoned  the  project  of  the  invasion  of  Guja¬ 
rat.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1231  he  concluded  a  treaty  with  Lava- 
naprasada,  which  laid  down  that  “the  contracting  parties  should  not 
encroach  on  each  other’s  territory  and  should  be  confined  to  the 
limits  of  their  respective  kingdoms.  If  either  of  them  was  attack¬ 
ed  by  a  strong  enemy  both  should  join  hands  in  resisting  him.  A 
recalcitrant  prince  from  the  countries  under  the  contracting 
parties  should  not  be  given  shelter.”  As  a  guarantee  for  the  proper 
observance  of  these  conditions,  the  contracting  parties  had  to  give 
suitable  surety.  Singhana  acted  upto  these  conditions  so  long  as 
Lavanaprasada  and  Vlradhavala  were  alive,  but  renewed  hostilities 
against  Gujarat  during  the  early  years  of  the  reign  of  Visaladeva,  suc¬ 
cessor  of  Vlradhavala.  The  Sevuna  army  crossed  the  Narmada  under 
the  leadership  of  Kholesvara’s  son  Rama,  but  was  repulsed  by  the 
Vaghela  chief,  and  Rama  lost  his  life  in  the  battle.  Thus  Singhana’s 
aggressive  operations  in  the  north  ended  in  signal  failure.  During 
one  of  these  campaigns  he  came  to  clash  with  the  Turushkas.  His 
Muslim  adversary  might  have  been  Sultan  Iltutmish,  who  is  known 
to  have  plundered  Malava  in  A.D.  1233-34. 4 

Singhana ’s  empire  extended  from  Khandesh  up  to  the  Shimoga 
and  Anantapur  Districts,  and  from  the  western  coast  (excluding 
Northern  Konkan)  up  to  the  eastern  parts  of  Hyderabad  and  Berar. 
Nikumbha  family  of  Durgapura  (Khandesh),  Rattas  of  Venugrama, 
Kadambas  of  Goa,  and  the  Sindas  of  Erambarage  ruled  their  terri¬ 
tories  as  his  vassals.  Dennayaka,  whose  headquarters  were  at 
Ambadapura,  modern  Amrapur  in  the  Buldana  District,  was  his 
governor  of  Berar.  His  officer  for  the  administration  of  the  Sindavadi 
country  was  Jagadala  Soma  Nayaka.  He  appointed  Vankuva  Ravuta 
the  viceroy  of  the  southern  countries,  viz.  Belvola,  Huligere,  Bana- 
vasi  and  Basavura.  Mallideva,  governor  of  Belvola,  the  Guttas  of 
Guttal,  and  the  Sindas  of  Banavasi  were  placed  under  his  supervision. 

The  astrologers  Changadeva  and  Anantadeva  received  patronage 
from  Singhana.  During  the  reign  of  this  king  Sarngadhara  wrote  a 
treatise  on  music  entitled  Sahgitaratnakara.  Singhana  was  on  the 
throne  at  least  up  to  June  1247.  He  had  two  sons  Jaitugi  II  and 
Sa(m)rnapani.  Jaitugi  predeceased  his  father  leaving  behind  two 
sons  Krishna  and  Mahadeva.  It  seems  that  after  Singhana’s  death 
a  civil  war  broke  out  between  Sa(rh)rnapai?i  and  the  sons  of  Jaitugi 


191 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


for  the  throne.  Krishna  gained  the  upper  hand  and  forced  his  uncle 
to  leave  the  kingdom  of  the  Sevunas6  Sa(m)rnapani  in  his  distress 
took  shelter  with  his  hereditary  enemy,  the  Kakatlyas  of  the  Telihga 
country.  He  was  ruling  Panungal  in  A.D.  1267  under  the  Kakatiya 
Rudramba.6 


4.  KRISHNA 
•  • 

Krishna  ascended  the  throne  in  the  latter  part  of  A.D.  1247.  He 
continued  the  foreign  policy  of  his  grandfather,  which  aimed  at  the 
expansion  of  the  Sevuna  dominions  in  all  directions.  He  sent  his 
general  Chamunda  against  Somesvara,  the  king  of  the  Hoysalas. 
Chamunda  succeeded  in  wresting  only  the  Kogali  Division,  which 
consisted  of  Hadgalli  Taluk  in  the  Bellary  District,  and  the  Deva- 
nagere  Taluk  in  the  Chitaldroog  District,  Mysore,  and  which  was 
situated  in  the  Nolambavadi  country.  Krishna  also  sent  another 
contingent  under  Malla  against  the  Silaharas  of  Northern  Konkan, 
who  ruled  the  Thana,  Alibag,  and  Ratnagiri  Districts,  and  the 
southern  part  of  the  Surat  District.  Though  Malla  claims  victory 
over  the  king  of  Konkan,  who  appears  to  have  been  the  Silahara 
Somesvara,  he  could  not  make  any  territorial  gain  in  that  direction. 
Malla  also  claims  to  have  defeated  the  Pandyas,  who  seem  to  have 
been  those  ruling  in  Nolambavadi.  On  the  east  Krishna  led  his  army 
as  far  as  the  South  Kosala  country,  modern  Raipur  and  Bilaspur 
Districts,  Madhya  Pradesh.  During  this  campaign  he  seems  to  have 
come  into  clash  with  the  Kakatiya  Ganapati.  He  also  carried  on  the 
traditional  hostilities  with  the  Paramaras  of  Malava  and  the 
Vaghelas  of  Gujarat,  and  gained  some  success.  About  this  time  the 
Sevuna  army  encountered  some  Muslim  forces,  probably  those  who 
invaded  the  Paramara  kingdom  in  A.D.  1250  under  the  leadership 
of  Balban.  Krishna  fought  successfully  with  the  Abhlras  and  two 
other  chiefs,  Hendari-Raya  and  Kamapala. 

Stone  inscriptions  of  Krishna  have  been  found  in  the  Shimoga, 
Chitaldroog,  Bellary,  Dharwar,  and  Belgaum  Districts.  Obviously 
he  succeeded  in  maintaining  the  dominions  he  had  inherited  from 
his  grandfather.  His  viceroy  of  the  southern  countries,  viz.,  Belvola, 
Banavasi,  Hanuhgal,  Tardavadi,  and  Kogali,  was  Chaundisetti.  The 
existence  of  the  rule  of  the  Rattas  over  the  Kundi  country  cannot 
be  traced  after  A.D.  1228.  During  the  reign  of  Krishna  Malla-Setti 
was  the  governor  of  this  country,  the  capital  of  which  was  Venu- 
grama.  Krishna’s  chief  administrative  officer  in  the  Sindava<Ji 
country  was  Jagama  Rahuta,  and  his  feudatory  in  Goa  was  the 
Kadamba  Sivachitta  Shashthadeva  II.  Jalhana,  the  author  of 
Suktimukt avail,  was  his  counsellor  and  the  commander  of  the  army 


192 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIRI 


Although  he  had  a  son  named  Ramachandra,  Krishna  appointed 
his  brother  Mahadeva,  his  heir  apparent  (Yuvaraja),  shortly  after 
his  accession.  He  probably  made  this  arrangement  in  recognition  of 
the  service  rendered  by  Mahadeva  during  the  civil  war.  Mahadeva 
succeeded  him  on  the  throne  in  A.D.  1261. 6a 

5.  MAHADEVA 

Mahadeva  continued  hostilities  with  the  Hoysalas,  the  Silaharas 
of  Northern  Konkan,  the  Vaghelas  of  Gujarat,  the  Paramaras  of 
Malava,  and  the  Kakatlyas  of  Telunga  country.  He  made  an  abor¬ 
tive  attempt  to  penetrate  into  the  heart  of  the  Hoysala  kingdom 
The  Hoysala  Narasirhha  III  claims  that  he  forced  Mahadeva  to  flee 
away  leaving  behind  his  cavalry  forces.  Chanagiri  Taluk  of  the 
Shimoga  District,  which  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  Tunga  river, 
and  which  was  under  the  sway  of  the  Hoysalas  at  least  up  to  A.D. 
1233,  is  known  for  the  first  time  to  have  been  included  in  the  Sevuna 
empire  from  an  inscription  of  Mahadeva. 

The  most  noteworthy  achievement  of  Mahadeva  is  his  annexa¬ 
tion  of  Northern  Konkan.  The  Silahara  king  Somes  vara  lost  his  life 
in  a  naval  engagement  with  him.  After  this  victory  Mahadeva  seems 
to  have  appointed  one  Jaitugi  the  governor  of  that  country. 
Mahadeva  also  advanced  against  Gujarat  and  won  a  decisive  victory 
over  the  Vaghela  Visaladeva.  Hemadri  refers  to  Mahadeva’s  inva¬ 
sions  of  Malava  and  the  Telunga  countries.  It  is  stated  that  at  this 
time  Malava  was  ruled  by  a  king  who  was  an  infant,  and  Telunga 
was  ruled  by  a  woman  named  Rudrama.  Mahadeva  defeated  both  of 
them  in  successive  fights  but  did  not  kill  them  as  one  was  a  child  and 
the  other  was  a  woman.  The  Malava  king  seems  to  have  been  the 
Paramara  Jayasimha  II,  and  Rudrama  was  evidently  the  daughter 
and  successor  of  the  Kakatiya  Ganapati. 

Hemadri  was  the  minister  of  Mahadeva.  A  particular  style  of 
architecture  is  called  Hemadpanti  after  his  name.  Mahadeva  closed 
his  reign  in  A.D.  1270-1271.  After  his  death  a  civil  war  broke  out 
between  his  son  Amana,  and  Ramachandra,  son  of  king  Krishna. 
Amana  assumed  the  royalty  of  Devagiri,  which,  Ramachandra 
thought,  really  belonged  to  him.  It  was  not,  however,  possible  for 
him  to  capture  the  impregnable  fort  of  Devagiri  with  the  forces  at 
his  command.  So  he  had  to  take  recourse  to  unchivalrous  means 
in  order  to  achieve  his  end.  One  evening  he  introduced  a  body  of 
soldiers  in  the  guise  of  dancers  into  the  fort  for  giving  a  musical 
performance.  When  Amana  and  his  retinue  were  absorbed  in  the 
entertainment,  the  soldiers  threw  off  their  mask  and  took  the  royal 
guards  by  surprise.7  The  palace  revolution  continued  for  some  time 


193 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


causing  heavy  casualties.  Cart-loads  of  wounded  soldiers  were 
sent  out  through  the  villages.  The  neighbouring  villagers  got 
panicky  at  the  news  of  the  turmoil  and  fled  away  pell  mell.  Amana 
fell  a  captive  into  the  hands  of  Ramachandra  who  subsequently 
blinded  and  killed  him. 


6.  RAMACHANDRA 

In  the  early  years  of  Ramachandra’s  reign  the  Sevunas  made  a 
desperate  attempt  to  crush  the  power  of  the  Hoysalas,  and  a  large 
body  of  soldiers,  under  the  leadership  of  the  most  eminent  generals, 
was  despatched  against  the  Hoysala  kingdom.  Saluva-Tikkama, 
Jeyideva,  Haripala,  and  Irungala-Chola  II  of  Niragunda  overran  the 
Belavadi  country,  modern  Belur  in  the  Hassan  District,  Mysore,  and 
besieged  Dorasamudra.  A  detachment  of  the  Sevuna  army  under 
the  great  general  Kannaradeva,  and  the  ministers  Chavundarasa  and 
Vanadevarasa  attacked  Dordvadi,  in  the  Kurugodu  country,  modern 
Karugodu,  in  the  Manjarabad  Taluk  of  the  Hassan  District.  Though 
Singeya-Nayaka,  the  officer-in-char ge  of  the  place  under  the 
Hoysalas,  succeeded  in  killing  Vanadevarasa,  he  had  to  yield  to  the 
invading  army.  The  Sevuna  army  engaged  in  storming  Dora¬ 
samudra,  however,  could  not  achieve  its  end.  Chikkadeva,  Anka 
Nay  aka,  and  Khandeya  Raya  Raney  a,  generals  under  the  Hoysala 
Narasimha  III,  killed  a  body  of  12000  Sevuna  cavalry  and  pursued 
the  retreating  Saluva-Tikkama  and  his  associates  up  to  Dummi  on 
the  border  of  Shimoga  and  Chitaldroog  Districts.  This  was  the  last 
invasion  of  the  Sevunas  against  the  Hoysalas,  which  ended  in  disas¬ 
trous  failure.  Ramachandra’s  military  operation  against  Gujarat 
was  also  foiled  by  the  Vaghela  Sarangadeva.  He  was,  however,  suc¬ 
cessful  in  his  campaigns  against  the  chiefs  of  Dahala  (modern  Jabal¬ 
pur  and  the  adjoining  territories),  Bhandagara  (modern  Bhandara 
in  Madhya  Pradesh),  and  Vajrakara  (modern  Wairagarh  in  the 
Chanda  District,  Madhya  Pradesh) ,  and  also  defeated  the  petty  chiefs 
of  Palli,  Mahima,  Sanga,  and  Kheta.  The  claims  that  he  drove  out 
the  Muslims  from  Banaras,  and  that  the  king.pf  Kanyakubja  sub¬ 
mitted  to  him  are  evidently  without  any  historical  value. 

Inscriptions  of  Ramachandra  prove  that  in  the  early  years  of  his 
reign  he  succeeded  in  maintaining  intact  the  empire  he  had  obtain¬ 
ed  from  his  predecessors.  His  Ramtek  and  Lanji  inscriptions  further 
prove  that  he  succeeded  in  pushing  the  eastern  boundary  of  his 
dominions  up  to  the  Nagpur  and  Balaghat  Districts.  Bhimadeva- 
Rane  and  Vasudeva-Nayaka  were  his  governors  in  Sindavadi  and 
Kisuka^  respectively.  Northern  Konkan  was  governed  by  Achyuta- 
Nayaka,  Krishna,  and  Jaideva  in  succession.  The  Santara  chief 


194 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIRI 


Timmarasa  ruled  Santalige  as  a  vassal  of  Ramachandra.  Hemadri, 
Srldhara  and  Purushottama  served  him  as  ministers.  But  the  most 
trustworthy  officer  of  the  king  was  Raghava,  who  administered  the 
Empire  as  his  deputy.8 

When  Ramachandra  was  peacefully  ruling  his  empire,  £Ala-ud- 
din  Khalji,  who  was  the  governor  of  Kara  under  his  uncle  FIruz 
Shah  Khalji,  invaded  Devagiri  by  way  of  Ellichpur  in  A.D.  1294.  At 
this  time  a  large  body  of  the  Sevuna  army  was  away  from  the  capital, 
and  was  engaged  in  escorting  Ramachandra’s  son  Sankaradeva  and 
the  queen  to  places  of  pilgrimage.  Ramachandra  made  a  fruitless 
attempt  to  resist  the  invader  at  Lasura  in  the  vicinity  of  Devagiri 
and  ultimately  withdrew  to  the  citadel.  ‘Ala-ud-dm  pursued  him 
there  and  pillaged  the  city.  The  Sevuna  king  was  forced  to  con¬ 
clude  a  treaty  on  payment  of  a  heavy  amount  of  gold.  On  receipt 
of  the  news  of  the  invasion  of  Devagiri  by  the  Muslims  Sankaradeva 
hastened  back  to  Devagiri  and,  disregarding  his  father’s  advice, 
attacked  the  retreating  Muslim  army.  He  was  overpowered  by 
£  Ala-ud-dm  who  then  forced  Ramachandra  to  agree  to  more  stringent 
terms.  Though  £Ala-ud-dm  withdrew  from  the  Deccan,  the  signal 
failure  of  Ramachandra  even  to  save  his  own  capital  from  rapine  and 
plunder  irretrievably  impaired  the  political  prestige  of  the  Sevunas. 
Their  hereditary  enemies  in  the  east  and  south  now  began  to  press 
hard  on  them.  In  the  early  years  of  the  fourteenth  century  the 
Kakatlya  Prataparudra  succeeded  in  pushing  the  western  border  of 
his  empire  at  least  up  to  Medak  and  Raichur  in  Hyderabad.  In 
A.D.  1303  the  Hoysala  Ballala  in,  successor  of  Narasimha  III,  sent 
his  general  Gangeya  Sahani  with  a  big  contingent  for  the  invasion  of 
the  Sevuna  dominions.  Gangeya  Sahani  encamped  in  Banavasi  and 
fought  a  battle  at  Sirise  in  the  Kadambalige  country  with  the 
Sevunas.  In  A.D.  1305  Ballala  III  himself  led  an  army  against 
Ramachandra  and  wrested  from  him  Banavasi,  Santalige,  and  Kogali. 
There  is  no  evidence  to  prove  that  Shimoga  and  Chitaldroog  Districts 
were  within  the  Sevuna  empire  after  A.D.  1300.  On  the  other  hand 
a  minister  of  Ballala  III  is  known  to  have  been  administering  Santa¬ 
lige  in  A.D.  1307. 

When  the  Sevunas  were  fighting  for  the  defence  of  their  domi¬ 
nions  in  the  south  the  Deccan  was  again  raided  by  the  Muslims.  The 
story  runs  that  some  time  after  the  conquest  of  Gujarat  £  Ala-ud-dm 
Khalji  ordered  his  officers  to  capture  Vaghela  Kama’s  daughter 
Devaladevi,  who  was  betrothed  to  Sankaradeva.  When  Sankara- 
deva’s  younger  brother  was  conveying  the  princess  from  Nandurbar, 
in  West  Khandesh,  to  Devagiri,  she  was  seized  by  the  Muslims,  who 
then  sent  her  to  Delhi.  If  there  is  any  truth  in  this  story  the  un- 


195 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


toward  incident  certainly  made  the  relation  between  the  Sevunas 
and  the  Muslims  acrimonious.  In  any  case  Ramachandra  swerved 
from  his  allegiance  to  the  government  of  Delhi,  and  in  A.D.  1307 
‘Ala-ud-dm  Khaljl  sent  Malik-Naib  Kafur  with  an  army  to  the 
Deccan  to  chastise  him.  Malik-Naib  overran  the  Sevuna  kingdom 
and  took  Ramachandra  prisoner,  who  was  then  carried  to  Delhi. 
After  a  period  of  six  months  Ramachandra  was  released  with  honour 
and  was  allowed  to  rule  his  kingdom  as  a  vassal  under  the  Sultanate 
of  Delhi.  In  1308  Malik-Naib,  on  his  arrival  at  Devagiri  with  his 
army  for  an  invasion  of  Telingana  country,  received  substantial  help 
from  Ramachandra.  Ramachandra  also  furnished  the  Muslim  army 
with  equipments  when  Malik-Naib  marched  against  Ballala  III  of 
Dorasamudra  in  February,  1311. 

7.  SANKARADEVA  AND  HARAPALADEVA 

The  last  known  date  of  Ramachandra  from  the  epigraphic  source 
is  September,  1310.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sankaradeva 
some  time  after  February,  1311.  Sankaradeva  antagonised  the 
Sultan  by  his  hostile  activities.  In  A.D.  1313  Malik-Naib,  with  the 
consent  of  ‘Ala-ud-dm,  directed  an  expedition  against  the  Deccan, 
killed  Sankaradeva,  and  assumed  the  government  of  Devagiri. 
But  he  had  soon  to  leave  Deccan  as  his  service  was  urgently  needed 
by  the  ailing  Sultan.  The  government  of  Delhi  was  passing  through 
stress  and  strain  on  the  eve  of  ‘Ala-ud-din’s  death.  Taking  advantage 
of  this  situation  Harapaladeva,  who  was  the  son-in-law  of  Rama¬ 
chandra,  and  seems  to  have  been  identical  with  his  general  Haripala, 
revolted  and  declared  independence.  He  captured  the  fort  of  Deva¬ 
giri  with  the  assistance  of  Raghava,  who  was  the  deputy  and  minister 
of  Ramachandra.  In  A.D.  1317  Mubarak,  son  and  successor  of  ‘Ala- 
ud-dm,  recovered  Devagiri  after  defeating  and  killing  Harapala. 
Raghava,  with  10,000  cavalry,  retreated  to  a  hill  where  he  was  pur¬ 
sued  by  Khusrav  Khan,  the  commander  of  Mubarak’s  army. 
Raghava  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  engagement  and  fled.9  The 
kingdom  of  the  Sevunas  then  finally  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
Muslims.10 


1.  These  chiefs  claimed  descent  from  the  Yadavas  who,  it  stated,  were  at  first 
lords  of  Mathura,  and  then,  from  the  time  of  Krishna,  became  sovereigns  of 
Dvaravatlpura.  The  usual  Puranic  geneology  from  Brahma,  through  Atri, 
Soma,  Yadu,  etc.,  appears  first  in  a  record  of  A.D.  1000  and  is  given  more 
fully  in  Hemadri’s  Vratakhanda  (thirteenth  century  A.D.).  According  to  this 
authority,  Subahu  was  a  universal  sovereign,  but  he  is  not  mentioned  in  any 
epigraphic  record.  His  son  Dridhaprahara,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Bassein 
grant  of  A.D.  1069  (I A,  XII.  li9),  may  be  regarded  as  the  first  historical  king 
of  this  family. 

It  may  be  mentioned  that  the  kings  of  this  dynasty  had  the  hereditary  title  of 
Dvardvati-puravar-adhisvara  (supreme  lord  of  Dvaravatl,  the  best  of  towns) 

196 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIRI 


and  Vishnu-vaThsodbhava  (born  in  the  race  of  Vishnu).  They  carried  the 
Suvarna-Garuda-dhvaja  (banner  of  a  golden  Garuda),  which  also  appears  as 
the  device  on  the  seals  of  their  charters,  sometimes  alone,  and  sometimes  along 
with  the  figure  of  Hanuman.  In  at  least  one  case,  the  monkey-god  alone  appears 
as  lanchhana  or  crest. 

Not  much  is  known  of  the  twenty  chiefs  who  flourished  between  Dridha- 
prahara  and  Bhillama  V,  though  their  names  are  given  both  in  Vratakh-anda 
and  the  epigraphic  records.  According  to  these,  the  queen  of  Bhillama  II  was 
probably  the  daughter  of  a  §ilahara  chief  and  “sprang  on  her  mother’s  side 
from  the  Rashtrakuta  family”.  Bhillama  is  said  to  have  fought  against  Muhja 
on  behalf  of  Ranarahgabhlma,  who  has  been  identified  with  Tailapa.  Bhillama’s 
father  Vaddiga  is,  however,  represented  as  a  follower  of  Krishnaraja,  probably 
Krishna  III  of  the  Rashtrakuta  dynasty.  The  family  thus  transferred  their 
allegiance  from  the  Rashtrakutas  to  the  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana  when  the  latter 
overthrew  the  former. 

There  is  a  curious  discrepancy  among  the  different  authorities,  about  the 
parentage  of  Bhillama  V.  While  Vratakhanda  and  several  inscriptions  of  the 
thirteenth  century  A.D.  give  his  father’s  name  as  Mallugi,  a  record  of  the  time 
of  Bhillama  himself,  dated  A.D.  1191,  definitely  says  that  his  father  was  Kama. 
It  is  no  less  curious  that  in  Bombay  Gazetteer  Vol.  I,  Part  II  (pp.  230  ff,  511  ff), 
which  may  be  regarded  as  the  chief  authority  for  the  history  of  Yadavas 
so  far  published,  the  two  different  views  are  supported  respectively  by  Sir 
R.  G.  Bhandarkar  (p.  238)  and  Dr.  Fleet  (pp.  516  ff). 

2.  EC,  XIV.  207,  No.  255. 

3.  Ibid,  XI,  Jg.  30,  p.  155.  But  the  Panungal  inscription  mentions  Jajalla  as  the 
king  of  Kimidi  ( Hyderabad  Archaeological  Series,  No.  13). 

4.  Inscriptions  of  Sihghana  make  extravagant  claims  that  he  defeated  the  kings 
of  Anga,  Vahga,  Kalinga,  Magadha,  Nepala,KasI,  Mathura,  Sindh,  Barbarika, 
Chera,  Chola,  and  Turagapati. 

5.  El,  XIX.  19,  v.  12  lilonmulita-rdshpra  kantaka-chamu-chakrara  etc. 

6.  Hyd.  Arch.  S.  No.  13. 

6a.  Cf.  Kalegaon  copper-plate  grant  of  Mahadeva — Summaries  of  Papers,  AIOC, 
1955,  p.  88. 

7.  El,  XXV  221,  v.  14. 

8.  Ibid,  7. 

9.  HIED,  III.  558.  Khusrav  Khan’s  fight  with  Raghu  has  been  mentioned  in  Amir 
Khusrav’s  Nuh  Sipihr,  the  historical  value  of  which  has  been  ignored  by  the 
modern  scholars  without  reason.  Raghu,  mentioned  here  as  the  deputy  and 
minister  of  Ramachandra,  is  most  probably  identical  with  RSghava  of  the 
Ramtek  inscription  (El,  XXV.  8,  11.  16-17),  who  was  the  most  important  of  the 
officers  of  Ramachandra. 

10.  Dates  of  the  Yadava  kings  are  given  differently  by  different  authors  (cf  HSI , 
190  ff.;  JOR,  XII.  47-52). 


197 


CHAPTER  VIII 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 

1.  THE  KAKATIYAS 

The  Kakatiyas,  who  were  members  of  the  Durjaya  family,  were 
Sudra  by  caste.  They  believed  that  their  remote  ancestor  Kari- 
kalachola  founded  or  first  settled  in  Kakatipura,  which  cannot  be 
now  identified.1  The  kings  of  the  Kakatiya  dynasty  always  took 
pride  in  calling  themselves  the  “lords  of  Kakatipura”,  though  they 
are  sometimes  referred  to  as  kings  of  the  Andhra  or  Teluhga  coun¬ 
try.  The  earliest  known  king  of  the  dynasty  is  Beta  I,  who  is  said 
to  have  belonged  to  “the  feudatory  family  of  the  working  class.”2 
Beta  I  was  a  subordinate  of  a  Pallava  king,  and  was  overthrown  by 
the  Cholas,  probably  during  Rajendra  Chola  Fs  northern  cam¬ 
paigns.  Some  time  after  the  departure  of  the  Chola  Emperor,  Era, 
a  subordinate  of  Beta  I,  defeated  the  Chola  governor  and  placed  his 
master  on  the  throne.  Beta  I  flourished  in  the  first  half  of  the  ele¬ 
venth  century  and  ruled  the  Koravi  country  which  included  at  least 
a  part  of  the  Nalgonda  District  of  Hyderabad  State.  He  was  suc¬ 
ceeded  by  his  son,  the  Mahamctndalesvara  Prola  I. 

Prola  I  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  Chalukya  Somes- 
vara  I  Trailokyamalla  (A.D.  1043-1068).  He  fought  successfully, 
apparently  on  behalf  of  the  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana,  against  the  Nagas 
of  Chakrakota,  Silaharas  of  Konkana-mandaia,  Bhadranga,  and  the 
son  of  Dugga  of  Kadparti,  and  killed  in  battle  Gonna,  the  chief  oC 
Purakuta.  Probably  in  recognition  of  this  military  service  he 
“obtained  permanently  from  king  Trailokyamalla,  by  way  of  grant, 
Anmakonda-ins/iaya,”  the  country  round  Hanamkonda,  in  the 
Warangal  Taluk  (Warangal  District,  Hyderabad  State).  Prola  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Tribhuvanamalla  Beta  II,  who  acknowledged  the 
suzerainty  of  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI  Tribhuvanamalla  (A.D. 
1076-1126)  of  Kalyana. 

Stone  inscriptions  of  Beta  II’s  reign,  dated  A.D.  1079  and  1090, 
have  been  found  in  Hanamkonda  and  Kazipet.  Some  time  before 
A.D.  1090  Beta  II  won  victories  over  the  Paramara  Udayaditya. 
king  of  Malava,  and  Kulottunga  Chola  I  of  Tan j  ore,  obviously  under 
the  leadership  of  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI.  Evidently  after 
this  achievement  he  saw  the  Emperor  in  his  capital,  who  rewarded 
him  with  the  ownership  of  Sabbisayira  one  thousand.  Sabbisayira 


198 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 

one  thousand  seems  to  be  identical  with  Sabbinaruju,  which  is  locat¬ 
ed  in  or  near  the  Karimnagar  District,  in  Hyderabad  State.  Beta 
II  established  his  capital  at  Anmakon^a  where  he  built  a  tank  call¬ 
ed  Sivapurl  and  a  temple  after  his  own  name.  He  was  succeeded 
by  his  son  Prola  II,3  whose  earliest  known  date  is  A.D.  1115. 

In  the  early  years  of  his  reign  Prola  II  owed  allegiance  to  Vik- 
ramaditya  VI,  after  whose  death  in  A.D.  1126  the  Chalukya  empire 
began  to  disintegrate.  Taking  advantage  of  this  situation  Prola  II 
revolted  and  attacked  the  feudatories  of  the  Chalukyas  in  the  Telin- 
gana  and  Andhra  countries.  He  defeated  Govindaraja  and  handed 
his  kingdom  Kondapalli,  in  the  Krishna  District,  over  to  Udaya  or 
Chododaya,  whose  brother  Mahamandalesvara  Gokarnachoda  was 
ruling  as  his  feudatory  near  Panugal  (Nalgonda  District).  He  also 
defeated  and  killed  Gunda,  also  described  as  Mantena  or  Manthanya 
Gunda,  ruler  of  Mantrakuta  (modern  village  of  Mantena,  in  the 
Nuzvid  Taluk ,  Krishna  District)  and  annexed  his  kingdom.  Prola’s 
attempt  to  push  his  arm  further  into  the  Velananti  kingdom  was 
frustrated  by  the  Mahamandalesvara  Chodaraja.  Hostile  activities 
of  the  Kakatlyas  led  the  Chalukya  Tailapa  III  (A.D.  1151-1162)  to 
invade  the  Telunga  country  along  with  his  feudatory  Jagaddeva  of 
the  San  tar  a  family  of  Patti-Pomburchapura.  They  advanced  as 
far  as  Anmakonda  and  besieged  it.  But  Prola  rose  equal  to  the 
occasion,  took  Tailapa  III  prisoner,  and  forced  Jagaddeva  to  with¬ 
draw  his  army.  The  Emperor  was  subseqently  released.  Hence¬ 
forward  the  Kakatlyas  began  to  rule  as  independent  chiefs  and  even 
cherished  an  ambition  for  the  establishment  of  an  empire.  Prola 
had  two  sons,  Rudra  I  and  Mahadeva.  Rudra  succeeded  him  on  the 
throne  some  time  before  A.D.  1158. 

Some  time  before  A.D.  1162  Rudra  I  attacked  Tailapa  III  and 
dealt  the  final  blow  on  him.  It  is  stated  that  out  of  fear  for  him 
“the  king  Tailapa  with  body  completely  overcome  by  dysentery 
died”.  During  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Rudra  I  there  was  a 
general  revolt  of  the  feudatories  in  the  Kakatiya  kingdom.  The 
king  brought  under  control  Domma  and  Meda,  who  was  a  chief  of 
the  Pakhal  Taluk  to  the  north-east  of  Warangal,  and  deprived  Mai- 
ligideva  of  his  kingdom  of  PoiaVasa -desa  (modern  Polas,  in  the  Yel- 
gandal  District  in  Hyderabad  State).  The  Kakatiya  army  burnt 
the  city  of  Chododaya,  the  ruler  of  Kondapalli,  who  is  said  to  have 
died  about  this  time  out  of  fear  for  the  king.  Bhlma,  who  poisoned 
his  brother  Gokarnachoda  to  death,  fled  to  the  forest  leaving  his 
capital  Vardhamanapura  at  the  mercy  of  the  Kakatlyas.  Thus  by 
the  year  A.D.  1162  Rudra  succeeded  in  establishing  peace  and  order 
in  the  Kakatiya  kingdom.  To  the  south  of  his  kingdom  was  the 


199 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


kingdom  of  Andhra,  consisting  of  the  Kurnool,  Guntur,  Krishna, 
and  the  Godavari  districts,  which  was  ruled  by  the  Velananti  chiefs 
as  feudatories  of  the  Imperial  Cholas.  Shortly  before  A.D.  1173  the 
supremacy  of  the  Cholas  in  the  Andhra  country  was  ended  by  the 
Kalachuri  Sovideva  of  Kalyana.  Loss  of  the  support  of  the  Cholas 
greatly  weakened  the  military  strength  of  the  Velananti  chiefs,  who 
were  forced  to  surrender  Kurnool  District  to  Rudradeva  some  time 
before  A.D.  1185. 

Rudra  I  was  a  well-known  writer,  and  the  Sanskrit  work  Nitisara 
is  said  to  have  been  written  by  him.  During  his  reign  temples 
were  built  in  Anmakonda,  Pillamari,  and  Mantrakuta.  The  city  of 
Orungallu,  modern  Warangal,  was  at  this  time  rising  into  promin¬ 
ence;  Rudra  founded  there  a  number  of  quarters  and  built  a  temple 
of  Siva.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Mahadeva  short¬ 
ly  after  A.D.  1195.4 

Mahadeva  was  devoid  of  princely  qualities.  He  came  under 
the  influence  of  the  Saiva  teacher  Dhruvesvara,  and  devoted  his  time 
to  religious  performances.  An  inscription,  apparently  of  his  reign, 
states  that  after  acquiring  the  sovereignty  he  “cared  a  straw  for  it 
and  became  one  completely  engrossed  in  the  worship  of  Siva.”  He 
had,  however,  to  pay  the  penalty  for  his  neglect  of  administrative 
duties.  The  Yadava  Jaitugi,  king  of  Devagiri,  attacked  the  Teluh- 
ga  country  with  all  his  forces.  In  vain  did  Mahadeva  and  his  son 
Ganapati  try  to  resist  the  invader.  Mahadeva  lost  his  life  in  the 
battle,  and  Ganapati,  whose  life  was  spared,  was  taken  prisoner. 
Subsequently,  Jaitugi  took  compassion  on  the  young  prince  and  in¬ 
stalled  him  on  his  paternal  throne. 

Ganapati  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1198.  He  was  a  con¬ 
temporary  of  the  last  three  Chola  Emperors,  Kulottunga  III  (A.D. 
1178-1216),  Rajaraja  III  (A.D.  1216-1246),  and  Rajendra  Chola  III 
(A.D.  1246-1279).  Chola  empire  began  to  disintegrate  from  the 
time  of  Kulottunga  III.  A  protracted  struggle  began  between  the 
Kakatiyas,  Hoysalas,  and  the  Pandyas  for  supremacy  over  the  terri¬ 
tories  of  the  Cholas.  Ganapati  occupied  the  kingdom  of  Andhra  to 
the  west  of  the  Godavari  river  by  putting  an  end  to  the  rule  of  the 
Velananti  chiefs,  and  forced  the  Ganga  Anangabhlma  III,  king  of 
Kalin  ga,  who  only  shortly  before  carried  his  arms  into  the  Vengi 
country,  to  surrender  to  him  the  Godavari  District  to  the  east  of 
the  Godavari  river.  Kotas  of  Amaravati,  Telugu-Chodas  of  Gun¬ 
tur,  Nathavadi  chiefs  of  the  Krishna  District  and  many  other  chiefs 
acknowledged  his  supremacy.  He  next  conquered  Nellurapurai 
(Nellore)  after  defeating  Manuma  Gandagopala.  Gradually  all  the 
territories  up  to  Kanchi  or  Conjeeveram  passed  into  his  hands.  The 


200 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


extension  of  the  Kakatlya  kingdom  up  to  the  Kurnool  and  Cuddapah 
Districts  brought  it  to  the  border  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Hoysalas, 
who  had  asserted  their  supremacy  over  the  Bellary  and  Anantapur 
Districts.  Though  Ganapati  claims  to  have  won  a  victory  over  the 
Karnatas  i.e.  Hoysalas,  he  could  not  wrest  any  territory  from  them. 
In  the  third  decade  of  the  thirteenth  century  Singhana,  king  of 
Devagiri,  ousted  the  Hoysalas  from  the  Bellary  and  Anantapur 
Districts  and  established  there  the  authority  of  the  Yadavas.  Some¬ 
where  in  this  region  Ganapati  seems  to  have  come  into  conflict  with 
king  Singhana.  As  both  the  kings  claim  victory,  the  result  of  the 
battle  was  evidently  indecisive.  In  the  north-east  Ganapati  fought 
successfully  with  a  chief  of  Tummana,  in  the  Bilaspur  District, 
Madhya  Pradesh.6 

Stone  inscriptions  of  Ganapati’s  reign  have  been  found  in  the 
Warangal,  Nalgonda,  and  Mahbubnagar  Districts,  in  the  Hydera¬ 
bad  State,  and  in  the  Godavari,  Krishna,  Guntur,  Kurnool,  Nellore, 
Cuddapah,  Chittur,  and  Chingleput  Districts,  in  the  Madras  State. 
His  empire  thus  extended  from  the  Godavari  District  up  to  Chin¬ 
gleput,  and  from  Yelgandal,  in  Hyderabad  State,  up  to  the  sea.  He 
put  two  of  his  able  generals,  viz.  Samanta-Bhoja  and  Gangeya 
Sahani,  in  charge  of  the  defence  of  the  bordering  districts  in  the 
west.  Samanta-Bhoja,  who  issued  an  edict  of  the  Emperor  from 
Kahchl,  was  connected  with  Chingleput  and  Chittur.  Gangeya 
Sahani,  who  successfully  repulsed  the  attacks  of  the  rebellious 
chiefs  Damodara  of  the  west  and  Rakkasa-Gangarasa,  administered 
the  Kurnool  and  Cuddapah  Districts.  Ganapati,  however,  could 
not  keep  this  newly  established  empire  intact  up  to  the  end  of  his 
reign.  Some  time  after  A.D.  1250  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya 
(A.D.  1251-1268)  of  Madura,  after  subduing  the  Cholas  and  the 
Hoysalas,  invaded  Kahchl.  A  sanguinary  battle  was  fought  bet¬ 
ween  the  Kakatlyas  and  the  Pandyas  at  Mudugur  “in  which  the 
dead  bodies  were  strewn  up  to  the  banks  of  the  Peraru.”  Ganapati 
was  defeated,  and  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  conquered  Kahchl 
and  occupied  Nellurapura.  Stone  inscriptions  of  this  Pandya  king 
have  been  found  at  Conjeeveram  and  Nellore. 

Ganapati  transferred  his  capital  from  Anmakonda  to  Orgun- 
gallu  (Warangal),  also  known  as  Ekasilanagarl,  which  enjoyed  that 
privileged  position  till  the  final  collapse  of  the  Kakatlyas.  Gana¬ 
pati  encouraged  over-sea  trade  by  abolishing  oppressive  taxes  on 
the  foreigners.  Motupalli,  now  in  the  Krishna  District,  was  an 
important  sea-port  in  his  kingdom,  frequently  visited  by  cargo  ves¬ 
sels.  Beautiful  temples  were  erected  at  Ramappa,  Palampet,  Pil- 
lamari  and  in  many  places  during  his  reign.  He  himself  built  the 


201 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


beautiful  gateways  in  the  Warangal  fort.  Under  his  benevolent 
patronage  the  great  Saiva  teacher  Visvesvara  Sambhu,  an  inhabi¬ 
tant  of  West  Bengal,  established  useful  institutions  in  the  Andhra 
country  for  the  benefit  of  the  villagers.  Ganapati  had  no  son,  and 
only  two  daughters,  Rudramba  and  Ganapamba.  He  designated 
Rudramba,  who  was  married  to  Chalukya  Virabhadresvara,  by  a 
male  name  Rudradeva,  and  associated  her  with  the  government 
from  A.D.  1258-59.  The  last  known  date  of  Ganapati’s  reign  is 
A.D.  1261. 

After  the  assumption  of  the  royal  power  Rudramba  had  to  en¬ 
counter  a  series  of  troubles.  The  Yadavas  of  Devagiri  were  the 
sworn  enemies  of  the  Kakatiyas.  Some  time  after  the  death  of  the 
Yadava  Singhana  the  Kakatlyas  gave  shelter  to  his  younger  son 
Sa(m)rnapani,  who  was  deprived  of  the  throne  of  Devagiri  by 
his  brother  Jaitugi  IFs  sons  Krishna  and  Mahadeva.  This  Yadava 
prince  was  appointed  to  rule  the  territory  of  Panungal,  modern 
Panugal  (Nalgonda  District).  The  Yadava  Mahadeva  (A.D  1261- 
1271)  could  not  tolerate  his  rival  to  the  throne  of  Devagiri  flourish¬ 
ing  under  the  care  of  the  Kakatlyas.  He  invaded  the  Teluhga  coun¬ 
try  and  captured  some  elephants  and  musical  instruments  by  de¬ 
feating  Rudramba,  but  spared  her  life  as  she  was  a  woman.  This 
victory  of  the  Yadavas  greatly  impaired  the  political  power  of  Ru¬ 
dramba.  Her  feudatory  Ambadeva-maharaja,  whose  head-quarters 
were  at  Valluri-pattana,  established  friendly  relation  with  her 
enemies,  the  Yadavas  and  the  Pandyas,  and  declared  independence 
in  the  Kurnool  and  Cuddapah  Districts.  He  also  defied  the  power 
of  the  Kakatiyas  by  placing  one  Manuma-Gandagopala,  who  was 
formerly  dethroned  by  Ganapati,  on  the  throne  of  Nellurapura.  The 
Kakatiyas  could  not  reconquer  Nellore,  Cuddapah,  and  Kurnool 
during  the  reign  of  Rudramba.  About  this  time  the  Pallava  Kop- 
Perunjinga  of  Sendamangalam,  who  took  possession  of  Kanchi  in 
A.D.  1260,  won  a  victory  over  the  Kakatiyas. 

The  Venetian  traveller  Marco  Polo,  who  visited  Motupalli  about 
A.D.  1293,  speaks  highly  of  the  administrative  qualities  of  Ru¬ 
dramba.  Rudramba  had  a  daughter  named  Mummadamba,  who 
was  given  in  marriage  to  Mahadeva.  Rudramba  adopted  Mumma- 
damba’s  son  Prataparudra  as  her  successor  to  the  throne,6  and  asso¬ 
ciated  him  with  the  government  from  A.D  1290. 

Immediately  after  his  accession  Prataparudra  engaged  himself 
in  the  task  of  restoring  the  lost  territories  of  the  Kakatiyas.  Am- 
badeva  was  dethroned  and  his  kingdom  was  annexed.  Prata- 
parudra’s  general  Adidamma  attacked  Nellore  and  killed  its  ruler 
Manuma-Gandagopala,  but  could  not  take  possession  of  the  city. 
Vijaya-Gandagopala  alias  Raja-Gandagopala,  presumably  a  succes- 


202 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 

sor  of  the  deceased  chief,  ruled  Nellore  at  least  up  to  A.D.  1315. 
In  the  early  years  of.  the  fourteenth  century  the  war-like  activities 
of  the  Muslims  under  the  Sultan  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji  created  an 
alarming  situation  in  the  Deccan.  Prataparudra  had  to  postpone 
his  military  campaigns  in  the  south  in  order  to  make  suitable  arran¬ 
gements  for  the  defence  of  his  kingdom  against  the  new  danger. 
He  fought  bravely  with  Malik  Kafur,  the  general  of  ‘Ala-ud-din 
Khalji,  when  he  invaded  Warangal  in  A.D.  1309-1310,  but  despair¬ 
ing  of  victory  purchased  peace  by  surrendering  all  his  treasures  to 
the  invader.  Some  time  after  the  departure  of  the  Muslim  army 
Prataparudra  re-opened  his  southern  campaigns.  He  wrested  Nel¬ 
lore  from  Vijaya-Gandagopala  and  having  captured  Kanchl  by  de¬ 
feating  Ravivarman  Kerala,  installed  there  as  governor  his  own 
protege  named  Manavira.  This  brilliant  achievement  encouraged 
Prataparudra  to  push  his  arms  further  south.  Within  a  very  short 
time  he  conquered  all  the  countries  up  to  Trichinopoly,  which  was 
then  ruled  by  the  Hoysalas,  and  even  defeated  the  Pandya  king.6a 
He  also  fought  an  indecisive  battle  with  the  Yadava  Ramachandra. 
Stone  inscriptions  of  his  reign  have  been  found  in  the  Trichinopoly, 
Chingleput,  Cuddapah,  Kurnool,  Nellore,  Guntur,  Krishna  and 
Godavari  Districts  in  the  Madras  State,  and  in  the  Nalgonda, 
Warangal,  Raichur,  and  Medak  Districts  in  Hyderabad  State. 
Thus  in  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  the  Kakatlya  kingdom  extended 
from  the  Godavari  river  to  Trichinopoly  and  from  Medak  to  the 
sea.  Prataparudra  could  not  enjoy  this  vast  empire  for  a  long 
time.  In  A.D.  1322  Ulugh  Khan,  son  of  the  Sultan  Ghiyas-ud-dln 
Tughluq,  invaded  Warangal  and  took  Prataparudra  prisoner.  The 
whole  of  Telingana  was  conquered  by  the  Muslims,  who  appointed 
their  own  officers  for  its  administration.  According  to  Shams-i 
Siraj’  Afif  Prataparudra  died  on  his  way  to  Delhi.  But  this  seems 
to  be  erroneous  in  view  of  the  fact  that  a  stone  inscription  of  Prata- 
parudra’s  reign,  dated  A.D.  1326,  has  been  found  in  the  Guntur 
District.  Nothing  further  about  the  political  activities  of  this  mo¬ 
narch  or  his  successor  is  known.7  He  was  a  patron  of  poets.  His 
court  was  graced  by  Vidyanatha,  the  author  of  Prataparudra-yaso- 
bhushana. 


II.  THE  EASTERN  CHALUKYAS 

As  noted  above,8  the  Andhra  country  was  torn  asunder  by  civil 
war  towards  the  latter  part  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.,  and  £akti- 
varman  I,  son  of  king  Danarnava,  who  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D. 
999,  restored  peace  and  order  by  putting  down  all  refractory  ele¬ 
ments.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother  Vimaladitya  in 
A.D.  1011.  The  Eastern  Chalukyas  ruled  the  Andhra  country  as 


203 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


proteges  of  the  Imperial  Cholas.  Vimaladitya  married  Kundava, 
the  daughter  of  the  Chola  Rajaraja  the  Great,  who  gave  birth 
to  his  elder  son  Rajaraja.  His  other  queen,  also  a  Chola  princess, 
gave  birth  to  his  younger  son  Vijayaditya.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Rajaraja  in  A.D.  1018. 

Rajaraja’s  coronation  took  place  in  A.D.  1022.  He  maintain¬ 
ed  friendly  relation  with  the  Cholas,  but  could  not  rule  peacefully 
due  to  the  hostile  activities  of  his  half-brother  Vijayaditya.  The 
latter  revolted,  carved  out  a  small  kingdom  in  the  eastern  corner 
of  the  Chalukya  kingdom  in  the  Visakhapatnam  District,  and  per¬ 
formed  his  coronation  ceremony  there  in  A.D.  1030.  Rajaraja 
married  Ammangadevi  the  daughter  of  his  maternal  uncle,  the  great 
Rajendra  Chola  I,  who  gave  birth  to  his  son  Rajendra  Chola  II,  later 
known  as  Kulottunga  Chola  I.  In  the  early  part  of  his  life  Rajen¬ 
dra  Chola  II  lived  in  the  Chola  capital  under  the  care  of  his  grand¬ 
mother,  the  queen  of  Rajendra  Chola  I.  In  A.D.  1069  a  serious 
disaster  befell  Rajaraja.  His  half-brother  Vijayaditya  usurped  the 
throne  of  Vengi  when  he  was  away  from  the  capital. 

Vijayaditya  abdicated  the  throne  in  favour  of  his  son  Sakti- 
varman  II,  whose  coronation  took  place  in  A.D.  1061.  After  a  rule 
of  one  year  Saktivarman  died  and  Vijayaditya  again  assumed  the 
royalty.  About  this  time  Vehgi  became  the  target  of  attacks  of 
the  neighbouring  kings.  Vijayaditya  was  dislodged  from  his  throne 
by  the  combined  forces  of  the  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI  and  the 
Paramara  Jayasimha.  But  the  Chola  Virarajendra  (A.D.  1063-1070) 
came  to  his  rescue,  and  having  defeated  the  Chalukyas  and  the 
Paramaras  reinstated  him  on  the  throne.  Vijayaditya  enjoyed  his 
kingdom  without  further  trouble  so  long  as  Virarajendra  occupied 
the  Chola  throne.  Within  a  short  time  after  the  death  of  that 
monarch  there  was  a  civil  war  in  the  Chola  country,  which  ended 
in  A.D.  1070  with  the  accession  of  Rajendra  Chola  II  alias  Kulottunga 
Chola  I,  nephew  of  Vijayaditya.  After  consolidating  his  position  in 
the  Chola  country  Kulottunga  Chola  demanded  the  throne  of  Andhra 
from  his  uncle.  The  situation  became  worse  for  Vijayaditya  when, 
shortly  before  A.D.  1073,  the  kingdom  of  Vehgi  was  plundered  by  the 
Kalachuri  Yasahkarna  of  Tripurl.  It  was  not  possible  for  him  now 
to  check  the  onrush  of  the  Chola  army.  He  surrendered  the  Andhra 
country  to  Kulottunga  and  took  shelter  with  the  Ganga  Rajaraja  I 
of  Kalinganagara,  who  allowed  him  to  rule  over  a  small  territory 
on  the  western  part  of  his  kingdom.  Kulottunga  annexed  the 
Andhra  country  to  the  Chola  empire  in  A.D.  1076.  He  and  his  suc¬ 
cessors,  who  were  in  reality  princes  of  the  Eastern  Chalukya  dy¬ 
nasty,  occupied  the  throne  of  the  Cholas  up  to  A.D.  1271. 


204 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


III.  THE  EASTERN  GANGAS 

The  history  of  the  Eastern  Gangas,  up  to  the  accession  of  Vaj- 
rahasta  Anantavarman,  has  been  traced  in  a  preceding  chapter.9 
This  king,  Vajrahasta  V,  was  anointed  king  in  A.D.  1038.  He  issued 
a  number  of  inscriptions  from  the  capital  Kalinganagara,  and  as¬ 
sumed  the  title  Trikalihgadhipati.  His  mother  was  a  Vaidumba 
princess,  and  he  himself  married  the  daughter  of  a  Haihaya  king. 
During  his  reign  Kalinga  was  invaded  by  the  Kalachuri  Kama,  who 
also  assumed  the  title  Trikalingadhipati.  He  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Rajaraja  I  Devendravarman,  who  was  crowned  in  A.D.  1070. 

Rajaraja  antagonised  Kulottunga  Chola  I  by  giving  shelter  to 
Vijayaditya  VII,  the  deposed  king  of  the  Andhra  country.  Kulot- 
tuhga  sent  his  son  Mummadi-Choda  with  an  army  to  chastise  the 
Ganga  king  shortly  after  A.D.  1076.  Rajaraja,  who  was  then  asso¬ 
ciated  with  his  son  Anantavarman  Chodaganga  in  the  government, 
succeeded  in  repulsing  this  attack.  About  this  time  the  grave  poli¬ 
tical  situation  in  the  Utkala  or  Orissa  country,  which  was  under 
the  rule  of  the  Somavamsi  kings,  encouraged  Rajaraja  to  make  an 
attempt  for  the  expansion  of  his  kingdom  in  that  direction.  The 
last  known  king  of  the  Somavamsi  dynasty  from  epigraphic  sources 
is  Uddyotakesari,9a  who  flourished  some  time  in  the  eleventh  century. 
In  the  latter  part  of  this  century  there  were  two  rival  claimants  to 
the  throne  of  Orissa.  Rajaraja  supported  the  cause  of  one  of  them, 
whose  name  seems  to  have  been  Karnakesari,  and  succeeded  in  plac¬ 
ing  him  on  the  throne.  He  had  an  able  general  named  Vanapati,  who 
claims  to  have  defeated  the  king  of  the  Choda  country,  the  army  of 
Utkala,  the  king  of  Vengi,  kings  of  Kimidi,  Kosala,  and  the  Gidrisingi 
countries,  and  killed  one  Daddarnava.  Rajaraja’s  queen  was  Raja- 
sundarl,  the  daughter  of  Kulottunga  Chola  I,  who  gave  birth  to  his 
son  and  successor  Anantavarman  Chodaganga. 

Anantavarman  Chodaganga  was  anointed  king  in  A.D.  1078. 
In  the  early  part  of  his  reign  Kulottunga  Chola  I  sent  a  big  army 
against  Kalinga  under  his  general  Karunakara.  The  Chola  army 
took  possession  of  Visakhapattana  (Visakhapatnam)  and  changed  its 
name  to  Kulottuhgasolapattanam.  Anantavarman  could  not  resist 
the  advancing  Chola  army.  The  whole  of  Kalinga  up  to  the  border 
of  Orissa  fell  into  the  hands  of  Karunakara,  probably  shortly  after 
A.D.  1083,  the  date  of  a  stone  inscription  at  Mukhalingam  of  the 
reign  of  Anantavarman.  If  there  is  any  truth  in  the  claim  that  Raja¬ 
raja  Chodaganga  (A.D.  1084-1088),  son  of  Kulottunga  Chola  I,  and 
the  viceroy  of  Vehgl,  held  sway  over  a  territory  extending  up  to  the 
Mahendra  mountains,  the  position  of  Anantavarman  must  have  been 
very  serious  indeed.  But  even  in  this  predicament  he  did  not  lose 


205 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


heart.  Within  a  few  years  he  not  only  recovered  his  throne,  but 
also  wrested  the  Visakhapatnam  District  from  the  Cholas  before 
the  year  A.D.  1090.  After  the  death  of  Kulottunga  the  Chalukyas 
under  Vikramaditya  VI  captured  the  Andhra  country  and  ruled  dt 
for  some  years.  As  soon  as  Vikramaditya  VI  died  (A.D.  1126) 
Anantavarman  attacked  the  Andhra  country  and  brought  all  the 
territory  up  to  the  banks  of  the  Godavari  under  his  sway.  But  he 
could  not  enjoy  this  new  possessions  in  the  Godavari  District  for  a 
long  time.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1134  Kulottunga  Chola  II,  with  the 
help  of  his  feudatories  Manda  II  and  Velananti  Rajendra-Choda,  drove 
out  the  Gangas  from  the  Godavari  District.  Visakhapatnam  District, 
which  was  ruled  by  the  Eastern  Chalukyas  for  several  centuries, 
became  a  part  and  parcel  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Gangas  from  the 
time  of  Anantavarman. 

Anantavarman  also  looked  for  the  expansion  of  his  kingdom 
to  the  east.  About  this  time  Karnakesarl,  king  of  Utkala,  and  a 
protege  of  the  Gangas,  was  overthrown  by  Ramapala,  king  of  Ben¬ 
gal,  who  placed  his  own  nominee  on  the  throne  of  that  country. 
Anantavarman  could  not  take  this  challenge  lying  down.  He  de¬ 
feated  the  nominee  of  Ramapala  and  restored  Karnakesarl  or  his 
successor  to  power.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1118  the  whole  of 
Orissa  was  annexed  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Gangas.  Henceforward 
the  kings  of  the  Ganga  dynasty  assumed  the  title  “the  lord  of  Utkala” 
along  with  the  title  “the  lord  of  Trikalinga”.  After  the  death  of 
Ramapala  the  kingdom  of  the  Palas  began  to  break  up.  The  weak¬ 
ness  of  the  Pala  kings  made  their  feudatories  in  south  Bengal  help¬ 
less.  This  offered  Anantavarman  a  favourable  opportunity  for  further 
expansion  of  his  kingdom.  His  advance  into  south  Bengal  was  held 
back  by  Vaidyadeva,  the  minister  of  Kumarapala,  son  of  Ramapala, 
for  some  time.  But  as  soon  as  Vaidyadeva  was  called  to  Assam 
by  a  more  critical  situation11,  Anantavarman  renewed  his  military 
operations.  He  defeated  the  chief  of  Mandara,  pillaged  his  capital 
Aramya,  modern  Arambagh  (Hooghly  District)  and  pursued  him 
up  to  the  bank  of  the  Ganga.  During  these  wars  he  seems  to  have 
received  the  co-operation  of  Vijayasena,  a  ruling  chief  in  Radha. 
The  kingdom  of  Anantavarman  now  extended  from  the  Ganga  up 
to  the  Godavari,  and  his  epigraphic  records  and  those  of  his  succes¬ 
sors  boldly  claim  that  he  exacted  tributes  from  his  subjects  living 
in  the  countries  between  these  two  rivers.  His  attempts  to  push 
the  boundary  of  his  realm  further  to  the  north  were,  however,  frus¬ 
trated  by  the  Kalachuri  Ratnadeva  II  (A.D.  1120-1135),  king  of 
Southern  Kosala,  and  the  Paramara  Lakshmadeva  (A.D.  1088-1094), 
king  of  Malava.  Stone  inscriptions  of  his  reign  have  been  found  in 


206 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


the  Ganjam  and  Visakhapatnam  Districts,  and  in  Draksharama,  in 
the  Ramchandrapur  Taluk  of  the  Godavari  District. 

Anantavarman  founded  the  magnificent  temple  of  Jagannatha 
at  Puri.  Satananda,  a  resident  of  Puri,  composed  the  astronomical 
work  Bhasvati  during  his  reign,  in  A.D.  1099.  Anantavarman  had 
a  number  of  queens  and  had  by  them  four  sons,  Kamarnava  VII, 
Raghava,  Rajaraja  II,  and  Aniyankabhlma  or  Anangabhima  II.  He 
anointed  Kamarnava  VII  king  in  A.D.  1142.  The  last  known  date 
of  Anantavarman  is  &.  1072  (=  A.D.  1150). 

Kamarnava  VII  (A.D.  1148-55) 12  was  succeeded  by  his  half- 
brother  Raghava  (A.D.  1157-1170)  during  whose  reign  Vijayasena 
put  an  end  to  the  supremacy  of  the  Gangas  in  south  Bengal  and 
established  there  the  authority  of  the  Senas.  After  Raghava  his 
two  half-brothers,  Rajaraja  II  (A.D.  1171-1192)  and  Anangabhima  II 
(A.D.  1192),  ruled  in  succession.  From  the  time  of  Anangabhima’s 
son  and  successor  Rajaraja  III  (A.D.  1205-1206)  Orissa  (Jajnagar) 
became  a  target  of  attacks  of  the  Muslims  who  had  firmly  established 
themselves  in  west  and  north  Bengal.  In  A.D.  1205  Muhammad 
Bakhtyar  sent  Muhammad-i-Sheran  and  his  brother  Ahmad-i-Sheran 
at  the  head  of  an  army  towards  Lakhanor  and  Jajnagar.  But  the 
premature  death  of  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  forced  the  Sheran  brothers 
to  retreat  to  Devakota.  Rajaraja  III  wrested  the  Godavari  District 
to  the  east  of  the  Godavari  from  the  Velananti  chiefs.  During  the 
reign  of  his  son  and  successor  Anangabhima  III  (A.D.  1216-1235) 
Khaljl  Ghiyas-ud-dln  ‘Iwaz,  the  Muslim  ruler  of  Bengal,  invaded 
Orissa,  but  was  repulsed  by  the  Gangas.  This  invasion  took  place 
some  time  between  A.D.  1211  and  1224.  Anangabhima  III  led  a 
successful  military  campaign  against  the  Kalachuri  ParamardI  of 
Tummana  and  established  a  friendly  relation  with  him  by  giving 
his  sister  in  marriage  to  him.  From  the  time  of  his  father  Raja¬ 
raja  III  the  Godavari  was  the  western  boundary  of  the  kingdom  of 
the  Gangas.  Anangabhima  III  invaded  Vengl  to  wrest  the  Andhra 
country  from  the  Velananti  chiefs.  Though  he  won  some  preli¬ 
minary  victories  the  Kakatlya  Ganapati  forced  him  to  surrender 
even  the  whole  of  the  Godavari  District  to  the  east  of  the  Godavari 
river  some  time  between  A.D.  1230  and  1237. 

Anangabhima  III  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Narasimha  I  in  c. 
A.D.  1238.  His  reign  marks  a  glorious  period  in  the  history  of 
Orissa.  He  was  one  of  the  few  Hindu  kings  of  this  age  who  thought 
it  more  prudent  to  launch  aggressive  campaigns  against  the  Mus¬ 
lims  than  to  play  the  defensive  part.  The  Muslims  were  now  in 
possession  of  the  greater  part  of  Radha  (W.  Bengal),  but  large  parts 
of  Hooghly  and  Nadia  districts  were  still  unsubdued.  Towards  the 


207 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


end  of  A.D.  1243,  Narasirhha  sent  an  army  to  Bengal,  and  the  Mus¬ 
lim  historian  Minhaj-i-Siraj  characteristically  refers  to  it  as  ‘molest¬ 
ing’  the  kingdom  of  Lakhnawati.  Tughril-i-Tughan  Khan,  the  Mus¬ 
lim  ruler  of  Bengal,  took  the  field  against  Narasirhha  in  March,  A.D. 
1244,  and  the  historian  Minhaj  also  joined  in  “this  holy  war”.  The 
Orissan  army  made  a  strategic  retreat,  without  fighting,  to  the  for¬ 
tress  of  Katasingh  on  their  frontier,  a  region  full  of  dense  jungles  and 
cane-bushes.  In  April,  1244,  the  Muslim  forces  made  an  assault  on 
the  fort  and  obtained  some  initial  success.  But  while  they  were 
taking  rest  at  mid-day,  the  Hindu  soldiers  appeared  both  in  their 
front  and  rear.  The  Muslim  army  was  seized  with  panic  and  fled  in 
hot  haste,  pursued  by  the  Orissan  forces.  Tughril  Tughan  was  un¬ 
able  to  make  a  stand  even  in  his  own  fort  of  Lakhanor,  70  miles 
north-west  of  Katasingh.  It  was  a  veritable  disaster  for  the  Muslims. 

Narasirhha  I  captured  Lakhanor  and  put  an  end  to  the  Muslim 
rule  in  Radha.  He  then  invaded  Varendra  (N.  Bengal)  and  advanced 
as  far  as  Lakhnawati  (March  1245).  Tughril,  who  had  already 
sent  swift  messengers  to  Delhi  asking  for  military  assistance,  shut 
himself  in  his  capital  city.  Fortunately  for  him  the  Sultan  ordered 
the  Governors  of  Kara-Manikpur  and  Awadh  to  proceed  at  once  to 
“exterminate  the  infidels”  of  Orissa.  Their  united  forces  reached  the 
vicinity  of  the  Rajmahal  hills  when  Lakhnawati  was  besieged  by 
Orissan  forces.  On  hearing  of  this  reinforcement,  Narasirhha  raised 
the  siege  of  the  capital  city  but  maintained  his  position  in  Radha. 
His  dominions  now  extended  to  the  Ganga  river  which,  according 
to  one  of  his  inscriptions,  “assumed  the  dark  countenance  of  the 
Yamuna  by  the  colly rium-stained  tears  of  the  Yavana  women  of 
Radha  and  Varendra  (West  and  North  Bengal).” 

It  was  not  till  the  end  of  A.D.  1253  that  the  new  Muslim 
Governor  of  Bengal,  Yuzbak,  made  an  attempt  to  recover  Radha.  He 
was  stubbornly  opposed  by  a  feudatory  of  Narasirhha  who  is  called 
Savantar  in  Muslim  chronicles,  which  probably  stands  for  Oriya 
Santra.  This  feudatory  chief  was  a  son-in-law  of  Narasirhha  and 
ruled  as  his  vassal  over  a  strong  principality  with  its  capital  at 
Madaran  in  Hooghly  District.  Three  battles  were  fought  in  the 
last  of  which  Yuzbak  suffered  a  defeat  with  heavy  loss  and  implored 
assistance  from  the  Sultan  of  Delhi.  Towards  the  end  of  A.D.  1255 
Yuzbak  again  invaded  Radha  and  captured  Madaran.  He  succeeded 
in  re-establishing  Muslim  authority  over  Radha. 

Although  Narasirhha  could  not  maintain  his  hold  in  Bengal,  his 
aggressive  campaign  and  success  against  the  Muslim  forces  for  a 
period  of  ten  years  entitles  him  to  a  high  place  of  honour  among 
the  Hindu  kings  of  Northern  India  during  this  age.  He  has  also 


208 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 

earned  undying  fame  by  building  the  magnificent  Sun  Temple  at 
Konarak,  which  has  been  described  in  the  chapter  on  Art. 

The  reign  of  Bhanudeva  I  (A.D.  1264-79),  son  and  successor 
of  Narasimha  I,  was  an  uneventful  one,  from  political  point  of  view. 
But  during  the  reigns  of  Bhanudeva  I  and  his  son  Narasimha  II 
(A.D.  1279-1306)  the  great  religious  teacher  Narahari  TIrtha  lived 
and  preached  in  Orissa,  and  gave  a  great  impetus  to  Vaishnava  reli¬ 
gion  which  replaced  Saivism  as  the  dominant  creed  of  the  country. 
As  the  reign  of  Narasimha  II  introduced  a  new  phase  in  the  history 
of  Orissa,  it  will  be  treated  in  the  next  volume. 

IV.  THE  SOMAVAMsIS 

The  history  of  the  Somavamsis  up  to  the  death  of  Yayati  Maha¬ 
sivagupta  I  has  been  narrated  above.13  Yayati  Mahasivagupta  I  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Bhimaratha  Mahabhavagupta  II  who  ruled 
probably  about  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  (c.  A.D.  1000- 
15).  During  this  reign,  Simhadatta  continued  to  serve  as  minister 
for  war  and  peace.  One  of  the  feudatories  of  Mahabhavagupta  II 
was  the  Mathara  chief  Puhja  who  resided  at  Vamandapafi,  possibly 
the  same  as  modern  Bamragarh  in  the  old  Bamra  State.  Puhja 
was  a  Parama-mahesvara  like  his  overlord  but  was  also  devoted  to 
the  goddess  Kalesvarl  (probably  a  form  of  Kali,  the  consort  of  Siva 
in  Hindu  mythology),  has  been  described  as  Samadhigata-pancha - 
mahdsabda,  Mandalika-Rdnaka  and  Panchadasa-pallikddhipati  (i.e. 
“lord  of  fifteen  small  villages”).  His  seal  bears  the  swan  emblem. 

The  latest  known  date  of  Bhimaratha  is  the  thirteenth  year  of 
his  reign.  According  to  the  Balijhari14  (Narsinghpur  State)  and 
Bhuvaneswar15  inscriptions  of  Uddyotakesarl,  Bhimaratha  Maha-> 
bhavagupta  II  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Dharamaratha  (c.  A.D.  1015- 
20),  probably  styled  Rajamalla  and  Mahasivagupta  II.  Dharmaratha 
dfed  without  leaving  a  son  and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother 
Nahusha  (Naghusha),  probably  styled  Mahabhavagupta  III.  There 
is^evidence  to  show  that  Nahusha  ruled  in  troublous  times 
(c.  A.D.  1020-25).  According  to  the  Bhuvaneswar  inscription,  which 
does  not  mention  Nahusha,  some  time  passed  after  Dharmaratha  had 
died  without  leaving  a  son,  when  various  combatant  chiefs  ( bhatas ) 
were  devastating  the  whole  rashtra  (i.e.  the  Somavamsi  dominions) 
and  a  great  hero,  no  doubt  pointing  to  Chandihara  (Yayati)  belong¬ 
ing  to  the  royal  family,  was  passing  his  days  elsewhere.  This 
Chandihara,  who  was  the  son  of  Abhimanyu,  grandson  of  Vichitra- 
vira,  and  great-grandson  of  Janamejaya  Mahabhavagupta  I,  was  then 
raised  to  the  throne  by  the  amatyas  (ministers).  The  new  king 
(c.  A.D.  1025-55)  freed  both  the  rashpas  (Kosala  and  Utkala)  from 

209 


S.E.— 14 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


enemies.  The  Balijhari  inscription  says  that  Nahusha  was  succeed¬ 
ed  by  his  anuja  (younger  cousin  in  this  case)  Yayati  (Chan^Ihara), 
styled  Mahasivagupta  III,  who  freed  both  the  rashtras  of  Kosala  and 
Utkala  which  had  been  seized  ( avashtabdhaj  by  combatant  chiefs 
( bhatas ).  It  is  thus  clear  that  Kosala  and  Utkala  were  regarded  as 
two  component  parts  of  the  Somavarhsi  dominions  about  the  middle 
of  the  eleventh  century,  and  that  both  the  countries  had  been  over¬ 
run  by  enemies  shortly  after  the  death  of  Dharmaratha.  But  when 
and  under  what  circumstances  exactly  the  dominions  of  the  Karas 
passed  to  the  Somavarhsis  cannot  be  determined  in  the  present  state 
of  our  knowledge.  Who  moreover  were  the  enemies  of  the  Soma- 
vamsis  with  whom  king  Nahusha  seems  to  have  been  engaged  in  a 
struggle  for  existence?  Although  there  is  evidence  to  .show  that  the 
Kalachuris  were  encroaching  upon  Somavarhsi  territories  about  this 
time,  it  is  tempting  to  suggest  that  the  enemies  referred  to  were  the 
Cholas  who,  according  to  their  records,  defeated  and  seized  king 
Indraratha  of  the  Chandrakula  (i.e.  Somavamsa),  together  with  his 
family,  at  the  battle  of  Yayatinagara,16  and  captured,  probably  as  a 
result  of  this  success,  Odravishaya  and  Kosalanadu,  shortly  before 
A.D.  1023.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Indraratha,  also  known  from  the 
Udayapur  prasastV 7  to  have  been  defeated  by  the  Paramara  king 
Bhoja,  belonged  to  the  family  of  Bhimaratha  and  Dharmaratha,  but 
he  can  hardly  be  placed  between  any  two  of  the  Somavarhsi  rulers 
discussed  above  without  disturbing  the  probable  regularity  of  the 
alternate  occurrence  of  the  two  names  Mahabhavagupta  and  Maha - 
sivagupta  in  the  family.  It  is,  therefore,  not  improbable  that  Indra¬ 
ratha  was  just  another  name  of  Nahusha  Mahabhavagupta  III  who 
was  a  brother  of  Dharmaratha  and  possibly  a  son  of  Bhimaratha.  It 
may  be  mentioned  in  this  connection  that  a  Chola  chief  named 
Yasoraja,  whose  successors  are  known  to  have  acknowledged  the 

A 

suzerainty  of  the  Chhindaka-Nagas  of  Bastar,  is  said  to  have  carved 
out  a  kingdom  in  Kosala  about  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century. 
It  is  unknown  whether  Yasoraja’s  success  was  at  the  expense  of  the 
Kalachuris  or  the  Somavarhsis. 

Thus  Chandihar  a- Yayati  Mahasivagupta  III  seems  to  have  freed 
Kosala  and  Utkala  (apparently  the  same  as  Odra  of  the  Chola  re¬ 
cords),  probably  from  Chola  occupation,  some  time  in  the.  second 
quarter  of  the  eleventh  century.  He  appears  to  have  been  a  power¬ 
ful  ruler.  To  him  no  doubt  belongs  the  Maranjamura  (also  called 
Jatesinga-Dungri)  inscription18  written  by  the  Mahasandhivigrahin 
Hudradatta,  who  was  the  son  of  a  brother  of  Simhadatta  (minister 
under  Mahasivagupta  I  and  Mahabhavagupta  II)  and  the  grandson 
of  Harshadatta.  According  to  this  record  Mahasivagupta  III  con¬ 
quered  Trikalihga  by  his  own  prowess19  and  became  the  lord  of 


210 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


Kalihga,  Kohgoda  (in  the  Ganjam  District),  Utkala  and  Kosala.  He 
also  claims  to  have  come  into  conflict  with  the  kings  of  Karnata, 
Lata,  Gurjara,  Radha  and  Gauda.  Although  the  description  may,  no 
doubt,  be  taken  as  a  mere  eulogy  ( yrasasti ),  it  may  be  noted  that  it 
suits  Mahasivagupta  III  better  than  any  other  king  of  the  family 
bearing  the  same  name.  The  reference  to  his  struggle  with  the 
Karnatas  probably  points  to  a  date  earlier  than  the  eastern  expedi¬ 
tions  of  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI.  A  defective  passage  of  the  record 
seems  to  speak  of  the  king’s  success  against  Bhiivita  which  may  be  a 
mistake  for  Dravida  meaning  the  Cholas.20  The  king  is  further  de¬ 
scribed  as  a  Parama-mahesvara  and  as  Mahabhavagupta-pddanu- 
dhyata,  possibly  pointing  to  his  predecessor  Nahusha,  who,  as 
suggested  above,  appears  to  have  been  also  known  as  Indraratha  and 
Mahabhavagupta  III.  The  Maranjamura  grant  was  issued  in  the 
king’s  third  regnal  year.  The  actual  duration  of  the  rule  of  Maha¬ 
sivagupta  III  cannot  be  determined. 

Chandihara-Yayati  Mahasivagupta  III  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Uddyotakesarl  Mahabhavagupta  IV  (c.  A.D.  1055-80)  some  time 
about  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century.  Uddyotakesarl  was  a 
devout  Saiva  like  hh  ^ather.  His  hold  over  both  the  Sambalpur  tract 
and  lower  Orissa  is  proved  by  the  Balijhari  charter  issued  in  the 
fourth  regnal  year  from  Yayatinagara,  recording  a  grant  of  land  in 
Odradesa,  and  by  the  Bhu  vanes  war  inscription  recording  the  con¬ 
struction,  in  his  eighteenth  regnal  year,  of  the  temple  of  the  deity 
Brahmesvara  at  Ekamra  (i.e.  Bhuvaneswar)  by  the  king’s  mother 
Kolavatl  who  was  born  in  the  solar  dynasty.  His  father’s  minister 
for  war  and  peace,  named  Rudradatta,  who  is  known  from  the 
Maranjamura  grant  to  have  been  the  grandson  of  Harshadatta  and 
the  nephew  of  Simhadatta,  is  mentioned  in  the  Balijhari  grant  of  the 
earlier  year  of  Jddyotakesarl’s  reign  as  the  Mahascindhivigrahin  for 
both  the  countries  of  Utkala  and  Kosala.  The  same  minister  Rudra¬ 
datta*  is  mentioned  as  the  son  of  Devadatta  in  the  Kesarkella  grant2 1 
of  the  eleventh  regnal  year  of  king  Mahabhavagupta  who  seems  to 
have  been  no  other  than  Uddyotakesarl.  The  seal  attached  to  this 
charter  bears  the  Saivite  emblem  of  a  horned  bull  surmounted  by  a 
crescent.  The  mention  of  Rudradatta  as  minister  for  Utkala  and 
Kosala  is  interesting  as  the  earlier  ministers  of  the  Datta  family  were 
only  in  charge  of  the  Kosala  country.  This  seems  to  suggest  that  the 
Utkala  country  formed  a  part  of  SomavamsI  kingdom  some  time 
about  the  second  quarter  of  the  eleventh  century. 

Uddyotakesarl  Mahabhavagupta  IV  was  the  last  great  king  of 
the  family.  The  Bhuvaneswar  inscription  credits  him  with  victory 
over  the  rulers  of  Dahala,  Odra,  and  Gauda.22  That  he  came  into 


211 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


conflict  with  the  Kalachuris  of  Central  India  and  the  Palas  of  Bengal 
is  not  improbable;  but  the  ruler  of  0$ra  was  probably  one  of  his 
father’s  adversaries.  Uddyotakesari,  whose  latest  known  date  is  his 
eighteenth  regnal  year,  appears  to  have  been  a  contemporary  of  the 
Gahga  king  Anantavarman  Vajrahasta  III  (A.D.  1038-70  of  Kalihga- 
nagara  (in  the  Srikakulam  District)  and  the  latter’s  son  Rajaraja  I 
(A.D.  1070-78)  who  claims  to  have  defeated  the  kings  of  Utkala  and 
Kosala.  Rajaraja’s  son  Anantavarman  Chodaganga  (A.D.  1078-1150) 
is  described  as  having,  at  first,  reinstated  the  fallen  lord  of  Utkala, 
and  later,  not  only  as  having  defeated  the  king  of  Utkala,  but  also  as 
having  been  decorated  with  the  full  sovereignty  of  the  whole  of 
Utkala.  The  claims  that  Chodaganga  exacted  tribute  from  the  whole 
land  as  far  as  the  Ganga  in  the  east,  and  that  he  destroyed  the  capital 
of  the  king  Mandara  (probably  Garh  Mandaran  in  the  Hooghly 
District),  show  that  by  A.D.  1112,  which  is  the  date  of  Chodagahga’s 
Korni  grant,23  independent  SomavamsI  rule  must  have  been  termi¬ 
nated  in  lower  Orissa  by  the  Gangas  and  that  Uddyotakesarl’s  rule 
had  ended  some  time  before  that  date. 

The  king  of  Utkala  named  Karnakesarl,  mentioned  in  the  Rama - 
charita  as  having  been  defeated  by  Jayasimha,  the  feudatory  ruler 
of  Dandabhukti  under  king  Ramapala  of  Bengal,  seems  to  have  been 
a  successor  of  Uddyotakesari  and  probably  a  subordinate  ally  of 
Chodaganga  who  shortly  afterwards  extirpated  SomavamsI  rule  from 
Orissa. 

Ranakesarl,  another  king  probably  of  the  same  family,  is  known 
from  his  Govindapur  (old  Nayagarh  State)  inscription  which  seems 
to  be  dated  in  the  Ganga  year  61 1,24  corresponding  to  A.D.  1107-09. 
He  may  have  been  a  subordinate  ally  of  Chodaganga  and  a  claimant 
for  the  SomavaihsI  throne.  According  to  the  Mddalapanp ,  which 
gives  a  legendary  account  of  the  SomavamsI  rulers  that  is  hardly 
reliable,  Suvarnakesarl  was  the  last  SomavamsI  ruler  extirpated  by 
Chodaganga.  But  nothing  definite  is  known  about  him. 

It  may  be  pointed  out  in  this  connection  that  the  capital  (or 
secondary  capital)  of  the  Somavamsls  in  Utkala  was  probably  Jajpur 
(in  Cuttack  District),  apparently  a  corruption  of  Yayatipura ,  named 
probably  after  Yayati  Mahasivagupta  III,  who  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  SomavamsI  king  of  lower  Orissa.  In  the  days  of  the  Soma¬ 
vamsls,  Jajpur  seems  to  have  been  called  both  Yayatipura  and 
Yayatinagara,  the  latter  being  also  the  name  of  the  capital  of  the 
Somavamsls  in  Kosala.  The  Muslim  chronicles  referred  to  Orissa 
as  the  kingdom  of  Jajnagar,  probably  because  Jajpur  (Yayatipura  or 
Yayatinagara)  became  for  a  short  period  a  secondary  capital  of  the 
Gangas  after  the  extirpation  of  the  Somavamsls  from  Utkala. 


212 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


The  Somavamsls,  who  were  ousted  from  the  southern  part  of 
their  dominions  by  the  Gangas,  also  lost  Kosala.  In  the  first  half  of 
the  eleventh  century,  probably  during  the  reign  of  Kalachuri  Gah- 
geya  of  Dahala,  a  Kalachuri  prince  named  Kalihgaraja  established 
himself  at  Tummana  (modern  Tumana  in  the  Bilaspur  District)  in  the 
Western  part  of  Dakshina-Kosala,  and  apparently  became  a  thorn  in 
the  side  of  the  SomavamsI  kings.  His  son  Kamalaraja  endeavoured 
to  equal  Gangeya  in  prosperity  and  claimed,  like  Gangeya  himself, 
a  victory  over  the  ruler  of  Utkala,  probably  a  SomavamsI  king. 
Kamalaraja’s  grandson  Prithvldeva  I,  whose  Amoda  grant26  of 
A.D.  1079  describing  him  as  Mahamandalesvara  and  Samadhigata - 
panchamahdsabda  shows  that  he  was  still  a  feudatory  of  the  house 
of  Dahala  (Tripurl),  seems  nevertheless  to  have  been  a  semi-inde¬ 
pendent  ruler  who  assumed  the  title  Sakala-Kosalddhipati  (lord  of 
the  entire  Kosala  country),  apparently  as  the  result  of  a  successful 
campaign  against  the  Somavamsls.  Prithvldeva’s  Son  Jajalla  I, 
whose  Ratanpur  inscription26  is  dated  A.D.  1114,  claims  to  have 
defeated  and  captured  Somesvara,  while  another  record27  refers  to 
his  victory  over  Bhujabala,  king  of  Suvarnapura  (SonpUr  in  the 
eastern  part  of  Dakshina-Kosala  in  the  kingdom  of  the  Somavamsls). 
Nov/  the  northern  enemies  of  the  Somavamsls  stood  face  to  face  with 
their  southern  adversaries,  and  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  Jajalla’s 
son  Ratna  II  claims  to  have  defeated  Chodaganga. 

We  have  seen  that  the  greatest  achievement  of  Jajalla  I 
(A-D.  1114)  is  described  as  a  victory  over  Somesvara  in  one  record 
and  over  Bhujabala  of  Sonpur  in  another.  This  may  suggest  that 
Bhujabala  or  Bhujabalamalla  was  a  viruda  of  Somesvara.  Some¬ 
svara,  defeated  by  the  Kalachuris  of  the  western  part  of  Dakshina- 
Kosala  in  the  early  years  of  the  twelfth  century,  seems  to  be  no  other 
than  the  SomavamsI  Kumdra  Somesvara,  lord  of  Paschima-Lanka 
(probably  the  district  round  Sonpur),  who  issued  the  Kelga  plates 
from  Suvarnapura.  Somesvara  calls  himself  Kumdra  and  Kumar - 
ddhirdja  (cf.  the  case  of  the  Paramara  Mahakumaras) ,  but  also 
assumes  the  imperial  titles  Paramesvara  and  Paramabhattaraka .  He 
seems  to  have  ruled  over  the  district  round  Sonpur  when  the  other 
parts  of  the  SomavamsI  dominions  were  occupied  by  the  enemies. 
He  issued  the  Kelga  plates28  after  the  end  of  the  rule  (atita-rdjye)  of 
Abhimanyu  who  had  been  installed  in  the  Kosala  kingdom  present¬ 
ed  to  him  by  Uddyotakesarl.  It  appears  that  Uddyotakesarl,  during 
the  latter  part  of  his  rule,  made  Abhimanyu,  apparently  a  prince  of 
his  own  family,  a  sub-king  of  that  part  of  his  kingdom  which  lay  in 
Kosala,  while  he  himself  ruled  in  Utkala.  This  arrangement  might 
have  been  devised  to  check  Kalachuri  and  Chhindaka-Chola  en¬ 
croachment  upon  Kosala  and  Ganga  aggression  against  Utkala.  As 


213 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Somesvara  seems  to  have  ruled  in  the  early  years  of  the  twelfth  cen¬ 
tury,  Abhimanyu  may  be  assigned  to  the  last  quarter  of  the  previous 
century.  The  position  of  Somesvara  and  Abhimanyu  in  the  genea¬ 
logy  of  the  Somavamsis  cannot  be  determined;  but  the  latter  may 
have  been  a  grandson  of  Abhimanyu  (son  of  Vichitravlra  and  grand¬ 
son  of  Mahabhavagupta  I)  and  a  brother  or  cousin  of  Uddyotakesari. 
As  to  the  extirpation  of  Somavamsi  rule  from  Kosala,  it  may 
be  pointed  out  that  the  Chhindaka  (Naga)  king  Somesvara 
(c.  A.D.  1090-1110)  of  Bastar,  and  Yasoraja,  who  was  probably  a 
Chola  feudatory  of  the  Chhindakas  and  flourished  in  the  middle  of 
the  eleventh  century,29  claim  to  have  conquered  Kosala  or  parts  of 
that  country.  Ysoraja’s  great-grandson  Rdnka  Somesvara,  who 
called  himself  “lord  of  the  whole  of  Kosala”  and  flourished  probably 
in  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century,  actually  issued  his  charters 
from  Suvarnapura  (Sonpur).  Considering  the  date  of  this  Chola  lord 
of  Kosala  (Somesvara),  who  appears  to  have  been  a  feudatory  of  his 
Chlpndaka-Naga  namesake  (Somesvara,  c.  A.D.  1090-1110),  it  seems 
very  probable  that  these  two  Somesvaras  were  responsible  for  the 
extirpation  of  their  Somavamsi  namesake,  Kumar  a  Somesvara,  lord 
of  Paschima-Lanka. 

The  name  of  the  Somavamsi  Kumara  may  suggest  that  for  a 
time  the  Somavamsis  acknowledged  the  suzerainty  of  the  Chhindaka- 
Naga  king  Somesvara  I.  This  is  not  improbable  in  view  of  the 
Telugu-Choda  influence  on  the  style  of  Somavamsi  Somesvara’s 
charter.  In  that  case,  Kumara  Somesvara’s  short  rule  may  have 
been  the  result  of  a  successful  revolt  against  Chhindaka-Naga- 
authority. 

V.  THE  NAGAS  OR  CHHINDAKAS 

A  number  of  inscriptions  of  a  dynasty  of  rulers  belonging  to  the 
Chhindaka  family  of  the  Naga  race  have  been  found  in  Bastar  in 
Madhya  Pradesh.  These  Chhindaka-Nagas  are  sometimes  described 
as  the  kings  of  Chakrakotta  (also  called  Chakrakuta,  Chakrakota, 
etc.),  which  was  the  old  name  of  Bastar.  They  appear  to  have  ruled 
from  Barasuru  (modern  Barsur  about  55  miles  from  Jagdalpur,  chief 
city  of  Bastar).  They  belonged  to  the  Kasyapa  gotra  and  had  the 
snake-banner  and  the  ‘  tiger- with-cub’  crest.  One  of  their  significant 
titles  was  “the  lord  of  Bhogavati  (Bhogavatl),  the  best  of  cities.” 
Bhogavati  was  the  mythical  capital  of  the  snake-demons,  called 
Nagas,  who  lived  in  Rasatala,  forming  a  part  of  Patala  or  the  sub¬ 
terranean  world. 

The  above  informations  about  the  Chhindaka-Nagas  of  Bastar 
clearly  point  to  their  close  relationship  with  the  Sindas  of  the 


214 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 

Kannad  country.30  The  land  of  the  Sindas,  called  Sinda  va^i,  com¬ 
prised  parts  of  northern  Mysore,  Bellary,  Dharwar  and  Bijapur,  and 
is  mentioned  in  a  record  of  A.D.  750.  The  Sinda  families  ruled 
from  Bagalkot  and  Yelburga  in  Bijapur  and  Hollavur  and  Belagutti  in 
Mysore.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the  family  name  Chhindaka,  pre¬ 
ferred  by  the  Nagavamsis  of  Bastar,  is  the  same  as  Sinda ,  although 
the  Sindas  fabricated  a  mythology  to  explain  their  family  name  as 
derived  from  the  name  of  the  river  Sindhu.  The  fabricated  genea¬ 
logy  of  the  Sindas  sometimes  says  that  the  eponymous  progenitor 
of  the  dynasty  was  a  “long-armed”  Sinda  who  was  the  human  son  of 
a  snake  king  named  Dharanlndra  and  that  he  was  born  at  Ahich- 
chhatra  near  the  Sindhu  and  was  reared  by  a  tiger.  Elsewhere, 
however,  the  same  mythical  Sinda  is  described  as  the  son  of  the  god 
Siva  from  the  river-goddess  Sindu  and  as  brought  up  by  the  snake- 
king  with  tiger’s  milk.  We  have  no  such  explanation  of  the 
family  name  in  the  inscription  of  the  Chhindakas;  but  it  is  quite  signi¬ 
ficant  that,  like  them,  the  Sindas  also  claimed  the  Naga  lineage,  the 
snake-banner  (sometimes  explained  as  the  banner  having  the  figures 
of  the  Naga-chiefs  Ananta,  Vasuki  and  Takshaka  represented  on  it), 
and  the  hereditary  title  “lord  of  Bhogavatl,  the  best  of  cities.”  It  may 
be  suggested  that  the  Chhindakas  left  their  original  home  in  the 
Kannada  country  before  the  fabrication  of  the  above  genealogy  by 
the  Sindas>  some  time  after  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century. 

The  earliest  Nagavamsi  inscription  in  Bastar  is  a  frag¬ 
mentary  record31  from  Errakot,  about  ten  miles  from  Jagdalpur. 
The  name  of  the  Chhindaka-Naga  king  mentioned  in  it  cannot  be 
fully  read,  but  may  be  Nripatibhushana  (or  Kshitibhushana?).  It 
is  said  that  the  inscription  bears  a  date  in  Saka  945  (—  A.D.  1023). 
This  date  seems  to  suggest  that  the  Chhindakas  entered  Bastar  in 
the  train  of  the  army  of  the  Choi  a  king  Rajendra  I,  which  is  known 
to  have’  invaded  the  said  area  some  time  before  A.D.  1023.  It 
should,  however,  be  noted  that  personal  names  in  this  family  like 
Dharavarsha  and  Kanhara  would  suggest  its  original  subservience 
to  the  imperial  house  of  the  Rashtrakutas,  while  the  popularity  of 
the  name  Somesvara  in  this  dynasty  and  also  in  that  of  its  Telugu- 
Choda  feudatories  seems  to  indicate  that  both  of  these  houses 
acknowledged  the  suzerainty  of  the  Chalukya  monarch  Somesvara 
I  Ahavamalla  (A.D.  1043-68)  of  Kalyana.  '  This  may  have  been  a 
result  of  the  expedition  led  by  Vikramaditya  VI,  son  of  Ahava¬ 
malla,  against  the  East  Indian  countries  some  time  during  his 
father’s  reign. 

An  inscription32  from  Barsur,  which  bears  a  date  in  A.D.  1060, 
refers  to  the  reign  of  a  Chhindaka-Naga  king  named  Maharaja  Dha- 


215 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ravarsha  alias  Jagadekabhushana.  It  is  stated  that  his  feudatory 
Mahamandalesvara  Chandraditya -maharaja,  who  belonged  to  the 
Telugu-Choda  family  and  was  the  lord  of  Ammagrama,  built  a  Siva 
temple  and  excavated  a  tank  at  Barasuru  (modern  Barsur,  the  find- 
spot  of  the  record  in  question).  Chandraditya  is  further  said  to 
have  purchased  a  village  from  his  overlord  and  dedicated  it  in 
favour  of  the  deity  installed  in  the  temple.  King  Dharavarsha  Jaga¬ 
dekabhushana  is  stated  to  have  been  present  when  this  transaction 
was  made.  Now  the  above  fact  appears  to  indicate  that  the  feuda¬ 
tory  chief  Chandraditya  had  his  headquarters  at  Ammagrama  while 
his  Chhindaka-Naga  overlord  ruled  from  the  city  of  Barasuru. 

King  Dharavarsha  Jagadekabhushana  does  not  appear  to  have 
survived  long  after  A.D.  1060  as  the  Chhindaka-Naga  throne  was 
occupied  by  another  member  of  the  family,  named  Madhurantaka, 
some  time  before  the  fifth  of  October,  1065,  the  date  of  the 
latter’s  Rajapura  plates.33  It  cannot  be  determined  whether  the 
fragmentary  Dantewara  inscription34  of  A.D.  1061  belongs  to  Dha¬ 
ravarsha  or  Madhurantaka.  King  Madhurantaka  was  soon  ousted 
from  the  throne  by  Dharavarsha’s  son  Somesvara  I  wliose  earliest 
known  date  is  A.D.  1069.  The  names  of  these  two  rivals  of  the 
same  family  for  the  Chhindaka-Naga  kingdom  of  Bastar  may^  sug¬ 
gest  that  Somesvara  was  supported  by  the  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana, 
while  Madhurantaka  received  help  from  the  Cholas.  It  is  inte¬ 
resting  to  note  in  this  connection  that  a  Chola  inscription35  of  A.D. 
1074  refers  to  certain  victories  achieved  by  Kulottuhga  I  at  an 
earlier  date  in  Vayiragrama  (Wairagarh  in  the  Chanda  District) 
and  Sakkarakottam  (Chakrakotta). 

The  Rajapura  copper-plate  inscription  of  Madhurantaka,  bear¬ 
ing  the  date  A.D.  1065,  records  the  grant  of  the  village  of  Rajapura 
(findspot  of  the  record,  22  miles  north-west  of  Jagdalpur)  in  the 
Bhramarakotya(Bhramarakotta)-?na?idaIa,  probably  as  a  compen¬ 
sation  for  supplying  victims  for  human  sacrifices.  The  Bhramara- 
kotta-raa?idala  was  either  identical  with  Chakrakotta  or  a  part  of  the 
latter.  The  king  was  a  Saiva  and  had  the  banner  bearing  the  repre¬ 
sentation  of  a  lotus  and  a  plantain  leaf  on  the  back  of  Airavata 
instead  of  the  snake-banner  used  by  other  members  of  the  family. 

Somesvara  I,  son  of  Dharavarsha  Jagadekabhushana,  is  known 
from  several  records,  the  earliest  of  which,  as  indicated  above,  is 
dated  in  A.D.  1069.  The  latest  known  date  of  this  king  is  A.D.  1097. 
One  of  the  two  Kuruspal  (22  miles  from  Jagdalpur)  inscriptions36 
of  DharanamahadevI,  the  second  queen  of  the  Chhindaka-Naga  king 
Somesvara  I,  bears  a  date  in  the  Khara  Samvatsara  which  fell  in 


216 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


A.D.  1069.  Two  other  inscriptions  37  of  the  reign  of  the  same  king, 
one  from  Kuruspal  and  another  from  Gadia,  are  dated  in  A.D.  1097. 

The  most  important  record  of  the  reign  of  Somesvara  I  is  a 
fragmentary  inscription  from  Kuruspal.38  This  epigraph  mentions 
the  king’s  son  Kanhara  and  seems  to  have  been  engraved  late  in 
his  reign.  Somesvara  is  stated  in  the  inscription  to  have  acquired 
the  sovereignty  of  Chakrakiita  (Chakrakotta)  through  the  grace  of 
the  goddess  Vindhyavasinl.  He  is  further  said  to  have  killed  king 
Madhurantaka  who  is  undoubtedly  the  issuer  of  the  Rajapura  plates 
of  A.D.  1065.  Madhurlantaka  was  a  ruler  of  Chakrakuta  of  which 
Somesvara  I  claimed  to  have  been  the  hereditary  king.  The  record 
also  credits  Somesvara  with  many  other  military  activities  such  as 
the  burning  of  Vengi,  the  subjugation  of  Bhadrapattana  and  Vajra, 
and  the  seizure  of  the  six  lakhs  and  ninety-six  villages  of  Kosala 
(South  Kosala).  Vengi,  the  kingdom  of  the  Eastern  Chalukyas, 
was  now  a  part  of  the  Chola-Chalukya  empire,  and  Vlrachoda,  also 
mentioned  in  the  record  under  review,  was  governing  it  in  A.D. 
1078-84  and  1088-92  as  the  viceroy  of  his  father  Kulottunga  I 
(A.D.  1070-1120).  We  have  already  noticed  that  Kulottunga 

claimed  some  success  against  Wairagarh  (probably  the  same  as 
Vajra  in  Somesvara’s  record  under  discussion)  and  Chakrakotta, 
achieved  by  him  some  years  before  A.D.  1074.  Bhadrapattana  of 
the  inscription  has  been  identified  by  scholars  with  modern  Bhan- 
dak  in  the  Chanda  District.  According  to  the  Padma  Purdna ,39  the 
conventional  or  traditional  number  of  gramas  in  Kosala  was  ten 
lakhs ,  although  this  is  certainly  an  exaggerated  statement  if  the 
word  grama  or  village  is  taken  in  the  ordinary  sense  of  the  term.40 
The  Chhindaka-Naga  king  Somesvara  I  thus  seems  to  have  claimed 
the  possession  of  a  large  part  of  South  Kosala.  This  success  may 
have  been  achieved  at  the  expense  of  both  the  Kalachuris  and  the 
Somavamsis.  In  this  connection,  we  cannot  ignore  the  fact  that 
Yasoraja  I,  father  of  the  Telugu-Choda  chief  Chandraditya  who  was 
ruling  at  Ammagrama  as  a  feudatory  of  Somesvara’s  father,  also 
claimed  to  have  carved  out  a  kingdom  in  Kosala.  It  is  not  altogether 
unlikely  that  Ysoraja  I  entered  Kosala  as  a  lieutenant  of  Somes¬ 
vara  I  and  was  rewarded  by  the  governorship  of  a  portion  of  the 
country  he  had  conquered  on  behalf  of  his  overlord.  Another  inte¬ 
resting  fact  is  that  Kumdra  Somesvara  of  Suvarnapura  and  Pas- 
chima-Lanka,  who  belonged  to  the  Somavamsa  that  was  overthrown 
by  the  descendants  of  Yasoraja  I,  was  probably  named  after  the 
Chhindaka-Naga  king  Somesvara  I.  This  may  suggest  that  for  a 
time  the  later  Somavamsis  had  to  acknowledge  the  supremacy  of 
the  Chhindakas.  The  suggestion  seems  to  be  supported  by  the  in- 


217 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

fluence  of  the  Telugu-Choda  grants  on  the  style  of  the  copper-plate 
charter  of  Somavamsi  Somesvara.  The  inscription  of  Chhindaka 
Somesvara  I  under  review  also  mentions  the  king  of  Ratnapura 
(capital  of  the  Kalachuris  of  South  Kosala)  as  one  of  his  antagonists 
and  points  to  the  fact  that  he  came  into  conflict  with  the  Kalachuris 
as  well.  Some  scholars  are  inclined  to  identify  the  king  named 
Somesvara,  whom  the  Kalachuri  king  Jajalla  I  claimed  to  have 
seized  in  a  battle  some  years  before  A.D.  1114,41  with  the  Chhin- 
daka-Naga  ruler  Somesvara  I. 

According  to  the  Kuruspal  inscription,  besides  the  antagonists 
mentioned  above,  Chhindaka  Somesvara  I  came  into  conflict 
also  with  the  kings  of  Udra  (Orissa),  LanjI  (in  Balaghat  District) 
and  Lemna  (Lavana  in  Balaghat  District).  The  king  of  Udra  was 
possibly  the  Somavamsi  ruler  Uddyoktakesari. 

The  Narayanpal  inscription42  of  A.D.  1111  mentions  Gunqla- 
MahadevI  who  was  the  queen  of  Dharavarsha,  mother  of  Somesvara 
I,  and  grand-mother  of  Kanhara.  It  is  clearly  stated  that  Kanhara 
was  then  ruling  after  the  death  of  his  father.  Thus  Somesvara  I 
must  have  ended  his  reign  some  time  before  A.D.  1111. 

A  Barsur  inscription,43  dated  Saka  1130  (A.D.  1208),  mentions 
Ganga-MahadevI  as  the  queen  of  the  Chhindaka-Naga  king  Somes¬ 
vara,  who  may  be  identified  with  king  Rajabhushana  Somesvara  II 
known  from  the  Gadia  inscription.44  Rajabhushana-mahardja  is 
also  known  from  an  undated  Dantewara  inscription.45  An  inscrip¬ 
tion46  from  Barsur  similarly  mentions  a  king  named  Kanhara  who 
seems  to  be  a  later  member  of  the  family  and  may  be  styled  Kan¬ 
hara  II.  Hiralal,  however,  believed  that  the  date  of  Ganga-Maha- 
devfs  inscription  is  a  mistake  for  Saka  1030  (A.D.  1108)  and  that 
she  was  a  queen  of  Somesvara  I,  son  of  Dharavarsha  Jagadekabhu- 

shana. 

• 

The  Jatanpal  inscription47  of  A.D.  1218  and  the  Dantewara 
inscription  of  A.D.  1224  speak  of  a  Chhindaka  king  named  Jagade¬ 
kabhushana  Narasixhha  who  seems  to  be  identical  with  Maharaja 
Jagadekabhushana  mentioned  as  the  worshipper  of  the  goddess 
ManikyadevI  (modern  Danteswari  of  the  Dantewara  temple)  in  an 
inscription  from  Bhairamgarh.48  The  undated  Sunarpal  inscrip¬ 
tion  mentions  another  king  of  family,  named  Jayasimha,  whose 
relation- with  Jagadekabhushana  Narasimha  is  unknown.  King 
Harischandra  of  Chakrakota,  possibly  a  later  member  of  the  Chhin¬ 
daka-Naga  family,  is  mentioned  in  the  Temmara  inscription  of  A.D 
1324  49 


218 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 

VI.  THE  CHOLAS  OR  TELEGU-CHODAS 

•  • 

The  .  Kumarisimha50  and  Patna  Museum  plates51  were 
issued  by  a  king  named  Somesvara  II,  the  first  in  the 
eleventh  and  the  second  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  his 
reign.  He  belonged  to  the  Kasyapa  gotra  and*  the  Chola  or 
Choda  family  which  is  described  as  the  race  of  the  sun.  He  was  a 
devotee  of  Siva  as  well  as  Vishnu,  and  is  described  as  a  worshipper 
of  the  god  Vaidayanatha  whose  temple  is  situated  on  the  Tel,  about 
12  miles  from  Sonpur.  A  significant  title  of  the  king  is  Kaverl- 
natha  (lord  of  the  river  Kaverl)  which  points  to  his  claim  of  descent 
from  the  Cholas  of  Karikala’s  house.  He  claims  to  have  enjoyed 
the  title  “lord  of  the  entire  Kosala  (South  Kosala),”  although  his 
subordinate  position  is  clearly  indicated  by  the  feudatory  titles 
Ranaka ,  Mahamandalesvara,  and  Mahavyuhapati.  The  king  is  also 
called  Ayyana-gandhavarana,  which  was  a  Kannada  title  known  to 
have  been  assumed  by  the  feudatories  and  generals  of  the  Chalukya 
emperors  of  Kalyana.  He  had  the  rakta-dhvaja  or  blood-red  ban¬ 
ner  and  the  simha-lanchhana  or  lion  crest.  The  Kumarisimha  and 
Patna  Museum  plates  of  Somesvara  II  of  the  Chola  or  Choda  family 
were  issued  from  Suvarnapura  which  had  been  previously  one  of 
the  capitals  of  the  Somavamsis  of  Kosala.  This  Somesvara  appears 
to  have  flourished  about  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  century 
and  have  been  responsible  for  the  final  expulsion  of  the  Soma- 
vamsi  Kumar  a  Somesvara  from  Suvarnapura. 

The  Kumarisimha  plates  describe  Somesvara  H  as  the  son  of 
Yasoraja  II  and  the  grandson  of  Chandraditya,  while  the  Patna 
Museum  plates  inform  us  that  Chandraditya  was  the  brother  of 
Somesvara  I,  son  of  Yasoraja  I,  and  grandson  of  Challama  of  the 
Chola  family  sprung  from  the  sun.  Yasoraja  I  is  stated  to  have 
carved  out  a  kingdom  in  the  Kosala  (South  Kosala)  country. 

The  Barsur  and  Potinar  inscriptions52  of  A.D.  1060  speak  of 
Mahamandalesvara  Maharaja  Chandraditya,  ruler  of  Ammagrama, 
as  the  feudatory  of  the  Chhindaka-Naga  king  Dharavarsha  Jaga- 
dekabhushana,  who  had  his  headquarters  at  Barasuru,  modern  Bar¬ 
sur  in  Bastar.  The  date  of  these  records  would  suggest  that  Chan¬ 
draditya  and  his  brother  Somesvara  flourished  in  the  third  quarter 
of  the  eleventh  century.  Thus  Chandraditya’s  son  Yasoraja  II  and 
grandson  Somesvara  II  may  be  roughly  assigned  respectively  to  the 
last  quarter  of  the  eleventh  and  the  first  quarter  of  the  twelfth  cen¬ 
tury  A.D.  Similarly  his  father  Yasoraja  I  and  grandfather 
Challama  may  be  roughly  placed  in  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  cen¬ 
tury,  although,  as  indicated  above,  Yasoraja  I  may  have  been  serv¬ 
ing  as  a  general  of  the  Chhindakas  even  after  A.D.  1060. 


219 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Chandraditya  is  stated  to  have  built  a  temple  of  the  god  Chan- 
dr  adityes  vara,  excavated  a  tank  called  Chandradity a-samudra,  and 
planted  a  garden  called  Chandradity Si-nandanavana,  all  at  Barasuru, 
the  capital  of  his  overlord.  He  also  granted  two  villages  (one  of 
which  is  said  to  have  been  purchased  from  his  Chhindaka  overlord 
Dharavarsha)  for  the  maintenance  of  the  temple  and  the  garden. 
All  the  epithets  of  the  Telugu-Chodas  are  attributed  to  Chandra¬ 
ditya  who  is  further  stated  to  have  been  a  scion  of  the  Karikala 
family  ruling  from  the  city  of  Orayuru  (modern  Uraiyur  near  Tri- 
chinopoly)  and  holding  sway  over  the  region  of  the  Kaveri. 

These  Cholas  of  Bastar  and  South  Kosala  enjoyed  the  same 
birudas  as  the  Telugu-Chodas  flourishing  in  different  parts  of  the 
Cuddapah,  Kurnool  and  Anantapur  Districts.63  There  is,  therefore, 
little  doubt  that  they  migrated  to  Bastar  from  the  Telugu  country. 
As  many  of  the  Telugu-Choda  chiefs  of  the  Andhra  country 
are  known  to  have  owed  allegiance  to  the  Chalukya  emperors  of 
Kalyana,  it  is  not  unlikely  that  Challama  or  his  son  entered 
Bastar  in  the  train  of  Vikramamaditya  VI  who  is  known  to  have  led 
an  expedition  against  the  eastern  countries  some  time  during  the 
reign  of  his  father  Somesvara  I  Ahavamalla  (A.D.  1043-68).  The 
popularity  of  the  name  Somesvara  among  the  Chhindakas  and  their 
Telugu-Choda  feudatories,  the  Kannada  title  Ayyana-gandhavarana 
assumed  by  these  Telugu-Choda  chiefs,  and  the  history  of  the 
Rashtrakutas  of  Vagharakotta  discussed  separately  suggest  that  these 
ruling  families  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  the  Chalukyas  of 
Kalyana  at  least  for  some  time. 

The  Mahada  plates  were  published  long  ago  with  an  inaccurate 
transcript,  and  the  charter  was  wrongly  assigned  to  a  ruler  named 
Yogesvaradevavarman.64  Actually  this  grant  was  issued  by  a 
Telugu-Choda  chief  named  Somesvaradeva-varman  who  was  the 
son  of  Dharalladeva-varman  and  the  grandson  of  another  Somes¬ 
vara.  The  date  of  the  charter  is  the  issuer’s  twenty-third  regnal 
year.  It  is  stated  that  the  grant  was  made  when  the  ruler  in  ques¬ 
tion  was  standing  before  Lankavarttaka  on  the  banks  of  the  Chi- 
trotpala  (Mahanadi).  Lankavarttaka  seems  to  indicate  a  deity  that 
was  worshipped  on  the  Lankesvarl  hillock  in  the  bed  of  the  Maha¬ 
nadi  at  Sonpur.  The  description  of  the  issuer  of  the  Mahada  plates 
is  strikingly  similar  to  that  of  the  Telugu-Choda  chiefs  of  Chakra- 
kotta  and  Kosala,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  he  was  closely  related 
to  Somesvara  II  who  issued  the  Kumarisimha  and  Patna  Museum 
plates.  But  Somesvaradeva-varman  of  the  Mahada  plates  appears 
to  have  flourished  at  a  later  date  and  may  have  been  a  grandson 
of  Somesvara  II.  The  comparative  lateness  of  the  Mahada  plates 


220 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


is  suggested  by  the  fact  that  the  issuer  of  the  charter  is  endowed 
with  the  epithets  Panchamahasabda-sarnanvita,  Mahamahimandales- 
vara,  Mahdbhiipati  and  Chakravarttin.  In  these  we  find  a  combina¬ 
tion  of  both  paramount  and  subordinate  titles,  which  shows  that 
Somes varadeva-varman  owed  only  a  nominal  allegiance  to  the  fami¬ 
ly  of  the  overlords  of  his  predecessors.  This  is  further  indicated  by 
the  fact  that  Mahamahimandalesvara  and  Mahdbhiipati  are  clearly 
deliberate  modifications  of  the  feudatory  titles  Mahamandalesvara 
and  Mahavyuhapati  enjoyed  by  Somesvara  II.  Moreover,  the  issuer 
of  the  Mahada  plates  as  well  as  that  of  the  Kumarisimha  and  Patna 
Museum  plates  apparently  ruled  over  the  same  region  with  head¬ 
quarters  at  the  same  city  (Suvarnapura  or  Sonpur).  We  are  there¬ 
fore  inclined  to  take  Somesvaradeva-varman  of  the  Mahada  plates 
as  Somesvara  III,  grandson  of  Somesvara  II.  He 7  seems  to  have 
flourished  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  centifry.  Nothing  is 
known  about  his  father  Dharalla. 

VII.  THE  RASHTRAKUTAS 

•  • 

Various  Rashtrakuta  ruling  families  are  known  to  have  flourish¬ 
ed  in  different^  parts  of  India.  But  so  far  no  family  of  Rashtra¬ 
kuta  origin  was  traced  in  Orissa.  The  recently  discovered  Bargarh 
plates  of  Parachakrasalya  prove  the  existence  of  a  Rashtrakuta 
ruling  family  in  the  Sambalpur  tract  of  Orissa  about  the  twelfth 
century  A.D. 

The  Bargarh  plates  may  be  assigned  to  the  twelfth  century 
A.D.  on  palaeographical  grounds.  The  charter  is  dated  in  the  year 
56,  probably  of  the  Chalukya  Vikrama  era  of  A.D.  1076.  The  date 
of  the  grant  thus  seems  to  be  A.D.  1131.  It  was  issued  by  Ranaka 
Parachakrasalya  who  was  the  son  of  Dhariisaka  and  grandson  of 
Mahamandalesvara  Mahdmdndalika  Ranaka  Chamaravigraha  who  is 
described  as  a  devotee  of  Siva  and  an  ornament  of  the  Rashtrakuta 
lineage.  As  Dhamsaka  is  mentioned  without  any  epithet,  he  seems 
to  have  predeceased  his  father,  and  Parachakrasalya  probably  suc¬ 
ceeded  his  grandfather.  In  spite  of  the  Saiva  religion  preferred  by 
the  family,  the  seal  of  the  Bargarh  plates  bears  the  figure  of  Garuda, 
Vishnu’s  vdhana.  An  interesting  epithet  of  Chamaravigraha  is 
Llatalora-vinirgata,  apparently  pointing  to  the  original  home  of  the 
family  at  Llatalora.  This  Llatalora  is  undoubtedly  the  same  as 
Lattalura,  otherwise  called  Lattalur,  Lattanur,  Latanaura,  etc.,  the 
traditional  home  of  the  Rashtrakutas  of  the  Deccan.  A  feudatory 
of  the  Western  Chalukya  emperor  Vikramaditya  VI  (A.D.  1076- 
1126),  who  belonged  to  the  Maha-Rashtrakuta  lineage,  is  described 


221 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

as  “emigrated  from  Latalaura”55  exactly  like  Chamaravigraha  in 
the  Bargarh  inscription. 

The  description  of  Chamaravigraha  as  having  the  Garuda- 
darpanadhvaja  reminds  us  of  the  fact  that  the  Rashtrakutas  of  the 
Deccan  enjoyed  the  Pdlidhvaja ,  Oka-ketu  and  Garuda-lanchhanci. 
Chamaravigraha  claims  to  have  frightened  his  enemies  with  the 
sound  of  the  trivali,  which  undoubtedly  refers  to  the  musical 
instrument  of  the  same  name  which  is  known  to  have  heralded  the 
Rashtrakuta  rulers  of  the  Efeccan  in  public.  Chamaravigraha  is 
further  stated  to  have  enjoyed  the  white  umbrella  and  the  yellow 
chowrie. 

The  description  of  the  issuer  of  the  Bargarh  plates  and  his 
grandfather  and  predecessor  may  raise  the  suspicion  that  these 
Rashtrakutas  had  really  nothing  to  do  with  Orissa,  although  the  plates 
were  found  in  a  locality  in  the  Sambalpur  tract.  Such  a  contention 
is,  however,  completely  negatived  by  the  epithet  cishtadasa-ghatta- 
Gondrarri’adhipati  applied  to  Chamaravigraha.  “Lord  of  the 
eighteen  Gondrams”  or  “lord  of  all  the  Gondramas”  is  a  typical 
epithet  of  many  early  rulers  of  Orissa.  The  “eighteen”  (really 
meaning  “many”)  Gondramas  are  now  believed  roughly  to  indicate 
the  same  thing  as  Oriya  athara-gcida-jatci,  a  collective  name  for  all 
the  native  states  recently  merged  in  Orissa.  The  earliest  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  “eighteen”  states  in  an  Orissan  record  seems  to  be  that 
in  the  Kanas  plate  of  A.D.  599-800  which  describes  the  kingdom  of 
Tosali  (Orissa)  as  comprising  eighteen  atavl-rdjyas. 

The  Bargarh  plates  were  issued  from  Vagharakotta,  which  was 
apparently  the  name  of  a  fort.  Vagharakotta,  which  was  no  doubt 
the  capital  of  Rashtrakuta  Parachakrasalya,  may  be  modern  Bar¬ 
garh  in  Sambalpur,  although  it  is  difficult  to  be  definite  on  the  point. 
The  Rashtrakutas  appear  to  have  ruled  over  a  small  district  around 
their  capital.  Their  relations  with  other  ruling  families  of  Upper 
Orissa  are  as  yet  unknown. 

These  Rashtrakutas  of  Kannada  origin  may  have  entered  Orissa 
in  the  train  of  the  eastern  expedition  led  by  Chalukya  Vikramaaitya 
VI  some  time  before  the  death  of  his  father  1068.  This 
seems  to  be  suggested  not  only  by  the  history  of  the  Chhindaka- 
Nagas  and  Telugu-Chodas,  discussed  above,  but  also  by  the  esta¬ 
blishment,  some  time  in  the  eleventh  century,  of  the  Senas,  claim¬ 
ing  Karnata  descent,  in  Bengal  and  of  the  Karnataka  family  in 
Mithila. 


Q22 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 

VIII.  THE  TAILAPAVAMsIS 

Like  the  Rashprakutas  of  Orissa,  another  ruling  family  of  Kan¬ 
nada  origin,  settled  in  the  Eastern  Deccan  in  the  same  age,  is  known 
from  an  inscription56  discovered  at  Upalada  in  the  Parlakimedi 
Taluk  of  the  Gan  jam  District.  The  epigraph  may  be  assigned  on 
palaeographical  grounds  to  the  eleventh  or  twelfth  century.  It 
records  the  grant  of  the  village  of  Upalavada  (the  same  as  Upalada 
where  the  inscription  was  found)  by  Rdnaka  Ramadeva. 

Ramadeva  was  a  feudatory  ruler.  This  is  indicated  by  his  title 
Rdnaka  as  well  as  by  his  epithet  samadhigata-pancha-mahasabda. 
Rdnaka  Ramadeva  was  a  devout  worshipper  of  the  god  Siva;  but  he 
also  claims  .to  have  enjoyed  the  favour  of  the  goddess  AgidevI, 
apparently  a  form  of  the  Mother-goddess. 

It  is  stated  in  the  Upalada  inscription  that  Rdnaka  Ramadeva 
sprang  from  the  Tailapa-vamsa,  i.e.  the  Tailapa  dynasty.  Tailapa, 
from  whom  Ramadeva  apparently  claimed  descent,  seems  to  be  none 
other  than  the  Western  Chalukya  monarch  Tailapa  II  who  over¬ 
threw  the  Rashtrakufas  and  re-established  Chalukya  sovereignty  in 
the  Deccan  about  A.D.  973.  He  was  the  great-great-grandfather  of 
Vikramaditya  VI  who  is  known  to  have  led  an  expedition  against 
Eastern  India.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Ramadeva  or  one  of  his  imme¬ 
diate  predecessors  came  to  the  east  coast  country  in  the  company 
of  Vikramaditya  VI  in  his  eastern  expedition.  But  the  way  in 
which  Ramadeva  claims  descent  from  the  Chalukya  emperor  Tailapa 
seems  to  suggest  that  he  was  not  a  member  of  the  Chalukya 
family,  but  was  merely  the  son  or  descendant  of  a  princess  of  the 
Chalukya  house. 

1 .  There  were  villages  Kakati-khan^i  and  Kakati-pallika  in  the  Visakhapatnam  and 
Ganjam  Districts  (El,  V.  109,  IMP,  Gj.  167).  Gariga  Sahani,  a  feudatory  of  the 
Kakatlya  Rudramba,  who  ruled  in  the  Cuddapah  District,  calls  himself  a  prince 
of  Kakatlyapuram  (IMP,  Cd.  63). 

2.  Sdmanta-vishti-vamsa. . . .  (IND,  p.  25). 

3.  The  Kazipet  inscription  (IND,  30)  seems  to  be  suggesting  that  Dugga  Tribhu- 
vanamalla  was  the  son  and  successor  of  Beta  II.  There  is  no  other  evidence 
to  corroborate  it. 

4.  Hemadri,  in  his  Vrata-khaiida,  states  that  the  Yadava  Jaitugi  killed  Raudra, 
king  of  Tillanga  (EHD,  243,  v.  41).  Sir  R.  G.  Bhandarkar  takes  Raudra,  which 
means  the  son  of  Rudra,  to  be  error  for  Rudra.  But  in  view  of  the  fact  that 
Jaitugi  killed  Mahadeva,  brother  and  successor  of  Rudra,  the  expression  ‘Raudra’ 
seems  to  be  referring  to  this  unfortunate  Yadava  king. 

5.  The  Pakhal  inscription  of  Ganapati  gives  a  long  list  of  countries  conquered  by 
the  king  ( Hyd .  Arch.  Series,  No.  4;  IND,  p.  52). 

6.  Pratapatudriyam  of  Vidyanatha  gives  a  long  list  of  countries  conquered  by 
Prataparudra  when  he  was  a  Yuvaraja  (BSS,  LXV,  Int.  XIV,  XV). 

6a.  Cf.  Ancient  India,  V.  56. 

7.  For  the  condition  of  Telingana  and’  Andhra  after  Prataparudra,  cf.  JAHRS,  V 
217;  EIM,  1923-24,  p.  13. 


223 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


8.  Vol.  IV,  Ch.  VI. 

9.  Vol.  IV,  Ch.  VI. 

9a.  The  latter  part  of  the  name  of  these  rulers  is  written  either  as  “kesari”  or 
“kesarl.” 

10.  V.  Rangacharya  wrongly  reads  the  date  of  a  stone  inscription  of  Kulottunga 
Chola  I  in  the  Vizagapatam  Dist.  as  of  §i  1021  (cf.  Hist.  Ins.  91). 

11.  See  p.  32. 

12.  The  extreme  known  dates  of  the  kings  mentioned  in  this  para  have  been 
given  in  the  parenthesis.  No  attempt  has  been  made  to  determine  the  years 
of  their  accession  with  the  help  of  stone  inscriptions  bearing  regnal  years  along 
with  dates  in  §aka  year,  as  there  is  no  agreement  between  them.  Sometimes 
regnal  years  given  in  the  stone  inscriptions  exceed  the  reign-periods  mentioned 
in  the  copper-plates.  In  order  to  meet  these  difficulties  M.  M.  Chakravarti  sug¬ 
gests  that  regnal  years  given  are  as  a  matter  of  fact  ahka  years  which  will  have 
to  be  calculated  by  a  particular  method  in  order  to  get  the  actual  figures  (Cf. 
JASB,  LXXII,  100;  G.  Ramdas,  JBORS,  XVIII.  285;  Subba  Rao,  JAHRS,  VI. 
208).  But  the  application  of  this  system  also  does  not  lead  to  the  correct  solu¬ 
tion  of  the  problem. 

13.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  145-8. 

14.  JBORS,  XVH.  15  ff;  IHQ,  XXH,  300  ff. 

15.  See  JRASBL,  XIII,  63  ff.  The  Bhuvaneswar  inscription  actually  reads  the 
names  of  Yayati  I  (1.4),  Bhimaratha  (1.5)  and  Dharmaratha  (1.6).  The  read¬ 
ing  of  the  second  and  third  names  as  Dirgharava  and  Apavara  is  not  supported 
by  the  published  eye-copy. 

16.  The  name  of  the  Chandrakula  king  is  often  believed  to  be  Dhiratara  of  Adi- 
nagara.  But  this  seems  to  be  wrong.  The  Chola  records  appear  to  suggest 
some  relation  of  this  king  with  0$ra  and  Kosala  mentioned  without  reference 
to  rulers;  cf.  PIHC ,  IV. 66-67. 

17.  El,  I.  235. 

18.  JBORS,  n  52.  / 

19.  It  is  sometimes  suggested  that  the  epithet  sva-bhujoparjita-trikalingadhipati 
would  indicate  only  the  first  king  of  the  family  of  the  SomavamsI  lords  of 
Trikalinga.  This  is  not  convincing,  as  the  title  could  be  assumed  after  averting 
any  danger  to  the  succession  or  to  the  state;  cf.  the  epithet  sva-viry-ddhigata - 
rajya  applied  to  Pallava  Skandavarman  (I)  of  the  Omgodu  grant  No.  1,  who 
was  not  the  first  of  the  Pallava  family  (Sue.  Sat.,  p.  201). 

20.  The  character  records  the  grant  of  two  villages  in  the  Ungo^a  and  Gandharava^i 
districts,  both  attached  to  Kosala.  Gandharavddi  seems  to  be  no  other  than 
Gandhatapati  mentioned  in  an  inscription  of  Mahasivagupta  I,  which  has  been 
discussed  above.  Gandhatapati  is  the  modern  Gandhara^hi  in  Baudh. 

21.  El,  XXII.  138. 

22.  The  eye-copy  suggests  the  reading  ddhalam  ch—odra-gaudau  and  not  sinhhalam 
choda-gau^au. 

23.  JAHRS,  Vin.  40. 

24.  The  date  was  read  by  B.  Misra  as  811. 

25.  El,  XIX,  78. 

26.  El,  I.  32. 

27.  El,  XXI.  159. 

28.  El,  XU,  239;  XXVIII,  321. 

29.  See  Sections  V,  VI,  above  (pp.  214-221). 

30.  Bom.  Gaz.  I,  ii,  pp.  572  ff;  El,  III,  230  ff;  Sewel,  HISI,  pp.  392-3  etc. 

31.  Hiralal,  ICPB,  2nd  ed.  p.  166  (No.  285). 

32.  Ibid,  pp.  158-59. 

33.  Hiralal,  op.  cit.,  163-64. 

34.  Ibid,  p.  165. 


224 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


35.  Sewell,  op.  cit.,  p.  84. 

36.  Hiralal,  op  cit.,  pp.  162-63. 

37.  Ibid ,  p.  163. 

38.  El,  X.  25  ff. 

39.  Kumarika-khanda,  ch.  39. 

40.  See  JBRS,  XL,  i,  8  ff. 

41.  El,  I.  38. 

42.  Ibid,  IX.  311  ff,  161-62. 

43.  Ibid,  IX.  162. 

44.  Hiralal,  op.  cit.,  p.  170. 

45.  Ibid,  p.  166. 

46.  Ibid,  p.  169. 

47.  Ibid,  p.  164. 

48.  El,  X.40;  Hiralal,  op.  cit.,  p.  169. 

49.  Hiralal,  ibid,  p.  165. 

50.  JKHRS,  I.  229  ff. 

51.  El,  XIX.  97  ff. 

52.  Hiralal,  op.  cit.,  pp.  158-59. 

53.  El,  XI.  343-44. 

54.  Ibid,  XII.  218  ff;  XXVIII,  283  ff. 

55.  Bomb.  Gaz.  I,  ii,  p.  384,  note  4. 

56.  El,  XXII.  141  ff. 


225 


S.E.— 15 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE  HOYSALAS 

1.  ORIGIN  OF  THE  HOYSALAS 

The  Iioysalas  had  their  origin  in  the  hilly  tracts  to  the  north¬ 
west  of  Gangavadi  in  Mysore.  The  original  home  of  the  Hoysa- 
las  is  traditionally  located  in  a  village  in  Mudgere  Taluk  of  the 
Kadur  District,  Mysore,  where  there  is  a  Vasantika  temple.  The 
story  runs  that  a  Jain  resident  of  the  locality  went  to  the  Vasantika 
temple  for  worship  and  found  in  the  temple  a  Jain  ascetic  wrapt  in 
meditation  in  front  of  the  goddess  and  oblivious  to  all  else  outside. 
A  tiger  from  the  forest,  finding  him  in  that  condition,  was  about  to 
spring  upon  him  but,  at  the  word  of  the  ascetic  “poy,  Sala” — “strike, 
Sala”,  the  lay  worshipper,  without  the  slightest  hesitation,  drew 
out  a  dagger  from  his  waistband  and  killed  the  tiger  after  a  struggle. 
Appreciating  the  achievement  of  the  man,  the  saint  bespoke  the 
favour  of  the  goddess  Vasantika  and  promised  him  sovereignty  over 
the  territory  round  about;  hence  the  line  of  kings  was  called  Poy- 
sala  or  Hoysala.  This  is  the  legend  recorded  in  the  earliest  inscrip¬ 
tions  of  the  Hoys^as.  We  find,  however,  a  similar  story  of  a  wrestle 
with  a  tiger  ending  in  its  death  mentioned  as  the  distinct  achieve¬ 
ment  of  another  immigrant  chieftain  of  the  locality,  Irungo  Vel  of 
Araiyam,  who  came  48  generations  after  the  Mahabharata  war. 
This  is  found  in  an  address  by  the  poet  Kapilar,  who  appealed  to 
the  chieftain  to  accept  for  his  spouse  one  of  the  daughters  of  his 
friend,  the  patron  Pari,  who  died  before  marrying  off  the  girl  suit¬ 
ably,  Like  the  Hoysalas,  this  early  Tamil  chieftain  also  claimed 
descent  from  the  Yadava  stock. 

The  Hoysala  kingdom  lay  between  the  Chola  and  the  Later 
Chalukya  territories,  a  region  much  disputed  between  the  rival 
powers.  Ever  since  the  emergence  of  the  Chalukyas  in  A.D.  973 
they  became  heirs  of  the  Rashtrakutas  to  the  rivalry  against  the 
Cholas  for  the  possession  of  Gangavadi.  Since  the  days  of  the 
Chola  Rajaraja  the  Great,  Chola  authority  superseded  that  of  the 
Gangas  in  this  region,  viz.  the  Gangavadi  96,000  and  parts  of 
Nolambavadi  in  the  neighbourhood  reaching  up  to  the  border¬ 
land  of  Banavasi  to  the  north-west  of  both.  Rajaraja’s  autho¬ 
rity  in  that  region  became  well  established  before  A.D.  1000,  and 
hostilities  went  on,  as  noted  below,1  during  the  subsequent  reigns  of 
Rajendra  and  his  sons  with  undiminished  vigour  on  both  sides. 


226 


THE  HOYSALAS 


In  course  of  the  struggle  between  the  Chalukyas  and  the  Cholas, 
the  hill  chieftains  in  the  intervening  region  had  their  opportunities 
to  display  their  valour  and  acquire  small  principalities.  The  most 
successful  of  them  seems  to  have  been  the  Hoysala  chieftain,  who 
distinguished  himself  in  various  wars  and  ingratiated  himself  with 
his  liege  lord,  the  Chalukya  ruler.  The  Hoysala  chieftains  thus 
achieved  prominence  and  became  in  a  way  the  trusted  lieutenants 
of  the  Chalukya  emperor  on  this  border.  Rising  from  this  subor¬ 
dinate  position,  they  created  a  kingdom  for  themselves  under  the 
Chalukya  supremacy.  When  the  Chalukya  power  declined,  the 
Hoysalas  stood  forth  as  the  independent  successors  in  authority  over 
the  southern  territory  of  the  Chalukyas. 

2.  EARLY  KINGS 

Sala,  the  first  chieftain  of  the  line  and  the  hero  of  the  tiger 
story,  may  perhaps  be  identified  with  Nripakama,  though  some  deny 
any  connection  between  the  two.  The  achievement  of  killing  the 
tiger  seems  to  have  been  a  historical  fact,  as  the  later  Mackenzie 
manuscripts  definitely  state  that  Nripakama  was  engaged  in  hunt¬ 
ing  and  killing  the  tigers  of  the  locality  and  was  rewarded  by  the 
payment  of  an  annual  fee  of  one  pana  for  the  service.  This  seems 
far  more  likely  than  the  other  story  about  the  tiger  and  the  saint; 
but  it  might  as  well  be  a  rationalization  of  the  legend.  He  gradual¬ 
ly  made  himself  headman  and  hero  of  the  locality  round  about  his 
village,  Sosavir,  or  in  Sanskrit  &asakapura.  He  seems  to  have  been 
a  man  of  ability  and  assumed  the  title  Rajamalla  Peruman  Adi, 
which  superseded  his  ordinary  name  Kama.  Hoysala.  His  son  and 
successor,  Vinayaditya,  was  a  feudatory  of  the  Chalukyas  under 
Vikramaditya  VI.  Vinayaditya’s  reign-period  coincided  with  that 
of  the  protracted  struggle  between  the  Cholas  and  the  Chalukyas 
for  the  possession  of  the  Gangavadi  province.  As  stated  above,  the 
Cholas  were  in  possession  not  only  of  Gangavadi,  but  of  a  consider¬ 
able  part  of  NolambaVa$i,  right  up  to  the  frontier  of  the  Western 
Ghats  and  Banavasi.  These  had  to  be  conquered  after  a  severe 
struggle  which  provided  the  opportunity  for  a  talented  chieftain, 
well  placed  on  the  frontier,  to  achieve  a  position  for  himself.  Both 
Vinaj^aditya  and  his  son  Ereyanga  fought  loyally  for  the  Chalukyas, 
and  the  latter  was  known  as  the  right-hand  man  of  the  Chalukya 
emperor.  Some  of  the  Hoysala  inscriptions  credit  Vinayaditya  with 
rule  over  the  territory  bounded  by  Konkana,  AJuvakhetfa,  Bayal- 
na$u,  Ta]akad,  and  Savimalai.  This  is  exactly  the  bpundary  of 
Gangavadi,  which  we  find  later  on  under  Hoysala  Vishnuvardhana. 
In  all  the  campaigns  of  Vinayaditya,  his  son  was  associated  with  him 


227 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


until  he  predeceased  his  father.  When  Vinayaditya  died  in  A.D. 
1101,  his  eldest  grandson  Balial a  I  succeeded  him.  He  shifted  the 
capital  from  Sosavlr  to  Belur  (or  Velapura),  although  Dvarasamudra 
(modern  Halebid)  was  an  alternative  capital.  He  married  the  three 
daughters  of  a  military  officer  in  the  same  pavilion,  as  one  of  his 
grants  declares.  He  conducted  a  campaign  against  the  Changalvas 
in  A.D.  1104  and,  along  with  his  brother  Vishnu,  made  a  successful 
invasion  of  the  Pandya  dominion  of  Nolambavadi.  He  is  also  said 
to  have  repulsed  the  Paramara  prince,  Jagaddeva,  as  noted  above.2 
The  incriptions  of  Ballala’s  time  are  all  dated  in  the  Chalukya-Vik- 
rama  era,  which  means  that  he  regarded  himself  as  a  feudatory  of 
the  Chalukya  emperor. 

3.  BITTIGA  OR  VISHNUVARDHANA 
•  •  • 

When  Ballala  died  some  time  about  the  year  A.D.  1106,  his 
younger  brother  Bittiga  or  Bittideva  succeeded  to  the  throne.  This 
Bittdeva,  generally  known  by  the  synonymous  title  Vishnuvar- 
dhana  assumed  by  him,  is  the  real  maker  of  the  Hoysala  kingdom, 
corresponding  to  modern  Mysore.  The  name  Bittideva  is  the 
vernacular  equivalent  of  what  in  Sanskrit  would  be  Vishnudeva; 
the  somewhat  sacerdotal  title  Vishnuvardhana  is  thus  not  exactly 
a  new  name,  but  only  the  old  name  put  in  a  new  form.  The  first  men¬ 
tion  of  him  occurs  in  A.D.  1100  in  association  with  his  brother 
Ballala,  the  last  of  whose  records  is  dated  A.D.  1106.  It  is  ten  years 
later  that  inscriptions  speak  of  him  and  his  exploits.  He  began  by 
carrying  on  successful  invasions  against  Nolambavadi  and  Ganga- 
vadi,  and  it  is  the  conquest  of  most  of  these  two  divisions  after  years 
of  war  that  constitutes  his  title  to  greatness.  The  capture  of  Tala- 
kad  in  A.D.  1117  marks  the  climax  of  this  conquest,  credit  for  which 
is  claimed  by  Bittideva  as  well'  as  a  number  of  generals.  The 
capture  of  Talakad  seems  to  have  been  a  decisive  event  as  after  that 
he  assumes  the  titles  Viragahga  and  Talakadu-gonda.  He  toured 
through  his  dominions  and  advanced  as  far  as  the  eastern  frontier 
of  Kolar,  as  a  record  of  his  mentions  his  having  been  in  Bethamanga- 
lam,  when  his  younger  brother  Udayaditya’s  daughter  died.  He  had 
to  carry  on  an  expedition  against  Nolambavadi  again  in  which  he  woiT 
a  victory  at  a  place  called  Dumme  on  the  border  between  Shimoga 
and  Chital-droog  Districts.  By  A.D.  1117  Vishnuvardhana  had  be¬ 
come  ruler  of  Gangavadi  and  claimed  portions  of  Nolambavadi.  He 
is  said  to  have  defeated  successively  one  after  the  other,  the  various 
chieftains  who  occupied  territories  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood, 
and  built  up  a  little  kingdom  for  himself,  the  boundaries  of  which 
are  given  as  Nangili  in  the  east,  Kongu,  Cheram  and  Anamalais  in  the 


228 


THE  HOYSALAS 


south,  Barakanur  in  the  west  and  Savimalai  in  the  north.  This 
would  mean  that  he  had  already  taken  possession  of  what  came  to 
be  recognised  as  the  Hoysala  kingdom  later  on.  Nangili  is  the 
village  on  the  eastern  frontier  of  Kolar.  The  Kohgu  country  is 
Salem  and  Coimbatore  Districts,  Cheram  is  the  Chera  country  west¬ 
ward,  and  Anamalais  are  the  hills  to  the  south  of  the  Palghat  gap; 
Barakaniir  is  in  S.  Kanara  at  the  end  of  the  main  road  leading  over 
the  Western  Ghats  from  the  Shimoga  District  into  the  coast  region. 
Savimalai  is  yet  unidentified,  but  the  northern  boundary  at  one  time 

extended  to  the  Krishna. 

•  • 

We  have  a  record  of  A.D.  1121  which  shows  Vishnuvardhana, 
resident  at  Dvarasamudra,  his  capital,  making  a  grant  to  the  Siva 
temple,  which  apparently  was  a  foundation  of  the  Cholas.  The  re¬ 
markable  fact  about  this  is  that  he  made  the  grant  in  full  durbar 
with  his  Jain  queen  SantaladevI  and  the  five  great  ministers,  who 
were  responsible  advisers,  most  of  them,  if  not  all,  being  Jains.  His 
younger  brother  Udayaditya  died  and  Vishnuvardhana  made  a  grant 
for  the  merit  of  his  soul.  He  made  the  grant  of  a  village  to  his  Jain 
wife  SantaladevI,  which  was  converted  into  a  Brahmana  settlement 
with  220  houses.  It  is  a  big  Brahmana  village  even  today,  and  goes 
by  the  name  Santalagrama.  In  A.D.  1125  he  made  a  grant  to  a  Jain 
divine  Sri  Pala.  He  is  found  in  his  palace  at  Yadavapura  in  A.D. 
1128  and  from  there  makes  a  grant  to  Marbaiatlrtha,  the  &iva  temple 
on  the  Chamundi  hill.  This  grant  exhibits  his  catholic  attitude  in 
religion,  for  he  had  adopted  the  Vaishnava  teachings  of  Ramanuja 
and  was  proclaimed  a  Vaishnava. 

A 

Having  secured  the  southern  frontier  against  the  Cholas  he 
began  to  carry  on  wars  of  aggression  in  the  north.  He  was  in  pos¬ 
session  of  Gangavadi,  and  had  annexed  a  good  part  of  Nolambavadi 
to  his  territory.  This  attracted  the  attention  of  emperor  Vikrama- 
ditya,  who  directed  a  number  of  his  Mahdmandalesvara  in  the 
neighbourhood  to  check  the  advance  of  Vishnuvardhana.  Though 
Bittideva’s  generals  claim  a  victory  against  the  imperialists,  his  ad¬ 
vance  towards  the  north  must  have  been  checked.  His  preoccupa¬ 
tions  during  these  years  were  all  along  the  northern  frontier.  An 
inscription,  dated  A.D.  1131,  claims  for  him  rule  over  Gahgavadi 
96,000,  Nolambavadi  32,000,  the  Banavasi  12,000  and  Hanuhgal  500. 
This  would  mean  the  whole  of  the  modern  state  of  Mysore  and  con¬ 
siderable  portions  cf  the  borderland  outside  the  Mysore  frontier  in 
the  north.  Along  with  the  Pandya  of  Uchchahgi  and  Kadamba 
Jayakesi  II,  Bittiga  advanced  up  to  the  Krishna,  but  Vikramaditya, 
aided  by  Sinda  Achugi  II,  drove  him  back  to  his  territory  and  enforc¬ 
ed  the  acknowledgement  of  his  suzerainty. 


229 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


In  A.D.  1131  Bittiga  also  made  a  grant  to  the  Siva  temple  at  Mad- 
dur,  which  was  otherwise  called  Narasimhachaturvedimangalam,  the 
land  granted  having  been  claimed  as  a  gift  by  the  Gahga  king  Siva- 
mara,  whose  copper-plate  grant  was  exhibited  in  evidence.  The 
same  year  his  queen  SantaladevI  died,  and  two  years  later  his 
right-hand  man,  general  Gangaraja,  who  captured  Talakad,  also 
died.  This  Gangaraja  had  the  reputation  of  having  restored  all  the 
Jain  shrines  destroyed  in  course  of  the  Cho]a  invasions.  His  son  Bap- 
pa,  who  succeeded  him  as  Vishnuvardhana’s  commander-in-chief, 
built  a  Jain  shrine  at  Halebid  in  honour  of  his  father  and  got  it 
consecrated  by  a  Jain  divine  Nayakirti.  This  shrine  is  in  existence 
now,  and  is  exhibited  to  visitors.  The  consecrated  food  from  this 
shrine  was  sent  to  Vishnuvardhana  while  he  was  in  camp  on  the 
banks  of  the  Krishna  in  course  of  his  northern  campaigns.  Simul¬ 
taneously  messengers  came  bringing  the  happy  news  that  his  queen 
Lakshmldevl  had  given  birth  to  a  son  and  heir.  These  messengers 
reached  him  as  he  was  returning  victorious  to  his  camp  from  the 
battlefield.  Hence  he  ordered  his  baby  son  to  be  named  Vijaya 
Narasirhha  and  the  Jain  shrine  Vijaya  Parsvanatha. 

Vishnuvardhana’s  records  proclaim  him  as  a  feudatory  of  the 
emperor  Somesvara  III.  He  had  his  capitals  at  Talakad  in  the 
south  and  Bankapura  in  the  north,  two  fortified  places  which  he 
occupied  as  occasion  demanded.  It  was  in  A.D.  1137  also  that  he  per¬ 
formed  the  great  ceremony  of  Tulapurusha,  which  may  be  inter¬ 
preted  as  the  symbol  of  his  assuming  royal  power.  The  next  year, 
however,  he  had  to  campaign  again  beyond  the  Tuhgabhadra.  The 
emperor  Somesvara  III  died  in  that  year  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son.  Vishnuvardhana  is  described  as  being  encamped  at  Banka- 
pura,  vicorious  against  his  enemies,  in  the  year  A.D.  1147.  He 
ruled  probably  up  to  A.D.  1152,  possibly  till  A.D.  1156,  but  the  date 
cannot  be  definitely  determined.3  Vishnuvardhana  may  be  regard¬ 
ed  as  the  maker  of  the  Hoysala  kingdom,  although  he  did  not  assume 
independence,  which  was  to  come  half  a  century  later  under  his 
grandson. 

4.  BALLALA  II,  THE  FIRST  INDEPENDENT  KING 

Vishnuvardhana  Hoysala  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Vijaya 
Narasimha  I,  who  was  associated  in  the  government  with  his  father 
almost  from  his  very  birth.  On  his  death  in  A.D.  1173,  he  was 
succeeded  by  his  son  Ballala  II.  Ballala  successfully  maintained 
the  position  of  precedence  that  Vishnuvardhana  had  established  in 
the  course  of  his  long  and  active  reign,  though  he  had  to  fight  hard 
against  the  Nolambas  and  the  Kalachuris,  two  of  the  most  active 


230 


THE  HOYSALAS 

feudatories  of  the  Chalukya  empire.  His  prolonged  fight  with  the 
Yadavas  has  been  discussed  above  in  Chapter  VII.  After  the  first 
twenty  years  of  his  rule,  marked  by  hard  fighting,  he  felt  confident 
that  he  could  assume  independence.  The  empire  proved  to  be  power¬ 
less  to  assert  its  authority  against  the  Kalachuri  usurpers  and  had 
to  struggle  for  existence  against  the  powerful  feudatories,  the  Yada- 
vas,  who  were  rising  into  prominence.  Vira  Ballala  himself  was 
constantly  engaged  in  fighting  against  the  imperial  feudatories,  pri¬ 
marily  the  Kadambas  in  the  south-west  corner  of  the  Banav&si 
division,  and  it  was  as  the  result  of  a  successful  campaign  against 
them  that  he  felt  that  the  empire  was  as  good  as  non-existent.  He, 
therefore,  solemnly  declared  himself  ruler  of  his  territories  in  the 
year  A.D.  1193,  from  which  time  we  may  date  the  independence  of 
the  Hoysala  kingdom.  He  aided  the  Chola  Kulottunga  III  and  Raja- 
r*aja  III  against  Sundara  Pandya  whom  he  compelled  to  restore  the 
Chola  country  to  its  rulers  (A.D.  1217).  He  seems  to  have  died 
about  A.D.  1220,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Narasirhha,  the  se¬ 
cond  of  the  name  in  the  dynasty. 

5.  NARASIMHA  II  AND  THE  HOYSALA  EMPIRE 

Narasirhha’s  reign  began  about  A.D.  1220  and  lasted  on  to 
A.D.  1234.  From  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  the  northern  frontier 
of  the  Hoysalas  was  exposed  to  attacks  by  the  Yadavas.  Narasirhha 
Hoysala  had  to  intervene  again  to  save  the  Cholas  from  Pandya 
aggressions.  Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  I  claims  great  achieve¬ 
ments  against  the  Chola  kingdom;  among  others,  to  have  burnt  down 
the  capital  cities  of  Tan j ore  and  Uraiyur.  Simultaneously  Rajaraja 
III  was  very  hard  put  to  it  to  hold  his  own  against  his  refractory 
vassal,  the  Kadava  Kop-Perunjinga,  round  about  Cuddalore  and 
Kanchi.  Narasirhha  II  intervened  in  A.D.  1231,  defeated  Sundara 
Pandya  -at  Mahendramangalam  on  the  Kaverl,  and  released  and 
restored  to  the  throne  Rajaraja  III  who  had  been  thrown  into  prison 
by  Kop-Perunjinga.  In  the  course  of  these  activities,  it  became 
clear  that  the  Chola  kingdom  was  in  constant  danger  of  being  over¬ 
whelmed  by  the  aggressive  Pandyas,  and  Narasimha’s  son  and  suc¬ 
cessor,  Somesvara  (A.D.  1234-1263),  felt  it  necessary  to  establish 
himself  in  the  south  for  the  protection  of  the  Chola  kingdom  against 
the  Pandya  menace.  He  built  for  himself  a  capital  at  Kannanur, 
about  four  to  five  miles  from  &rirangam,  on  the  northern  bank  of 
the  Coleroon,  and  renamed  it  Vikramapura.  From  there  he  was 
able  to  offer  effective  protection  to  the  Chola  against  his  powerful 
feudatories,  the  Sambuvarayas  of  North  Arcot  and  Kop-Perun¬ 
jinga  of  Cuddalore,  not  to  mention  the  others.  He  had  to  leave  the 

231 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


administration  of  his  kingdom  proper  to  his  elder  son  Narasimha 
HI  and  keep  with  him  the  younger  prince  Ramanatha.  He  had  to 
fight  against  the  Papayas  vigorously,  and  Jatavarman  Sundara 
Pandya  lays  claim  to  several  victories  over  him.  The  wars  between 
the  Pandyas  and  the  Hoysalas  became  very  frequent  and  grave  till 
at  last  the  Pandya  ruler  could  boast  of  having  driven  Somesvara  from 
his  southern  capital,  taken  possession  of  the  Chola  kingdom,  and 
marched  northwards  unmolested.  Somesvara’s  fight  with  the 
Yadava  Krishna  and  consequent  loss  of  territory  have  been  men¬ 
tioned  above. 

6.  THE  FALL  OF  THE  HOYSALAS 

When  Somesvara  was  killed  in  course  of  one  of  these  cam¬ 
paigns,  ^about  A.D.  1263,  his  kingdom  was  partitioned.  The  elder 
son  Narasimfts  III  took  possession  of  the  Hoysala  territory  proper, 
while  the  southern  region  was  governed  by  his  younger  brother 
Vira  Ramanatha  from  the  southern  capital  at  Kannanur.  As  men¬ 
tioned  above  Narasimha  repulsed  the  Yadava  invasions  under  Maha- 
deva  and  Ramachandra,  and  held  the  Hoysala  frontier  in  the  north 
successfully  against  Yadava  aggressions  till  A.D.  1291,  when  he 
died.  Meanwhile  Ramanatha  and  his  ally,  the  Chola  Rajendra  III, 
suffered  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Pandya  Maravarman  Kulasekhara  in 
A.D.  1279.  Ramanatha,  who  thus  lost  his  kingdom  in  the  Tamil  land, 
now  started  a  war  with  Narasimha  and  occupied  part  of  his  terri¬ 
tory  which  he  ruled  from  Kundani  in  the  Bangalore  District.  After 
he  died,  his  son  had  but  a  brief  rule  of  a  few  years,  and  the  two  parts 
of  the  kingdom  were  united  again  under  Ballala  III,  the  son  of 
Narasimha.  Ballala  ruled  from  A.D.  1291  to  his  death  at  Trichi- 
nopoly  in  A.D.  1342. 4  His  successful  aggressive  campaigns  against 
the  Yadavas  have  been  noted  above.  He  had  also  to  fight  hard 
against  the  powerful  rebellious  feudatories  of  the  empire.  He  ably 
ruled  over  his  kingdom  and  protected  his  southern  frontier  against 
powerful  Pandyan  rulers,  inclined  to  be  aggressive  if  opportunity 
offered.  He  recovered  Kinga,  Mugadai,  and  Tondainad,  and  Kan- 
chi  and  Tiruvannamalai  became  his  subsidiary  capitals.  He  thus 
maintained  his  kingdom  successfully  till  about  A.D.  1310  when 
Malik  Kaffir  invaded  it  during  the  reign  of  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Khalji  to 
which  a  detailed  reference  will  be  made  in  the  next  volume.  The 
Hoysala  had  to  pursue  a  policy  of  alternately  submitting  to  the 
superior  power  and  trying  to  re-establish  his  authority.  His  capital 
was  overthrown  in  one  of  the  Muhammadan  invasions,  and  his  son 
was  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  Delhi.  The  capital  itself  suffered  destruc¬ 
tion  and  Ballala  had  to  reconstruct  it.  When  at  last  the  Khalji 


232 


THE  HOYSALAS 


rulers  were  supplanted  by  the  Tughluqs,  Ballala  had  to  defend  him¬ 
self  against  invasions  of  Muhammad  Tughluq  and  his  generals.  Sub¬ 
sequently,  when  the  Tughluq  empire  fell,  a  Muhammadan  dynasty 
ruled  over  Madura,  with  a  strong  garrison  of  Muhammadans  esta¬ 
blished  at  Kannanur!  These  were  like  nails  driven  into  the  coffin 
of  the  Hoysala  kingdom.  Vlra  Ballala,  as  he  is  called,  struggled 
hard  in  order  to  clear  South  India  of  these  Muhammadan  garrisons, 
but  after  years  of  campaigning  he  lost  his  life  in  a  battle  against 
the  Madura  Muhammadans  at  Trichinopoly,  almost  at  the  moment 
of  victory.  That  is  the  last  we  hear  of  the  Hoysala  kingdom,  al¬ 
though  a  son  of  his  succeeded  and  ruled  for  a  short  while.  The 
Hoysala  dynasty,  from  the  time  of  Vishnuvardhana,  ruled  in  great 
glory  for  more  than  a  century,  but  came  to  an  inglorious  end  at 
the  moment  of  success,  and  it  was  left  to  another  Hindu  dynasty 
to  achieve  what  its  last  ruler  attempted  to  do,  viz.  to  turn  out  all 
the  Muhammadan  garrisons  from  South  India  and  to  assure  Hindu 
independence.  This  was  successfully  accomplished  by  Vijayana- 
gara  at  a  later  date,  but  the  way  was  paved  for  it  to  a  great  extent 
by  the  struggle  of  the  Hoysalas,  particularly  the  last  one,  Vira  Bal¬ 
lala  111.6 


1.  See  pp.  234  ff. 

2.  See  p.  175. 

3.  Rice  fixed  A.D.  1141  as  the  date  of  Vishnuvardhana’s  death,  but  cf.  K.  A.  N. 
Sastri’s  views  in  PIHC,  XI.  129. 

4.  There  is  some  difference  of  opinion  among  scholars  regarding  the  dates  of 
Hoysala  kings.  Cf.  The  Hoysala  Vamsa  by  W.  Coelho  (Bombay,  1950). 

Prof.  K.  A.  N.  Sastri  has  suggested  the  following  dates  in  his  latest  publi¬ 
cation,  A  History  of  South  India  (1955),  p.  215: 

1.  Nripakama  (1022-47);  2.  Vinayaditya  (1047-98);  3.  Ereyahga  (1063-1100); 

4.  Ballala  I  (1100-10);  5.  Vishnuvardhana  (1110-52);  6.  Narasirhha  I  (1152-73); 

7.  Ballala  II  (1173-1220);  8.  Narasimha  II  (1220-38);  9.  Somesvara  (1233-67); 

10.  Nayasimha  HI  (1254-92);  11.  Ballala  III  (1291-1342). 

5.  Further  account  of  Vlra  Ballala  will  be  given  in  Vol.  VI.. 


233 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  CHOLAS 

I.  POLITICAL  HISTORY 
Rajaraja  the  Great  (A.D.  985-1014) 

Rajaraja  I,  the  son  of  Sundara  Chola,  ascended  the  throne  in 
June- July,  985.  His  brother  Aditya  II  was  murdered  at  the  instance 
of  Uttama  Chola,1  who  had  made  Rajaraja  heir  apparent.  Con-  * 
sequently,  he  was  enabled  before  his  accession  to  the  throne  to  ac¬ 
quire  extensive  knowledge  of  public  affairs  during  several  years. . 
His  early  titles  were  Rajakesari  Arumoli  and  Mummadi  Chola ,  the 
latter  meaning  “three  times  Chola”,  similar  to  the  surnames  Immadi 
(twice)  and  Nurmadi  (hundred  times).  The  inscriptions  of  Raja¬ 
raja  range  from  his  second  to  his  thirty-first  regnal  years.  He  start¬ 
ed  the  practice  of  prefixing  ‘historical  introductions’  to  his  inscrip¬ 
tions,  which  was  followed  by  his  successors,  and  these  official  records 
of  public  events  are  thus  of  great  help  to  the  historian  of  the  Cholas. 
No  other  contemporary  accounts  of  Rajaraja  are  extant. 

The  Tanjore  inscription  of  the  twenty-ninth  regnal  year  of 
Rajaraja  mentions  his  warlike  achievements  in  its  ‘historical  intro¬ 
duction.’  “He  was  pleased  to  destroy  the  ships  (at)  Kandalur-Salai, 
and  conquered  by  his  army,  which  was  victorious  in  great  battles, 
Vehgai-nadu,  Gangapadi,  Tadigaipadi,  Nolambapadi,  Kudamalai- 
nadu,  Kollam,  Kalingam,  ilamandalam  (which  was  the  coun¬ 
try)  of  the  Singalas  who  possessed  rough  strength,  the  seven  and 
a  half  lakshas  of  Irattapadi  and  ‘twelve  thousand  ancient  islands  of 
the  sea’,  deprived  the  Seliyas  of  (their)  splendour  at  the  very  mo¬ 
ment  when  (they  were)  resplendent  (to  such  a  degree)  that  (they 
were)  worthy  to  be  worshipped  everywhere.”  The  first  great  triumph 
of  Rajaraja  was  secured  early  in  his  reign  when  he  destroyed  the 
Chera  navy  at  Trivandrum.  The  Tamil  expression  ‘  Kandalur  salaik- 
Kalamar ultar uli”  means  “pleased  to  destroy  the  ships  in  the  road¬ 
stead  of  Kandalur  (Trivandrum)”.  We  learn  from  another  source 
that  Vilinam  was  destroyed  before  the  seizure  of  Kandalur  Salai. 
Inscriptions  state  that  Kollam  or  Quilon  was  attacked  separately. 
The  Kerala  ruler  during  this  period  was  Bhaskara  Ravivarman  (A.D. 
987-1036).  Rajaraja  next  conquered  Madura  and  seized  Amarabhu- 
janga  Pandya;  subsequently  he  turned  his  attention  to  Kudamalai- 
nadu  or  Coorg  and  got  into  possession  of  the  stronghold  of  Udagai, 


234 


THE  CHOLAS 


in  order  to  check  the  power  of  the  Pandyas  and  the  Cheras.  The 
expedition  to  ilamandalam  or  Ceylon  resulted  in  the  dislodgement 
of  Mahendra  V  and  the  annexation  of  the  northern  part  of  the  island. 
Rajaraja  ruined  Anuradhapura,  made  Polonnaruva  his  capital,  and 
built  there  a  substantial  stone  temple,  the  Siva  Devale. 

Gangavadi,  Tadigaivadi  and  Nolambavadi  were  political  divi¬ 
sions  of  the  Western  Ganga  country.  Rajaraja  conquered  them  all 
about  A.D.  991  and  they  remained  a  part  of  the  Chola  empire  till 
about  A.D.  1117.  The  Chola  army  invaded  Irattapadi  or  the  kingdom 
of  the  Western  Chalukyas  during  the  reign  of  Satyasraya,  and  ravag¬ 
ed  it  so  mercilessly  that  children  and  Brahmanas  were  massacred  and 
women  dishonoured  according  to  a  Chalukya  inscription  of  A.D. 
1007.  But  soon  Satyasraya  succeeded  in  recovering  his  position  and 
confining  the  Cholas  to  the  South  of  the  Tungabhadra. 

Rajaraja’s  interference  in  Eastern  Chalukya  affairs  was  the  re¬ 
sult  of  the  distracted  condition  of  the  Vehgi  kingdom  during  the  tenth 
century.  As  noted  above2  he  helped  Saktivarman  to  secure  the 
throne  after  the  long  interregnum  from  A.D.  973  to  999.  The  Chola 
emperor  did  so  partly  in  order  to  frustrate  the  scheme  of  Satyasraya 
to  combine  the  resources  of  the  Western  and  Eastern  Chalukyas 
against  the  Cholas.  Putting  an  end  to  the  civil  war  in  Vehgi,  Raja¬ 
raja  claimed  to  be  its  conqueror.  The  alliance  between  the  powers 
was  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  Kundava,  Rajaraja’s  daughter, 
with  Vimaladitya  (A.D.  1011-1018),  the  younger  brother  of  Saktivar¬ 
man  I.  Ultimately  this  marriage  prepared  the  way  for  the  union  of 
the  Eastern  Chalukyas  and  the  Cholas. 

Rajaraja’s  conquest  of  Kalinga  must  have  followed  his  sub¬ 
jugation  of  Vehgi,  as  Kalinga  sought  to  aggrandize  itself  at  the  ex¬ 
pense  of  its  southern  neighbour.  Lastly,  Rajaraja  conquered  the 
Maidive  islands,  “the  12,000  ancient  islands”  of  the  inscription.  His 
empire  included  the  whole  of  South  India  up  to  the  Tungabhadra, 
the  Maldives,  and  a  part  of  Ceylon;  the  Andhradesa  was  in  feuda¬ 
tory  alliance  with  him.  Some  of  his  titles  reflect  his  achievements: 
Mummadi  Chola;  Cholamartctnda;  Jayahgonda;  Pdndyakulasani ; 
Kcralantaka ;  Sihglcintaka  and  Telingakulakdla. 

Rajaraja  was  one  of  the  greatest  sovereigns  of  South  India,  a 
famous  conqueror  and  empire-builder,  an  administrator  of  ability, 
a  pious  and  tolerant  man,  a  patron  of  art  and  letters  and,  above  all, 
an  amiable  personality.  He  not  only  conquered  extensively,  but 
saw  to  it  that  he  conquered  territory  was  properly  administered. 
He  started  a  great  land  survey  in  A.D.  1000,  strengthened  the  im¬ 
perial  administration,  and  encouraged  local  self-government  through¬ 
out  his  dominions.  In  A.D.  1012  he  associated  in  the  government  of 


235 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

the  empire  his  only  son  Rajendra  who  had  already  been  active  on 
the  battlefield,  and  the  latter’s  reign  period  was  reckoned  from  his 
coronation  as  yuvardju.  This  system  improved  the  administration 
by  placing,  in  future,  the  energies  of  several  princes  at  the  service 
of  the  empire.  It  prevented  struggles  for  succession  and  familiaris¬ 
ed  the  heir  apparent  with  imperial  affairs.  This  sort  of  joint  rule 
accounts  for  the  overlapping  dates  of  the  Chola  dynastic  history. 
Rajaraja,  who  was  devoted  to  Siva,  assumed  the  title  of  Sivapada- 
sekhara.  The  great  Raj  arajes  vara  temple  at  Tan j  ore,  the  most  beauti¬ 
ful  and  perfect  Tamil  temple,  was  completed  in  A.D.  1010,  and  was 
maintained  by  the  revenue  of  many  villages  scattered  throughout 
the  empire.  Rajaraja’s  policy  of  religious  toleration  is  indicated  by 
some  Buddhist  sculptures  in  the  Tan  j  ore  temple  and  the  erection  of 
temples  for  Vishnu  which  enjoyed  his  patronage  and  that  of  his 
sister.  He  co-operated  in  the  construction  of  the  Chu<j!amani  Vihara, 
a  Buddhist  monastery  at  Negapatam,  by  the  Sailendra  Emperor 
Maravi j ayottunga-varman.  (of  Malay  Peninsula,  Java  and  Sumatra) 
in  A.D.  1006  and  gave  away  the  village  of  Anaimangalam  to  the 
Buddha  of  that  monastery.3  The  great  and  solid  work  of  Rajaraja 
was  the  foundation  upon  which  Rajendra  built;  the  work  of  the  son  is 
the  most  authentic  testimony  to  the  work  of  the  father.  Rajaraja  had 
several  queens  including  Loka  MahadevI,  the  greatest  of  them  all; 
one  son  and  three  daughters  including  Kundava.  His  mother, 
Vanavan  MahadevI,  was  a  Malaiyaman  princess  and  she  committed 
sati  on  the  death  of  her  royal  husband  in  A.D.  973.  The  most  res¬ 
pected  lady  of  the  imperial  household  was  &embiyan  MahadevI,  the 
queen  of  Gan<Jaraditya,  who  lived  on  till  A.D.  1001.  The  Chera 
queen  of  Sundara  Chola  also  lived  till  that  date.  Rajaraja  had  a  sister 
also  named  Kundava. 

2.  Rajendra  I,  Gangaikonda  Chola  (A.D.  1012-1044) 

As  noted  above,  Parakesari  Rajendra  took  an  active  part  in 
public  affairs  before  his  accession  to  the  throne,  and  was  associated 
with  his  father  in  the  government  of  the  empire.  He  ruled  from 
A.D.  1012  to  1044,  and  made  his  son  Rajadhiraja  heir  apparent  as 
early  as  A.D  1018.  The  inscriptions  of  Rajendra  describe  his  wars 
and  conquests  and  exhibit  his  greatness  as  a  conqueror.  The  famous 
Tiruvalangatju  grant  (thirty-one  copper-plates)  of  his  sixth  regnal 
year  (A.D.  1017)  recites  his  achievements,  and  additions  were  made 
to  the  account  in  Sanskrit  about  A.D.  1025  after  his  conquest*  of 
Kataha  or  Ka^aram. 

Another  important  record  of  Rajendra  is  his  Tirumalai  rock 
inscription  issued  in  his  thirteenth  regnal  year  (A.D.  1024),  which 


236 


THE  CHO^AS 


gives  a  complete  list  of  his  continental  conquests.  “Parakesarivar- 
man  alias  the  lord  Sri  Rajendra  Choladeva,. . .  seized  by  (his;  great, 
warlike  army  (the  following):  Idaituraina^u;  Vanavasi  ....  Kolli- 
ppakkai;  Mannaikkadakkam,  the  crown  of  the  king  of  ilam....; 
the  beautiful  crown  and  the  necklace  of  Indra  which  the  king 
of  the  South  (i.e.  the  Pandya)  had  previously  deposited  with  that 
(king  of  Ilam);  the  whole  Ilamandala. .  . ,  the  crown  praised  by  many 
and  the  garland  of  the  sun,  family-treasures  which  the  arrow-shoot¬ 
ing  (king)  of  Kerala  rightfully  wore;  many  ancient  islands. . .  .,the 
crown  of  pure  gold  . .  . . ,  which  Parasurama,  having  considered  the 
fortification  of  Sandimattivu  impregnable,  had  deposited  (there) 
when,  in  anger  he  bound  the  kings  twenty-one  times  in  battle;  the 
seven-and-a-half-lafcshas  of  Ira^tapadi,  (which  was)  strong  by  nature 
(and  which  he  took),  together  with  immeasurable  fame,  (from)  Jaya- 
siriiha,  who  turned  his  back  at  Musangi  and  hid  himself;  Sakkara- 
kkottam,  whose  warriors  were  brave;  Madura-maij^ala .  .  .  . ,  Nama- 
naikkonam . . . . ,  Panchappalli .  . .  . ,  the  good  Masumdesa .  . .  . ,  Indra- 
ratha  of  the  old  race  of  the  Moon  together  with  (his)  family  in  a 
fight  which  took  place  (at)  Adinagar. . . .;  0$<?a-vishaya,  which  was 
difficult  to  approach .  .  .  . ,  the  good  Kosalai-nadu  where  Brahmaijas 
assembled;  Tantjabutti,  in  whose  gardens  bees  abounded  (and  which 
he  acquired)  after  having  destroyed  Dharmapala  (in)  a  hot  battle; 
Takkanaladam,  whose  fame  reached  (all)  directions  (and  which  he 
occupied)  after  having  forcibly  attacked  Ranasura;  Vangala-desa, ' 
where  the  rain-water  never  stopped  (and  from  which)  Govinda- 
chandra  fled ....;  elephants  of  rare  strength,  women  and  treasure 
(which  he  seized)  after  having  been  pleased  to  put  to  fight  on  a  hot 
battlefield  the  strong  Mahlpala  together  with  Sangu . .  . . ;  Uttira- 
ladam .  .  .  . ,  and  the  Ganga .  . .  .  ” 

Regarding  the  identification  of  the  names  mentioned  above, 
there  is  no  agreement  among  scholars  in  some  cases.  Idaiturrainadu 
is  the  Raichur  Doab;  Vanavasi  is  Banavasi;  Kollippakkai  is  Kulpak, 
near  Hyderabad;  Mannaikkadakkam  is  Manyakheta,  Malkhed;  Ilam  is 
Ceylon;  “many  ancient  islands”  refer  to  the  Maldives;  Sandimattivu 
is  an  island  in  the  Arabian  Sea  famous  in  legend;  Iraftapadi  is  the 
Western  Chalukya  country;  Jayasiihha  (II)  is  the  Western  Chalukya 
king  f  Jagadekamalla  I)  who  ruled  from  A.D.  1015  to  1043;  Musangi 
or  Muyahgi  is  Maski  in  Hyderabad  State;  Sakkarakkottam  is  a  place 
in  Bastar;  Madura-mandala,  Namanaikkcw?am  and  Panchappalli  may 
be  regarded  as  parts  of  Masuoriidesam  or  Bastar  under  the  Naga- 
vamsi  rulers;  Adinagar  is  Jajnagar  in  Orissa;  Indraratha  was  pro¬ 
bably  a  Somavamsi  king;  Odda-vishaya  is  Orissa;  Kosalai-nadu  was 
on  the  banks  of  the  Mahanadi;  Tandabhukti  is  Dai>dabhukti  (Midna- 
pore  District) ;  Dharmapala,  Ranasura  and  Govindachandra  were 


287 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


local  rulers  in  Bengal;  Mahipala  was  Mahipala  I  of  the  Pala  dynasty 
of  Bengal  and  Bihar4  and  Sangu  was  probably  his  general; 
Takkanaladam  and  Uttiraladam  were  southern  Radha  and  northern 
Radha  which  together  comprised  that  part  of  Bengal  which  lies  to 
the  south  of  the  Ganga;  and  Vangaladesa  was  eastern  and  southern 
Bengal. 

The  Tirumalai  inscription  refers  at  the  beginning  to  the  mili¬ 
tary  achievements  of  Rajendra  as  Yuva^dja.  In  A.D.  1018  Ceylon  was 
completely  conquered,  followed  by  destruction  and  looting  on  a 
large  scale.  Rajendra  redeemed  Parantaka  I’s  failure  by  seizing  the 
Pandya  crown  and  other  royal  insignia  in  the  custody  of  the  Sinha¬ 
lese  ruler;  he  also  took  away  the  crowns  of  the  king  and  queen  of 
Ceylon.  The  conquered  country  was  governed  as  a  province,  and 
several  Siva  and  Vishnu  temples  were  erected.  In  the  same  year 
he  deprived  the  Chera  ruler  also  of  his  crown.  In  A.D.  1018-1019 
Rajendra  appointed  his  son  as  viceroy  of  Madura,  where  a  palace 
was  built,  and  Kerala  was  subsequently  added  to  his  charge. 
Though  Jayasimha  was  defeated  at  Musangi  (Maski)  in  A.D.  1021,  he 
soon  recovered  the  Raichur  Doab,  re-established  his  authority  up 
to  the  Tungabhadra  and  even  penetrated  into  the  Bellary  region. 
Therefore  the  statement  in  the  Tirumalai  inscription  that  Rajendra 
conquered  the  whole  of  Irattapadi  can  only  be  regarded  as  royal 
rodomontade. 

The  next  military  effort  of  Rajendra  was  the  expedition  to 
Eastern  India,  which  was  entrusted  to  his  general.  Crossing  the 
Godavari  and  passing  through  Bastar  and  Orissa,  the  Chola  army 
reached  Western  Bengal,  defeated  two  rulers,  crossed  the  Ganga, 
overthrew  another  ruler,  recrossed  that  river,  triumphed  over 
Mahipala  I  and  returned  home.  The  victorious  general  received  the 
congratulations  of  his  sovereign  on  the  banks  of  the  Godavari. 
Water  was  brought  from  the  Ganga  and  poured  into  the  Chola- 
gangam,  the  large  irrigation  tank  excavated  near  the  new  capital, 
Gangaikondacholapuram  (U<Jaiyarpalayam  Taluk ,  Trichinopoly 
District;  near  Chidambaram),  built  by  Rajendra  who  assumed  the 
title  ‘GangaikOTidachola’.  The  northern  raid  was  not  perhaps  with¬ 
out  some  permanent  results.  Some  scholars  attribute  to  it  the 
settlement  of  some  South  Indian  chiefs  in  Bengal  and  Mithila  lead¬ 
ing  to  the  foundation  of  the  Sena  principality  of  Bengal  and 
the  Karnata  dynasty  of  Mithila.  Besides,  we  have  clear  evidence  of 
the  establishment  of  Saivas  from  Northern  India  in  the  Tamil 
country. 

The  Tamil  epigraphical  account  of  the  campaign  of  Rajendra 
against  Kadaram  runs  as  follows:  “(who),  having  despatched  many 


238 


THE  CHO^AS 


ships  in  the  midst  of  the  rolling  sea  and  having  caught  Sangrama- 
Vijayottuhga-varman,  the  king  of  Kadaram,  together  with  the  ele¬ 
phants  in  his  glorious  army,  (took)  the  large  heap  of  treasures  which 
(that  king)  had  rightfully  accumulated;  (captured)  Srivijaya  . . . . ; 

Pannai . . . . ;  the  ancient  Malaiy ur . ;  Mayirudingam . . . . ;  Ilahga- 

soka.  . .  . ;  Mappappalam. . . . ;  Mevilimbangam ;  Valaippanduj:. . . . ; 
Talaittakkolam;  Madamalingam. .  .  Ilamuridesam .  .  .  . ;  Manakka- 
varam .  . .  . ;  and  Kadaram  of  fierce  strength  which  was  protected  by 
the  deep  sea.”  Srivijaya  was  a  kingdom  in  Sumatra;  Paipnai  was  on 
the  east  coast  of  the  same  island;  Malaiyur  was  probably  between 
Srivijaya  and  Pannai;  Mayirudingam  may  be  located  near  Ligor  in 
Malaya,  to  its  south  was  Ilahgasoka;  Mappappalam  was  probably 
near  the  isthmus  of  Kra.  The  next  two  places  cannot  be  identi¬ 
fied.  Talaittakkolam  is  identical  with  Takkola  and  was  near 
the  isthmus;  Madamalingam  was  perhaps  near  the  Bay  of  Bandon 
in  Malay  Peninsula;  Ilamuridesam  (mod.  Lamri)  was  in  northern 
Sumatra;  Manakkavaram  is  the  Nicobar  Islands;  and  Kadaram  may 
be  identified  with  Kedah,  near  Penang.5  Thus  Rajendra’s  overseas 
expedition  was  confined  to  Sumatra  and  Malay  Peninsula. 

It  seems  that  Rajendra  seized  the  various  divisions  of  the  king¬ 
dom  of  Sangrama-Vijayottunga-varman  and  finally  his  capital 
Kadaram,  in  one  and  the  same  campaign.  It  is,  however,  difficult 
to  guess  the  real  object  of  the  expedition.  For  the  Sailendra 
emperor  was  the  successor  of  Mara-Vijayottunga-varman,  who  had 
founded  a  Buddhist  monastery  at  Negapatam  in  the  twenty-first 
regnal  year  (A.D.  1006)  of  Rajaraja  I,  and  Rajendra,  at  the  commence¬ 
ment  of  his  reign,  had  renewed  his  father’s  grant  of  the  village  of 
Anaimangalam  to  the  Buddha  of  that  monastery.  We  cannot  say 
how  the  friendly  relation  between  the  two  great  powers  changed 
into  one  of  hostility  during  the  decade  between  Rajaraja’s  death  in 
A.D.  1014  and  Rajendra’s  expedition  to  Kadaram  about  A.D.  1025. 
Probably  the  Chola  emperor  desired  to  increase  the  prestige  that  had 
accrued  to  him  from  his  Gangetic  expedition,  by  a  naval  demonstra¬ 
tion  against  the  Sailendra  empire.  It  is  also  not  unlikely  that  the 
Cho]a  king  was  actuated  by  the  motive  of  controlling  the  rich  trade 
between  India  and  the  Far  East.  We  do  not  also  know  whether  his 
mastery  over  this  region  was  only  temporary  and  whether  his  con¬ 
quests  in*  Sumatra  and  Malay  were  maintained  by  him  and  his 
successors. 

Rajendra’s  warlike  activities  did  not  cease  after  the  conquest 
of  Kadaram.  About  A.D.  1029  a  struggle  for  independence  started  in 
Ceylon.  There  were  also  rebellions  in  the  Pandya  and  Chera  coun¬ 
tries,  which  were  put  down  by  Rajadhiraja,  the  heir  apparent  since 


289 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


A.D.  1018.  The  last  years  of  Rajendra  witnessed  the  Chola  invasion 
of  the  W estern  Chalukya  dominions  ruled  over  by  Somesvara  I  Ahava- 
malla  (A.D.  1043-1068).  Rajadhiraja  won  a  victory  at  Pundi  on  the 
Krishna,  sacked  Kalyana,  and  brought  home  the  dvarapdlaka  (door¬ 
keeper)  image  which  is  now  found  at  Darasuram  (Tanjore  District). 
The  Chola  invasion  was  particularly  ruinous  and  humiliating  to  the 
Western  Chalukyas.  Minor  campaigns  were  conducted  in  some 
parts  of  Mysore,  with  the  result  that  “cows  were  carried  off  and 
women’s  gridles  were  unloosed.”  The  Cholas  offended  seriously 
against  the  ethics  of  warfare  even  in  the  days  of  Rajaraja  the  Great 
and  Rajendra  the  Gangaikondachola. 

Rajendra,  the  greater  son  of  a  great  father,  was  active  for 
about  thirty-two  years  in  extending  the  power  and  prestige  which 
the  Chola  Empire  had  acquired  during  the  previous  reign.  His  most 
famous  titles  epitomise  his  greatness:  Mudikonda,  Gangaikaxida, 
Kadarangonda  and  Pavdita  Chola.  The  first  title  means  that  he  cap¬ 
tured  the  crowns  of  the  Painty  a,  Kerala  and  Ceylonese  kings;  the 
second  and  third  indicate  his  great  continental  and  oversea  achieve¬ 
ments;  the  fourth  receives  substance  and  reality  from  an  inscription 
at  Ennayiram  (South  Arcot  District),  assignable  to  about  A.D.  1025, 
which  records  the  provision  made  at  an  important  Vaishnava  centre 
for  a  Vedic  College  with  340  students  learning  the  Vedas,  Vyakarana, 
Mirndmsd ,  and  Nyaya  under  fourteen  teachers.  Three  of  them 
taught  the  Rigveda;  four  the  Yajurveda ;  two  the  Sdmaveda;  and 
five  the  Sutras ,  the  Rupdvatara  (a  work  giving  the  elements  of 
grammar),  Vyakarana,  the  Mlmdmsd  of  Prabhakara  and  Vedanta. 
Teachers  and  pupils  received  a  daily  allowance  of  paddy  which  was 
supplemented  by  a  money  payment.  The  highest  salary  was  paid 
to  the  teacher  of  Vyakarana,  but  the  teacher  of  Vedanta  received 
no  money  payment.  This  institution  was  maintained  from  the  pro¬ 
duce  of  forty-five  veils  of  land.  The  educational  policy  of  Rajendra 
was  continued  by  his  successors.  Inscriptions  mention  four  of  his 
queens.  His  three  sons,  Rajadhiraja  I,  Rajendra  II,  and  Vira- 
rajendra  I  ascended  the  throne  in  succession,  and  his  daughter, 
Ammangadevi,  was  the  queen  of  Rajaraja  I  of  Vengl  and  mother  of 
Kulottuhga  I. 

3.  Rajadhiraja  I  (A:D.  1018-1052)  and  Rajendra  II  (A.D.  1052-1064)6a 

Rajadhiraja  was  made  joint  ruler  with  his  father  as  early  as 
A.D.  1018.  During  his  independent  reign  from  A.D.  1044  to  1052  the 
Ceylonese  troubles  continued.  Drastic  steps  were  taken  to  remove 
them,  including  barbarities  like  the  mutilation  of  the  nose  of  the 


240 


THE  CHOXAS 


Ceylonese  queen-mother,  and  in  most  parts  of  the  island  Chola 
authority  was  maintained  intact.  The  war  with  the  Chalukyas,  also 
characterised  by  the  destruction  of  their  cities  and  buildings,  cul¬ 
minated  in  A.D.  1052  in  the  hard  fought  battle  of  Koppam,6  in  which 
the  Chalukya  king  Somesvara  was  defeated,  but  the  Chola  emperor 
lost  his  life.  His  younger  brother  Rajendra  II,  who  had  been  chosen 
heir  apparent,  in  supersession  of  the  claims  of  Rajadhiraja’s  sons, 
crowned  himself  on  the  battlefield,  where  he  had  distinguished  him¬ 
self  by  his  bravery.  He  advanced  to  Kolhapur  and  erected  a  pillar 
of  victory  there.  In  spite  of  the  frequent  defeats  of  the  Chalukyas 
and  the  serious  injury  done  to  some  parts  of  their  dominions,  the 
Cholas  failed  to  reduce  them  to  vassalage  or  annex  permanently  any 
portion  of  their  territory.  Rajadhiraja  performed  a  horse  sacrifice 
about  A.D.  1044  and  pursued  an  uninterrupted  martial  career  for 
more  than  thirty  years.  An  inscription  of  A.D.  1048  at  Tribhuvani, 
near  Pondicherry,  mentions  a  Vedic  college  with  an  endowment  of 
seventy-two  veils  of  land  and  with  260  students  and  twelve  teachers, 
who  were  exempted  from  service  on  the  committees  of  the 
local  assembly.  The  inscriptions  of  Rajadhiraja’s  successors  refer 
to  him  as  Anaimerrunjina  or  “who  died  on  the  elephant  back.” 

Rajendra  II  (A.  D.  1052-1064),  the  hero  of  Koppam,  marched 
against  Somesvara  in  A.D.  1062  in  order  to  check  the  growth  of  his 
power  and  prevent  his  interference  in  the  affairs  of  Vengi  and  defeat¬ 
ed  him  as  mentioned  above.7  Rajendra’s  eldest  son,  Rajamahendra, 
became  Yuvaraja  about  A.D.  1059,  but  after  his  death  his  place  was 
occupied  by  Vlrarajendra  I.  Rajendra’s  daughter  Madhurantaki 
married  the  Eastern  Chalukya  prince  Rajendra  who  was  later  known 
as  Kulottuhga  I. 

4.  Vlrarajendra  I  (A.D.  1063-1070)  and  Adhirdjendra  (A.D.  1068-70) 

Rajendra  II  was  succeeded  by  his  younger  brother,  Vlrarajen¬ 
dra  I  (A.D.  1063-1070),  who  invaded  the  Western  Chalukya  empire 
in  A.  D.  1067  in  response  to  a  challenge  of  Somesvara  to  meet  him  at 
Ku<Jal^Sangamam  again.  But  the  latter  did  not  turn  up,  and  the  Chola 
army  returned  home  after  erecting  a  pillar  of  victory  on  the  banks 
of  the  Tungabhadra  and  offering  insults  to  the  effigy  of  Somesvara, 
who  was  then  suffering  from  an  incurable  fever  which  subsequent¬ 
ly  led  to  his  suicide  by  drowning  in  the  Tungabhadra.  The  Chola 
inscriptions  say  that  Vlrarajendra  “saw  the  back”  of  (defeated) 
Somesvara  five  times.  The  Chola  emperor  proceeded  to  Vengi, 
defeated  the  Western  Chalukyas  near  Vijayawada,  strengthened  his 
hold  on  Vengi,  and  returned  to  Gahgaikondacholapuram,  the  Chola, 

241 

5. E.— 16 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

capital  from  the  days  oi  Rajendra  I.  Virarajendra  sent  an  expedi¬ 
tion  to  Ceylon  and  crushed  the  rebellion  there.  He  is  said  to  have 
conquered  Kadaram  and  placed  a  friendly  ruler  on  its  throne  about 
A.D,  1069.  Virarajendra  came  into  conflict  with  Somesvara  II  (A.D. 
1068-1076),  the  son  of  Somesvara  I,  and  both  sides  claimed  victory.  It 
seems  that  Somesvara  II  and  his  younger  brother,  Vikramaditya  VI 
(A.D.  1076-1126),  quarrelled,  and  on  the  latter’s  appeal  to  the  Chola 
emperor,  the  former  was  forced  to  surrender  a  part  of  his  dominions 
to  his  brother,  who  married  a  Chola  princess.  Virarajendra  assum¬ 
ed  a  number  of  titles  like  Ahavamallakulakala  or  destroyer  of  the 
family  of  Ahavamalla  (great  in  war)  Somesvara  I,  and  Vallabha- 
vailabha ,  or  lord  of  the  Western  Chalukyas  who  called  themselves 
Medinlvallabhas  or  lords  of  the  world.  An  inscription  of  A.D.  1067 
mentions  the  provision  made  for  a  Vedic  college  with  a  hostel  and 
hospital  at  Tirumukkudal  (Chingleput  District),  and  the  medical 
staff  consisted  of  two  doctors,  two  nurses  and  others.  There  were 
beds  for  fifteen  in-patients,  and  water  scented  with  cardamoms  and 
Khas  Khas  (cus  cus)  roots  was  brought  from  Perambalur  (Trichino- 
poly  District). 

Virarajendra  I  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Adhirajendra,  who  ruled 
from  A.D.  1068  to  1070  with  his  father,  and  only  for  a  few  months  as 
a  sole  monarch.  His  unnatural  death  and  the  accession  of  Kulot- 
tuiiga  I  resulted  m  the  extinction  of  the  Vijayalaya  line.  It  is  not 
easy  to  explain  the  confusion  which  followed  Vlrarajendra’s  death, 
the  intervention  of  Vikramaditya  VI  and  his  return,  the  death  of 
Adhirajendra  in  the  rebellion  which  broke  out  and  the  part  played 
hi  these  affairs  by  Kulottunga  I.  Adhirajendra  is  regarded  by  some  as 
the  Krimikantha  (diseased  neck)  Chola  of  Vaishinava  tradition;  he 
seems  to  have  been  the  persecutor  of  Ramanuja  though  some 
scholars  regard  Virarajendra  I  or  Kulottunga  as  the  enemy  of  that 
Vaishnava  saint  and  philosopher. 

5.  Kulottunga  I  (A.D.  1070-1120) 

Rajendra  II  Eastern  Chalukya  or  Kulottunga  Chola  I  was  the 
great-grandson  of  Rajaraja  I  Chola  in  two  ways:  his  mother, 
AmmangadevI,  was  the  daughter  of  Rajendra  I  Chola  (son  of  Raja¬ 
raja  I  Chola),  and  his  father,  Rajaraja  I  Eastern  Chalukya  was  the 
son  of  Kundava  (daughter  of  Rajaraja  I  Chola)  and  Vimaladitya  of 
Vengl.  Thus  Kulottunga  I  was  seventy-five  per  cent  Chola  by 
blood.  The  career  of  this  Chalukya-Chola  from  the  death  of  his  father 
in  A.D.  1060  to  his  own  occupation  of  the  Chola  throne  in  A.D.  1070  is 
obscure.  During  this  period  he  fought  successfully  with  some  chiefs 
of  Bastar  and  even  with  Vikramaditya  VI  as  prince.  It  is  likely 


242 


THE  CHOiAS 


that  Kulottunga  was  on  good  terms  with  Virarajendra  I  and  helped 
him  in  the  re-establishment  of  Chola  authority  in  the  kingdom  of 
Vengi  in  A.D.  1067  against  the  encroachments  of  the  Western  Chalu- 
kyas.  It  is  probable  that  his  accession  to  the  Chola  throne  was  regard¬ 
ed  with  satisfaction  as  the  confusion  of  the  previous  reign  necessitat¬ 
ed  the  restoration  of  the  integrity  and  strength  of  the  empire,  though 
in  the  light  of  the  conflicting  evidences  we ,  cannot  satisfactorily 
account  for  his  advent  to  the  Chola  throne.  No  doubt  the  internal 
confusion  in  the  Choja  empire  afforded  a  good  opportunity,  but  the 
supposition  of  a  struggle  between  him  and  Adhirajendra,  or  of  a 
prolonged  fight  for  the  throne,  is  untenable. 

About  A.D.  1073  Yasahkanna  Kalachuri  raided  the  Vengi  country 
without  any  appreciable  results.  Vijayabahu  (A.D.  1055-1110)  of 
Ceylon  took  advantage  of  the  anarchy  in  the  Chola  empire  before  the 
accession  of  Kulottunga,  captured  Polonnaruva  about  A.D.  1070, 
crowned  himself  king  of  Ceylon  in  A.D.  1073,  and  became  indepen¬ 
dent  of  the  Cholas;  Kulottunga  made  peace  with  him  in  A.D.  1088, 
and  gave  his  daughter  in  marriage  to  a  Sinhalese  prince.  The  Chola 
conflict  with  Vikramaditya  VI  broke  out  in  A.D.  1076,  and  in  the 
statement  of  its  result,  the  Chola  and  Chalukya  records  are  not  in 
agreement.  Anyhow  it  is  clear  that  the  great  emperor  of  Kalyaina 
persistently  thwarted  the  plans  of  Kulottunga,  especially  the  union 
of  the  Eastern  Chalukya  and  the  Chola  kingdoms.  After  the  death  or 
ejection  of  Vijayaditya  VII  Eastern  Chalukya  in  A.D.  1076,  Kulottun- 
ga  appointed  his  sons  as  viceroys  of  Vengi.  The  troubles  of  Kulottun- 
ga  during  his  early  regnal  years  led  to  the  revolt  of  the  Paindya  and 
Chera  countries,  but  they  were  reconquered.  Military  colonies  ( nilaip - 
padai)  were  established  in  these  countries  to  keep  them  under  con¬ 
trol,  but  in  matters  of  internal  administration  they  were  left  free. 
Kulottunga  claims  to  have  destroyed  Kadaram,  but  about  A.D.  1090  an 
embassy  came  from  its  king  and  at  his  request,  Kulottunga  exempted 
from  taxes  the  village  granted  to  the  Buddhist  monastery  at  Nega- 
patam.  The  rebellion  of  Venad  about  A.D.  1098  was  put  down  by 
Naralokavira,  a  famous  general  of  Kulottunga. 

Kulottunga  twice  invaded  Kalinga.  His  first  expedition  about 
A.D.  1096  quelled  the  revolt  of  Southern  Kalinga,  a  part  of  the  Vengi 
province.  The  second  and  more  important  expedition  in  A.D.  1110  is 
dealt  with  in  the  Kalirngattupparani  of  Jayahgondar,  the  court  poet 
of  Kulottunga,  in  which  both  the  bright  and  seamy  sides  of  warfare 
are  brought  out.  The  expedition  started  from  Kanchl  and  was  led 
by  a  reputed  general  of  Kulottunga,  named  Karunakara  Tondaiman. 
He  was  a  Pallava  chieftain  ruling  over  Van<Juvanjeri  ( Tan j  ore  Dis¬ 
trict),  or  Vandalur  (Chingleput  District)  according  to  some  scho- 


248 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

lars.  Anantavarman  Chcxjaganga  (A.D.  1078-1150)  of  Kalihganagara, 
the  son  of  the  Chola  princess  Rajasundari,  was  defeated.  We  do 
not  know  exactly  why  the  Choja  emperor  waged  war  with  Kalinga; 
but  the  failure  of  its  ruler  to  send  in  the  annual  tribute  is  mention¬ 
ed  in  the  poem  of  Jayangon4ar.  Anyhow  the  second  Kalinga  war 
led  to  no  annexations. 

Kulottunga’s  inscription  of  A.D.  1111  shows  his  friendly  relations 
with  the  Gahadavalas  of  Kanauj.  About  A.D.  1115  the  Chola  empire 
was  almost  as  extensive  as  in  the  days  of  its  glory,  except  for  the 
loss  of  Ceylon.  But  within  two  or  three  years  from  that  date  Kulot¬ 
tunga  lost  the  Gangavadi  and  Vengl  provinces. 

As  noted  above,  Vishnu vardhana  Hoysala  conquered  the 
Choja  provinces  of  Gangavadi  and  Nolambavadi,  captured  Taja- 
kad  and  assumed  the  title  of  Ta\alcd(jiugon^a;  he  is  also  said  to 
have  invaded  the  Tamil  country  and  raided  it  as  far  as  Rame£- 
varam.  An  inscription  states  that  his  attempt  to  carry  away  some 
images  from  Aduturai  (Trichinopoly  District)  to  Halebid  was  fru¬ 
strated.  About  A.D.  1118  the  province  of  Vengl  came  under  the  con¬ 
trol  of  Vikramaditya  VI,  who  maintained  it  till  his  death.  This  was 
his  greatest  victory  over  Kulottunga  with  whom  he  had  always  been 
on  terms  of  hostility.  Thus  during  the  last  decade  of  his  long  reign, 
Vikramaditya  realised  the  object,  cherished  from  the  beginning  of 
his  reign,  of  separating  the  Eastern  Chalukyas  and  the  Cholas. 

Though  Ceylon  was  permanently  and  wholly  lost  to  the  Chola 
empire,  Vehgi  and  parts  of  Gangavadi  were  later  recovered.  It  was 
Kulottunga  who  for  the  first  time  made  Vengl  an  integral  part  of 
the  Chola  empire,  but  he  was  wise  enough  not  to  make  any  attempt 
to  alter  the  Tungabhadra  frontier.  He  gave  a  fresh  lease  of  life  to 
his  empire  by  conferring  on  his  subjects  the  benefits  of  internal 
peace  and  benevolent  administration.  Though  Gangaikondachoja- 
puram  continued  to  be  the  imperial  capital,  the  importance  of  Kanchi 
steadily  increased.  Kulottunga  assumed  the  titles  of  Tribhuvana - 
chakravartin  (Emperor  of  Three  Worlds),  Virudarajabhayankara  (a 
terror  to  Virudaraja  i.e.  Vikramaditya),  and  Suhgandavirtta  or  who 
abolished  tolls,  but  the  character  of  this  fiscal  reform  is  not  known. 
He  ordered  a  land  survey  in  A.D.  1086,  the  date  of  Domesday  Survey 
of  England  by  a  strange  coincidence;  and  another  survey  was  made 
in  A.D.  1110.  Kulottunga’s  queens  were  MadhurantakI  who  died  about 
A.D.  1100,  Tyagavalli  and  others.  Seven  sons  and  a  daughter  of  his  are 
known.  Among  the  sons,  Chodaganga,  Mummadi  Chola,  Vlra  Choda, 
and  Vikrama  Chola  were  viceroys  of  Vengl  under  their  father;  his 
daughter  married  a  Ceylonese  prince. 


244 


THE  CHO^AS 


6.  Vikrama  Chola  (A.D.  1118-1135)  and  Kulottunga  11  (A.D.  1133- 

1150) 

Kulottunga  I  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Vikrama  Chola  who  be¬ 
came  sole  ruler  in  A.D.  1120.  He  seized  the  opportunity  afforded  by 
the  death  of  Vikramaditya  VI  in  A.D.  1126  to  restore  the  Chola  power 
in  the  Vengl  kingdom,  and  also  recovered  Kolar  and  some  other  parts 
of  Gangava^i.  About  A.D.  1125  North  and  South  Arcot  Districts 
suffered  from  floods  and  famine.  The  year  A.D.  1128  is  memorable 
for  the  king’s  handsome  donations  to  the  Nataraja  temple  at  Chidam¬ 
baram  which  had  been  favoured  by  the  Chola  emperors  since  the  days 
of  Parantaka  I  and  which  had  become  particularly  important  in  con¬ 
sequence  of  the  change  of  the  capital  from  Tanjore  to  Gangaikonda- 
chojapuram,  not  far  from  Chidambaram.  Vikrama  Chola  toured 
frequently,  and  was  living  in  his  palace  at  Chidambaram  in  A.D.  1130. 
His  surnames,  Tyagasamudra  and  Akalanka,  suggest  his  liberality 
and  moral  purity.  An  inscription  of  A.D.  1121  refers  to  a  Medical 
School  at  Tiruvaduturai  (Tanjore  District)  teaching  the  Samhitd 
of  Charaka  and  the  Ashtdngahridaya  Samhitd  of  the  younger 
Vagbhata. 

Vikrama  Chola  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Kulottunga  II  (A.D. 
1133-1150)  >  who  became  independent  ruler  after  his  father’s  death  in 
A.D.  1135.  He  continued  his  predecessor’s  benefactions  to  the  Chidam¬ 
baram  temple.  He,  however,  exhibited  religious  intolerance  by 
throwing  the  image  of  Govindaraja  into  the  sea,  though  the  anti¬ 
quity  of  the  Vaishnava  shrine  is  proved  by  Manikkavachakar’s  re¬ 
ference  to  it.  Kulottunga  II  has  been  identified  by  some  scholars 
with  the  Krimikantha  Chola  of  Vaishnava  literature,  the  Chola  whose 
neck  was  diseased,  or  infected  with  germs,  because  of  his  impiety.8 
His  reign  is  an  epoch  in  literary  history;  he  and  his  feudatories  pat¬ 
ronised  Ottakkuttan,  Sekkilar  and  Kamban. 

•  •  *  •• 

7.  Rajamja  11  (A.D.  1146-1173)  and  Rajadhiraja  11  (A.D.  1163-1179) 

During  the  reign  of  Kulottunga  II’s  son,  Rajaraja  II,  a 
civil  war  broke  out  about  A.D.  1169  between  Parakrama  Pantjya 
and  Kulasekhara  Pandya,  and  the  latter  seized  Madura  and 
killed  his  opponent  along  with  some  members  of  his  family. 
The  help  sought  for  by  Parakrama  Pandya  from  Parakrama- 
bahu  the  Great,  king  of  Ceylon,  came  too  late.  Lankapura, 
the  Sinhalese  general,  conducted  a  destructive  campaign  in 
the  Pandya  country  necessitating  Chola  intervention  on  behalf 
of  Kulasekhara,  won  a  victory  over  him,  and  put  Vlra  Pandya, 
the  son  of  Parakrama  Pan<Jya,  in  posession  of  the  country. 
But  soon  Kulasekhara  was  reinstated  by  the  Cholas,  who  invaded 


245 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Ceylon.  Parakramabahu  changed  his  policy  suddenly  and  allied 
himself  with  Kulasekhara,  who  in  consequence  turned  against  the 
Cholas.  Therefore  they  also  changed  their  policy  and  enthroned 
Vira  Pandya.  This  protracted  warfare  continued  beyond  the  reign 
of  Rajarija  II  till  about  A.D.  1177.  Thus,  a  century  after  the  accession 
of  Kulottunga  I,  the  growth  of  trouble  from  the  feudatories  reached 
its  climax  and  revealed  the  central  weakness  of  the  Chola  empire. 
Rajadhiraja  II  ((A.D.  1163-1179),  the  successor  of  Rajaraja  II  and  an¬ 
other  grandson  of  Vikrama  Chola,  brought  the  Pandya  Civil  War  to 

a  close. 

8.  Kulottunga  III  (A.D.  1178-1216) 

Kulottunga  III  was  chosen  by  Rajadhiraja  II  to  be  his  successor 
but  the  relation  between  the  two  is  not  known.  Though  the  help 
of  Rajadhiraja  secured  the  throne  for  Vira  Pandya,  the  latter  intri¬ 
gued  with  Ceylon  and  turned  against  the  Cholas.  Probably  about 
A.D.  1182,  he  was  dethroned  by  Kulottunga  who  enthroned  Vikrama 
Pandya,  perhaps  related  to  Kulasekhara  Pandya.  About  A.  D.  1189 
Vira  Pandya  again  created  trouble  with  the  aid  of  the  Kerala  king,  sus¬ 
tained  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Kulottunga,  and  took  refuge  in  Quilon. 
Ceylon  joined  in  the  fray  as  usual,  and  while  Kulottunga  claims  a 
victory  over  her,  Nihsankamalla,  the  Sinhalese  ruler,  is 
said  to  have  invaded  the  Pandya  country  thrice,  and  appears  to 
have  seized  Ramesvaram.  Between  A.  D.  1190  and  1194  the  Chola 
authority  was  asserted  in  the  Kongudesa.  The  relations  of  Kulottun- 
ga  with  his  Telugu-Choda  feudatories,  who  occupied  the  region  bet¬ 
ween  the  North  Arcot  and  Nellore  Districts,  were  generally  good, 
but  about  A.  D.  1196  he  recovered  Kanchl  from  them  after  their  occu¬ 
pation  of  it  for  some  time.  About  A.  D.  1205  the  third  Pandya  expedi¬ 
tion  was  sent  against  Jatavarman  Kulasekhara,  probably  the  son  of 
Vikrama  Pandya,  who  was  defeated  "but  reinstated.  Kulottunga,  how¬ 
ever,  ravaged  the  country  and  destroyed  the  coronation-hall  at 
Madura.  He  despatched  an  expedition  to  the  Andhradesa  about 
A.  D.  1208.  Towards  the  close  of  his  reign  Kulottunga  reaped  the  fruit 
of  his  harsh  Pandyan  policy;  he  was  overpowered  by  Maravarman 
Sundara  Pandya  I  (brother  of  Jatavarman  Kulasekhara)  who  could 
not  however  exploit  his  victory  fully  because  of  the  Hoysala  inter¬ 
vention  on  behalf  of  the  Cholas. 

Gahgaikondacholapuram  remained  the  capital  of  the  Choja 
empire.  Kulottunga  gave  much  attention  to  Pandya  affairs  and 
was  largely  successful  except  at  the  end  of  his  reign.  He  assumed 
the  title  of  Maduraiyum  Pandiyanmufattalaiuam  Kondaru\iya  “who 
was  pleased  to  take  Madura  and  the  crowned  head  of  the  Pandya.” 
He  exercised  firm  control  over  the  Telugu-Chodas.  Famine  conditions 


246 


THE  CHO^AS 


prevailed  in  A.  D.  1201  and  1202  and  relief  works  were  started  by 
private  agency,  according  to  an  inscription  at  Tiruvannamalai  (North 
Arcot  District).  An  inscription  of  A.D.  1213  mentions  an  institution 
for  the  study  of  Vyakarana  at  Tiruvorriyur  near  Madras.  Kulottuhga 
was  active  in  building  temples  and  improving  them  and  the  finest 
work  of  his  reign  is  the  temple  at  Tribhuvanam  ( Tan j ore  District), 
with  striking  Ramdyana  reliefs.  Though  he  maintained  his  em¬ 
pire  and  its  administrative  system  intact,  his  difficulties  bring  into 
relief  the  dangers  that  threatened  his  position.  His  personal  quali¬ 
ties  were  responsible  for  the  continuance  of  the  empire  under  him, 
and  he  may  be  regarded  as  the  last  great  Chola.  Many  feudatory 
chieftains  rose  to  power,  such  as  Telugu-Chodas,  Banas,  6ambu- 
varayas,  Kadavas,  Malaiyamans,  Adigamans  and  Others,  and  this  im¬ 
paired  the  strength  of  the  central  authority.  At  last,  the  imperial¬ 
ism  of  the  Pandyas  ruined  the  Chola  empire  in  the  thirteenth 
century. 

9.  Rajaraja  III  (A.D.  1216-1246)  and  Rajendra  III  (A.D.  1246-79) 

The  relationship  of  Rajaraja  III  to  his  predecessor  or  successor 
is  not  definitely  known,  and  his  inscriptions  refer  to  Kulottunga  III 
as  Periyadevar  or  the  great  king.  Perhaps  he  was  the  son  of  Kulot¬ 
tunga,  and  father  of  Rajendra  III.  Rajaraja  was  confronted  with 
a  difficult  political  situation,  consequent  on  the  rise  of  the  Pandyas, 
the  Hoysalas,  the  Kadavas,  the  Telugu-Chodas,  and  the  Kakatiyas, 
and  his  incompetence  and  folly  aggravated  his  difficulties.  He 
brought  about  a  conflict  with  the  Pandyas  by  violating  the  treaty  with 
them.  They  inflicted  a  sanguinary  defeat  on  him  and  seized  his 
capital.  A  contemporary  historical  romance,  the  Gadyakarndmrita 
of  Kalakalabha,  refers  to  the  flight  of  Rajaraja,  his  capture  after  a 
battle  by  the  Kadavaraya,  Kop-Perunjinga,  and  the  Hoysala  inter¬ 
vention  in  his  favour. 

One  of  the  queens  of  Hoysala  Ballala  II  (A.  D.  1173-1220)  was  a 
Chola  princess.  His  son,  Narasimha  II  (A.  D.  1220-1234),  provoked  by 
the  audacity  of  Kop-Perunjinga,  who  had  imprisoned  Rajaraja  at 
Sendamangalam  (South  Arcot  District)  and  ruined  the  Chola  country 
and  its  temples,  left  his  capital  Dvarasamudra  and  pitched  his  camp 
at  Pachchur,  near  Srirangam.  After  directing  his  generals  against 
Kop-Perunjinga,  Narasimha,  who  had  captured  Srirangam  and  Kan- 
chl,  marched  as  far  as  Ramesvaram  where  he  is  said  to  have  erected 
a  pillar  of  victory.  The  Tiruvendipuram  (South  Arcot  District) 
inscription  of  Rajaraja  III,  dated  A.  D.  1231-2,  narrates  the  story  of 
Kop-Perun  j inga’s  revolt,  of  his  imprisoning  the  king,  of  the  march  of 
the  Hoysala  generals,  Appanna  and  Samudra  Goppayya,  to  Senda- 
mangalam,  of  their  liberation  of  the  royal  prisoner,  and  the  death 


247 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  a  Ceylonese  prince  who  had  befriended  the  Ka<Java.  Narasirhha 
became  famous  as  the  Cholardjyapratisthdpandcharya ,  or  the  foun¬ 
der  of  the  Chola  kingdom.  After  the  defeat  of  the  Pan^yas,  the 
Hoysala  king  entered  into  matrimonial  relations  with  them.  Thus 
Rajaraja  became  dependent  on  the  Hoysalas.  The  administration 
of  the  Chola  country  deteriorated,  and  the  feudatories  freed  them¬ 
selves  from  imperial  control.  Though  the  Hoysalas  saved  the 
Chola  power  from  extinction  for  the  time  being  by  their  interven¬ 
tion,  they  consolidated  their  position  in  the  Chola  country  and  at¬ 
tempted  with  success  to  play  the  role  of  arbitrators  in  the  affairs  of 
the  Tamils.  Narasiriiha’s  son  Somesvara  (A.  D.  1234-1263)  established 
his  position  at  Kannanur,  near  Trichinopoly,  about  A.  D.  1239  and 
played  a  part  in  the  affairs  of  the  declining  Chola  empire. 

Rajendra  III  (A.  D.  1246-1279),  more  capable  and  energetic  than 
Rajaraja  III,  attempted  to  increase  his  power  and  prestige  with  the 
help  of  the  Telugu-Chodas.  It  is  probable  that  he  triumphed  over 
Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  II,  and  the  Hoysalas  then  inclined 
towards  the  Pandyas  against  the  Cholas.  But  the  accession  of 
Jatavarman  Sundara  Pan<Jya  I,  the  greatest  of  his  line,  changed 
Somesvara’s  hostile  attitude  towards  Rajendra  into  one  of  friend¬ 
ship  and  co-operation.  About  A.  D.  1250  Kanchl  was  occupied  by  Gana- 
pati  Kakatlya.  Taking  advantage  of  this  state  of  affairs  Jatavarman 
Sundara  Pandya  executed  a  grand  military  march  which  almost  re¬ 
volutionized  the  political  condition  of  South  India.  Somesvara 
was  defeated  and  slain  in  battle.  The  Cholas.  were  subdued;  Kop- 
Peruhjinga  was  converted  into  a  subordinate  Pandya  ally;  the 
Telugu-Chodas  were  vanquished;  the  Kakatiyas  were  expelled  from 
Kanchl;  and  Nellore  was  seized.  Rajendra’s  political  position  was 
consequently  that  of  a  Pandyan  feudatory  from  about  A.D.  1258  to 
1279.  Thus  the  mighty  royal  power  founded  by  Rajaraja  and 
Rajendra  came  to  an  ignoble  end.  Gangaikondacholapuram  continu¬ 
ed  as  the  capital  down  to  the  last  days  of  the  Chola  empire. 

1 0 .  Kop-Perunjinga 

The  career  of  Kop-Perunjinga  or  Maharajasirhha  (A.D.  1229-1278) 
of  Sendamangalam  best  illustrates  the  decline  of  the  Chola  empire. 
He  started  as  a  loyal  feudatory  of  Rajaraja,  but  defeated  him  about 
A.D.  1231  at  Tellaru,  near  Wandiwash,  and  imprisoned  him  at  Senda- 
mahgalam.  After  the  intervention  of  Hoysala  Narasirhha  II  Kop-Peru- 
njihga  again  became  a  Chola  feudatory.  But  in  A.D.  1243  he  assumed 
titles  indicative  of  his  independent  status  Kop-Perunjinga  defeat¬ 
ed  the  Hoysalas  in  A.D.  1252-3  at  Perambalur  (Trichinopoly  District), 
seized  their  ladies  and  expiated  his  guilt  by  gifts  to  the  temple  at 


248 


THE  CHOJjAS 


V riddhachalam.  But  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  besieged  Senda- 
mangalam,  reduced  him  to  vassalage  in  A.D.  1255,  and  secured  his 
cooperation  in  his  own  northern  campaigns. 

The  inscriptions  of  Kop-Perunjinga  are  largely  found  in  the 
South  Arcot,  North  Arcot,  and  Chingleput  Districts  and  to  a  lesser 
extent,  in  the  Tanjore,  Kurnool  and  Godavari  Districts.  He  claims 
to  have  conquered  the  Cholas,  the  Hoysalas,  the  Pandyas  and  the 
Kakatlyas.  From  his  stronghold  at  Sendamangalam  he  controlled 
Cuddalore,  Chidambaram,  Vriddhachalam  and  Kanchi.  He  was  de¬ 
voted  to  God  Nataraja  at  Chidambaram  and  built  the  eastern 
Gopura  of  the  temple  there.  His  titles  are  not  only  political,  mili¬ 
tary  and  religious  but  also  literary.  There  is  some  truth  under¬ 
lying  the  titles  Pdndyamandala-sthdpana-sutradhdra,  Sahodara- 
sundara,  Karnatalakshmi-luntaka,  Kathaka-kula-tilaka ,  and  Penndna- 
dindtha.  There  is  ample  justification  for  his  titles  of  Sarvajna  Khajr 
gamalla,  Vdlbalaperumdl  and  Kanakasablndpati-sabha-sarvakdrya - 
sarvakdla-nirvahaka.  But  whether  his  literary  titles  like  Kavisdrva- 
bhauma  and  Sdhitya-ratndkara  are  well  founded  is  more  than  one 
can  say,  though  the  title  Bharata-malla  may  be  justified  by  the  sculp¬ 
tures  of  dance-poses  he  caused  to  be  engraved  on  the  eastern  gateway 
of  the  Chidambaram  temple;  he  shows  self-restraint  in  describing 
himself  as  Kdveri-kdmuka.  He  claims  to  be  a  Kaduvetti  or  Pallava 
by  descent.  His  character  and  achievements  before  and  after  A.D. 
1243  exhibit  a  remarkable  inner  unity.  During  an  age  of  stress  and 
storm,  he  established  his  power  and  prestige  and  his  forceful  per¬ 
sonality  and  unbounded  energy  made  his  name  and  family  famous 
in  the  triangular  political  contest  among  the  Pandyas,  the  Hoysalas, 
and  the  Kakatlyas  for  control  of  the  fast  declining  Chola  empire. 

II  POLITICAL  ORGANISATION 
1.  Central  Government 

The  extent  and  resources  of  the  Chola  empire  increased  the 
power  and  prestige  of  its  sovereigns.  The  pomp  of  kingship  was 
augmented  not  only  by  the  great  capitals  like  Tanjore,  Gahgai-konda- 
cholapuram,  Mudikondan9  and  Kdnchi,  the  large  imperial  household 
and  imposing  state  banquets,  and  the  magnificent  ddnas  or  donations 
made  in  lieu  of  the  Asvamedha  and  other  sacrifices  of  old,  but  also 
by  the  giving  of  royal  names  to  idols  and  the  installation  and  wor¬ 
ship  of  the  images  of  kings  and  queens  in  temples.  The  system 
of  hereditary  succession  to  the  throne  was  occasionally  modified 
by  the  ruling  king’s  choice  as  Yuvardja  of  a  younger  prince  in  pre¬ 
ference  to  his  seniors.  The  princes  were  associated  with  the  ruling 


249 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


sovereigns  and  actively  employed  in  war  and  peace.  The  absolu¬ 
tism  of  monarchy  was  tempered  both  by  a  ministerial  council  and 
by  an  organised  administrative  staff,  the  heads  of  departments  be¬ 
ing  in  close  contact  with  the  king,  and  often  consulted  by  him. 
Royal  tours  contributed  to  the  efficiency  of  the  administration  and 
the  officers  were  paid  by  land  assignments,  and  honoured  and  en¬ 
couraged  by  titles.  The  higher  officials  enjoyed  the  status  of 
perundaram,  and  the  lower  ones  sirutaram.  Administrative  acti¬ 
vities,  as  well  as  military  and  trade  movements,  were  facilitated 
by  peruvalis  or  trunk  roads.  There  was  brisk  commercial  inter¬ 
course  with  China,  Sumatra,  and  Java  in  the  east,  and  Arabia  and 
other  countries  around  the  Persian  Gulf  in  the  west.  Some  mer¬ 
chant  guilds  were  gigantic  international  organisations.  Industries 
were  in  a  flourishing  condition,  particularly  jewellery  and  metal 
work,  weaving,  and  manufacture  of  salt.  Public  revenue  was  de¬ 
rived  mainly  from  land  and  collected  in  kind,  or  in  cash,  or  in  both, 
by  village  assemblies.  Land  was  possessed  by  individuals  and  com¬ 
munities.  There  were  peasant  proprietorship  and  other  forms  of  land 
tenure.  Agricultural  prosperity  was  ensured  by  the  special  atten¬ 
tion  given  to  irrigation  by  government  as  well  as  local  authorities. 
The  proper  utilisation  of  the  water  of  Kaverl  and  other  rivers  was 
supplemented  by  great  tanks.  Village  assemblies  were  to  perform 
the  functions  of  maintaining  tanks  in  good  condition  and  of  reclaim¬ 
ing  forest  and  waste  lands.  The  state’s  demand  of  land  revenue 
seems  to  have  been  one-third  of  the  gross  produce  in  the  time  of 
Rajaraja  I.  This  proportion  was  fixed  after  an  elaborate  land  sur¬ 
vey  and  we  have  already  mentioned  the  surveys  ordered  by  that 
emperor  and  by  Kulottuhga  I.  There  were  periodical  revisions  of 
the  classifications  of  land  and  of  the  assessment  of  land  revenue. 
The  other  items  of  public  income  were  customs  and  tolls,  taxes  on 
various  kinds  of  profession,  mines,  forests,  saltpans,  etc.  The  nu¬ 
merous  taxes,  though  uneconomical  from  the  modern  point  of  view, 
were  intended  to  supplement  the  land  revenue  with  its  fluctuations 
due  to  remissions  in  hard  times.  There  were  occasional  famines, 
general  or  local;  the  visitation  of  A.D.  1152  evidently  belonged  to 
the  former  category.  Unpaid  labour  was  frequently  employed. 
Though  there  is  evidence  of  the  sympathetic  administration  of  the 
tax  system — Kulottuhga  I  earned  fame  by  abolishing  tolls — some 
cases  of  oppression  are  on  record.  Further,  the  rise  into  power  of 
the  feudal  chiefs  must  have  increased  the  tax  burdens  of  the  people. 
Failure  to  pay  the  land  revenue  involved  the  sale  ofLthe  land  in 
question,  not  excluding  temple  lands.  The  chief  items  of  public 
expenditure  were:  the  king  and  his  court,  army  and  navy,  civil  ad- 


250 


THE  CHOIAS 


ministrative  staff,  roads,  and  irrigation  tanks  and  channels  besides 
temples  and  religious  endowments. 

The  army  consisted  of  elephants,  cavalry  and  infantry — mun- 
rukai-mahasenai  or  the  great  army  with  three  limbs.  As  many  as 
seventy  regiments,  named  after  royal  titles,  are  mentioned  in  in¬ 
scriptions.  They  possessed  a  corporate  organisation,  participated 
in  civic  life,  and  made  grants  to  temples.  Attention  was  given  to 
their  training  and  discipline,  and  cantonments  ( kadagam  or  padai - 
vidu)  existed.  There  were  recruits  from  Kerala  in  the  army.  The 
strength  of  the  elephant  corps  was  60,000  and  that  of  the  whole 
army,  about  150,000.  It  was  composed  chiefly  of  Kaikkolas  (lit.  men 
with  strong  arms)  or  Sengundar  (lit.  spear- wieldersj.  The  Velaik- 
karas  were  the  body-guard  of  the  monarch,  sworn  to  defend  him  with 
their  lives  and  often  ready  to  immolate  themselves  on  his  funeral 
pyre.  Very  costly  Arabian  horses  were  imported  in  large  numbers 
in  order  to  strengthen  the  cavalry,  but  most  of  them  were  short-lived 
in  South  India.  Kings  and  princes  led  armies,  and  Rajaditya  and  Raja- 
dhiraja  I  died  on  the  battlefields  of  Takkolam  and  Koppam.  Com¬ 
manders  enjoyed  the  rank  of  Nayaka,  Senapati,  or  Mahadandanayaka ; 
they  were  Vellalas,  Brahmanas  and  others.  Wars  sometimes  started 
with  cattle-lifting.  Titles  like  Kshatriyasikhamani  were  conferred 
upon  men  with  a  distinguished  record.  The  terrible  character  of 
Chola  warfare  was  exhibited  in  the  invasions  of  Irattapa<Ji,  Pandya- 
mandalam  and  Ceylon.  Much  injury  was  done  to  the  civil  popula¬ 
tion,  women  not  excepted,  and  mutilations  like  nose-slitting  are  on  re¬ 
cord.  When  we  speak  of  the  glories  of  temples  and  of  the  luxuries  of 
kings  and  chieftains,  we  cannot  forget  that  they  obtained  enormous 
spoils  of  war  by  the  infliction  of  unspeakable  miseries  on  their 
neighbours.  Even  the  sanctity  of  ambassadors  was  sometimes  vio¬ 
lated. 

The  naval  achievement  Of  the  Cholas  reached  its  climax  during 
the  reign  of  Rajaraja  the  Great  and  his  successor.  Not  only  were 
the  Coromandel  and  Malabar  coasts  controlled  by  them,  but  the  Bay 
of  Bengal  became  a  Chola  lake.  But  we  cannot  form  any  idea  of 
the  technique  of  their  naval  warfare  or  of  other  details  related  to 
the  navy.  Some  think  that  merchant  vessels  were  employed  in 
transporting  the  army  and  that  Chola  naval  fights  were  land  battles 
fought  on  the  decks  of  ships. 

The  empire  of  Rajaraja  the  Great  was  divided  into  about  eight 
mandalams  or  provinces,  and  the  latter,  into  va\anadus  and  nodus. 
The  next  administration  sub-divisions  were  kurrams  or  kotpams  each 
consisting  of  a  number  of  autonomous  villages  playing  a  vital  and 
conspicuous  part  in  the  administration.  We  have  seen  that  princes 
were  in  charge  of  the  provinces  of  Vehgi  and  Maudura. 

i 


251 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


2.  Local  Self-Government:  the  Mahasabha  and  the  Vdriyam 

Though  there  was  corporate  activity  in  economic  and  religious 
life  and  in  territorial  divisions  like  nadus  and  nagarams  (towns), 
it  was  the  village  assemblies  that  exhibited  the  greatest  and  the 
most  comprehensive  group  activity.  The  village  and  town  assem¬ 
blies  were  primary  assemblies  while  those  of  nadus  were  represen¬ 
tative  institutions.  Of  the  two  kinds  of  assemblies  called  the  Ur 
and  the  Sabhd  or  Mahasabha  which  were  gatherings  of  the  adult 
male  members  of  the  local  community,  the  former  was  of  the  gene¬ 
ral  type  and  the  latter  was  the  assembly  of  the  agrahara  or  Brah- 
mana  settlement,  and  it  is  this  type  that  looms  large  in  Chola  in¬ 
scriptions. 

Inscriptions  referring  to  the  Mahasabha  or  describing  its  activi¬ 
ties  are  largely  found  in  Tondamandalam  and  Cholamandalam.  The 
assemblies  are  found  concentrated  in  certain  regions,  the  major  con¬ 
centration  being  around  Kahchi  and  a  minor  one  encircling  Madras. 

The  two  Uttaramerur  records  of  Parantaka  I  of  A.D.  919  and  921 
contain  the  resolutions  passed  by  the  local  Mahasabha  on  the  con¬ 
stitution  of  variyams  or  Executive  Committees,  the  second  resolu¬ 
tion  improving  on  and  superseding  the  first.  According  to  the  re¬ 
gulations  of  A.D.  921,  each  of  the  thirty  wards  of  the  village  was  to 
nominate  for  selection  persons  possessing  the  following  qualifica¬ 
tions: — Ownership  of  more  than  1/4  veil  (about  an  acre  and  a  half) 
of  land;  residence  in  a  house  built  on  one’s  own  site;  age  between 
thirty-five  and  seventy;  the  knowledge  of  the  Vedic  mantra-brah - 
manas ;  in  the  alternative  one-eighth  veil  of  land  and  knowledge  of 
one  Veda  and  a  Bhashya.  The  following  among  others  were  ex¬ 
cluded: — those  who  had  been  on  any  of  the  committees  for  the  past 
three  years;  those  who  had  been  on  the  committee  but  had  failed 
to  submit  the  accounts,  together  with  all  their  specified  relations; 
those  who  had  committed  incest  or  other  great  sins  as  well  as  their 
relations  (specified);  those  who  had  stolen  the  property  of  others; 
etc. 

From  among  the  persons  duly  nominated,  one  was  to  be  chosen 
for  each  of  the  thirty  Kudumbus  or  wards  by  Kudavolai  (lit.  pot- 
ticket)  or  lot  for  a  year  in  the  manner  prescribed.  Of  the  thirty 
so  selected  twelve,  who  were  advanced  in  age  and  learning  and  had 
served  on  the  garden  and  tank  committees,  were  assigned  to  the 
samvatsara-variyam  or  annual  committee;  twelve  to  the  tottauari- 
yam  or  garden  committee;  and  six  to  the  erivariyam  or  tank  com¬ 
mittee.  Two  other  committees  were  similarly  selected — the  pan- 
chavara-vdriyam  (a  standing  committee)  and  the  pon-vdriyam  (gold 
committee).  The  lot  system  was  worked  on  the  following  lines: 


252 


THE  CHOioAS 


Names  of  eligible  persons  were  written  on  palm-leaf  tickets  which 
were  put  into  a  pot  and  shuffled,  and  a  young  boy  was  directed  to  take 
out  as  many  tickets  as  there  were  members  to  be  chosen.  Inscrip¬ 
tions  in  other  places  than  Uttaramerur  mention  additional  commit¬ 
tees  for  justice,  wards,  and  fields,  the  udasina  committee  and  so  on. 
The  term  udasina  has  been  interpreted  as  ascetics,  but  it  is  better 
to  take  it  as  referring  to  strangers  or  foreigners.  The  number  of 
committees  and  of  members  varied  from  village  to  village;  and  no 
payment  was  made  for  their  services.  The  members  of  the  committee 
were  called  V dr iy upper umakkal ;  the  Mahasabha  was  called  Perun- 
guri  and  its  members,  perumakkal.  Ordinarily  the  assembly  met 
in  the  village  temple  and  occasionally  under  a  tree  or  on  the  bank 
of  a  tank.  There  are  no  references  to  voting  or  to  a  quorum.  Gene¬ 
ral  questions  were  discussed  in  the  assembly  and  resolutions  ( vyava - 
sthai)  were  passed  and  recorded. 

Membership  of  the  Committee  required  very  high  qualifications, 
regarding  age,  property,  learning,  capacity  for  committee  work,  and 
moral  purity  not  only  of  one’s  self  but  also  of  one’s  relations;  and 
no  membership  of  any  of  the  Committees  was  permitted  until  three 
years  had  elapsed  from  the  period  of  last  service  on  a  Committee. 
Such  a  personnel  rendering  honorary  service  would  have  been  avail¬ 
able  only  in  prosperous,  enlightened  and  virtuous  villages.  To  run 
the  Mahasabha  successfully,  a  village  should  have  men,  honest  and 
true,  learned  and  capable,  self-supporting  and  experienced.  The 
lot  system  would  produce  the  best  results  only  under  such  condi¬ 
tions.  Otherwise  it  may  give  a  chance  to  anybody  irrespective  of 
his  qualifications;  without  the  principle  of  rotation  in  office,  it  may 
do  injustice  to  competent  candidates.  Uttaramerur  avoided  the  pit- 
falls  of  the  Kudavolai  system  and  it  was  the  model  for  other  sabhas 
in  the  Chola  empire. 

3.  Functions  of  the  Mahasabha;  Fiscal ,  Judicial  and  Ministrant 

The  extent  of  village  autonomy  may  be  gauged  from  the  func¬ 
tions  performed  by  assemblies.  The  Mahasabha  possessed  proprie¬ 
tary  rights  over  communal  lands  and  controlled  the  private  lands 
within  its  jurisdiction.  It  did  everything  preliminary  to  convey¬ 
ance  of  property,  which  required  the  sanction  of  the  central  autho¬ 
rity.  The  Mahasabha  was  concerned  with  the  reclamation  of  forest 
and  waste  lands.  It  co-operated  with  royal  officials  in  estimating 
the  produce  of  cultivated  land  and  assessing  the  land  revenue  due 
from  the  village.  It  collected  that  revenue  and  in  cases  of  default 
had  the  power  to  sell  the  land  in  question  by  public  auction.  Dis¬ 
putes  about  land  and  irrigation  rights  were  settled  by  it  and  in  spe¬ 
cial  cases  assemblies  from  the  neighbourhood  were  requested  to  co- 


253 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

operate  with  it  in  reaching  a  decision.  General  surveys  were  under¬ 
taken  by  the  Central  Government,  but  the  approval  of  the  Mahd- 
sabhd  was  necessary  for  any  change  in  the  classification  of  land 
within  its  sphere.  It  had  powers  of  taxation  for  purposes  connect¬ 
ed  with  the. village,  and  of  remission  of  such  taxation  for  specific 
reasons.  Instead  of  paying  land  revenue  every  year,  a  landowner 
might  pay  a  fixed  sum  to  the  assembly  and  compound  all  his  future 
dues  to  the  local  and  central  authorities,  the  assembly  regularly 
paying  all  such  dues  thereafter  in  perpetuity.  Such  arrangements 
were  made  in  the  case  of  lands  set  apart  for  charitable  purposes. 

The  Committees  looked  after  the  village  administration  with 
the  assistance  of  paid  officials,  who  detected  crime.  The  judicial 
committee,  Ny  ay  attar,  of  the  assembly  settled  disputes,  pronounced 
on  the  innocence  or  guilt  of  the  accused,  and  awarded  punishments. 
The  establishment  of  the  guilt  by  a  popular  committee  is  the  basis 
of  the  remark  that  the  jury  system  prevailed  under  the  Cholas. 
Inscriptions  reveal  that  various  forms  of  homicide  were  distinguish¬ 
ed  and  capital  punishment  was  not  inflicted  in  all  cases.  When  death 
was  caused  by  accident  as  in  hunting,  the  guilty  man  was  required 
to  endow  a  perpetual  lamp  to  be  lighted  in  the  village  temple  for 
religious  merit  of  the  deceased.  Even  in  some  cases  of  murder,  the 
extreme  penalty  of  the  law  was  not  meted  out.  The  Chola  admini¬ 
stration  of  justice  may  thus  be  regarded  as  unduly  lenient.  The 
Uttar amerur  inscriptions  discussed  above  emphasise  the  gravity  of 
such  offences  as  incest,  adultery,  theft,  and  forgery,  and  hint  that 
“riding  on  an  ass”  was  a  punishment  for  some  serious  crimes. 

The  Mahasabha  performed  other  functions  like  the  maintenance 
of  roads  and  irrigation  works  including  tanks  (the  major  public 
works  being  executed  by  the  Central  Government  as  their  construc¬ 
tion  was  beyond  the  resources  of  local  bodies),  supervision  of  endow¬ 
ments  (religious,  medical  and  eleemosynary)  by  the  dharmavdriyam, 
and  provision  for  learning,  etc.  from  its  own  limited  resources.  Thus 
the  Central  Government  concerned  itself  with  external  defence, 
the  maintenance  of  internal  peace  and  order,  the  promotion  of  the 
general  prosperity  and  cultural  progress  of  the  empire,  and  left  the 
village  assemblies  largely  to  themselves,  exercising  a  general  control 
and  interfering  in  their  affairs  only  in  cases  of  conflict  or  other  excep¬ 
tional  situations.  Unions  of  villages  might  be  effected  with  the 
approval  of  the  Central  Government.  The  administration  of  vil¬ 
lages  was  well  organised  on  popular  lines,  conducive  to  the  progress 
and  prosperity  of  their  inhabitants,  and  it  was  such  villages  exhibit¬ 
ing  corporate  activity  which,  though  in  a  state  of  decline,  early  in 
the  nineteenth  century,  formed  the  “little  republics”  that  extorted 
the  admiration  of  famous  Anglo-Indian  administrators. 


254 


THE  CHOIhAS 


1.  Contra  Pandarathar,  Pirkdlach-Cholar-Charittiram,  (in  Tamil),  Pt.  I  (Anna 
malainagar,  1949),  pp.  76-78. 

2.  See  Vol.  IV,  p.  139. 

3.  Cf.  Suvarnadvipa,  by  R.  C.  Majumdar,  Part  I,  p.  168,  and  also  infra ,  Ch.  XXI. 

4.  See  above,  pp:  24-26. 

5.  For  these  identifications  and  the  Chola  conquest  of  this  region,  cf.  Suvarnadvxpa 
by  R.  C.  Majumdar,  Part  I,  pp.  167  ff,  who  holds  that  “the  Chola  emperors  tried 
to  maintain  their  hold  on  the  distant  oversea  empire,  at  least  for  nearly  a 
century” 

5a.  The  dates  of  these  and  some  subsequent  kings  are  given  somewhat  differently 
by  different  writers.  Thus  K.  A.  N.  Sastri  gives  the  following  dates  in  his 
second  edition  of  the  ‘Colas’  (published  in  1955)  which  differ  from  those  given 
above* 

Riijadhiraja  I  (A.D.  1018-1054). 

Vlrarajendra  (A.D.  1063-1069). 

Kulottunga  III  (ruled  upto  A.D.  1217-18). 

ilin  ‘ A  History  of  South  India’,  also  published  in  1955,  K.A.N.  Sastri  gives 
A.D.  1016  as  the  date  of  Rajaraja’s  death’  (p.  200)  instead  of  A.D.  1014,  as  given 
in  the  text  above,  and  also  in  his  ‘Colas’  (p.  183). 

6.  See  above,  pp.  169-170. 

7.  See  above,  p.  170. 

8.  But  cf.  above,  p.  242. 

9.  Mudikontfa-Cholapuram;  known  as  Palaiyarai  (near  Kumbhakanam)  and  Nandi- 
puram  before  the  eleventh  century  (Pandarathar,  op.  cit.,  82). 


255 


CHAPTER  XI 

THE  LATER  PANDYAS 

1.  INTERVAL  BETWEEN  THE  FIRST  AND  THE  SECOND  EMPIRE 

The  first  empire  of  the  Pandyas  was  ruined  by  their*  defeats 
at  Tejlaru,  Arichit,  and  Sripurambiyam,  and  Rajasimha  II  was  over¬ 
thrown  by  Parantaka  I  about  A.D.  920.  But  the  battle  of  Takko- 
lam  revived  their  importance  and  Rajaraja  I  found  them  to  be  very 
powerful.  He  reconquered  them  and  Rajendra  I  seized  the  Pandya 
crown  from  Ceylon,  appointed  one  of  his  sons  as  the  Chola-Pan$ya 
Viceroy  and  constructed  a  great  palace  at  Madura.  But  his  suc¬ 
cessors  were  troubled  by  Pandya  princes  in  alliance  with  Ceylon. 
The  anarchy  during  Adhirajendra’s  reign  gave  scope  for  their  in¬ 
transigence  which  was  put  down  with  a  strong  hand  by  Kulottunga 
I,  who  changed  the  system  of  administration  by  Chola  princes  and 
established  military  colonies  on  the  highways  of  the  Pandya  coun¬ 
try  without,  howeverr,  attempting  to  control  its  internal  affairs.  The 
further  marks  of  Pandyan  subordination  were  the  Chola  names  given 
to  places  and  the  payment  of  tribute.  The  inscriptions  of  the  Pandyas 
increase  and  those  of  the  Cholas  diminish  in  number  during  the  period 
of  Kulottunga  and  his  successors.  The  steady  growth  of  Pandya 
power  was  however  paralysed  by  a  civil  war,  which  lasted  from  A.D. 
1169  till  about  A.D.  1177.  This  gave  the  Cholas  another  chance  of 
asserting  their  power  in  the  southern  kingdom.  We  have  sketched 
above1  the  three  Pan<Jya  campaigns  of  KulottungaJII  about  A.D.  1182, 
1189  and  1205.  In  the  last  of  these  campaigns,  he  overpowered 
Jatavarman  Kulasekhara  (A.D.  1190-1216)  who  was  a  great  ruler 
and  the  harbinger  of  his  country’s  independence.  His  inscriptions 
are  found  in  the  Madura,  Ramnad  and  Tinnevelly  Districts,  and 
Travancore  was  subordinate  to  him.  He  seems  to  have  assumed  the 
title  of  Rajagambhna. 

2.  MARAVARMAN  SUNDARA  PANDYA 

Maravarman  Sundara  (A.D.  1216-1238),  probably  the  brother  of 
Jatavarman  Kulasekhara,  inaugurated  the  second  empire  of  the 
Pandyas  which  lasted  right  through  the  thirteenth  century.  An 
inscription  of  his  third  regnal  year  describes  him  as  Soriaduvalangi- 
yaruliya,  “who  was  pleased  to  effect  the  rendition  of  the  Chola 
country.”  Quite  at  the  beginning  of  his  reign  he  invaded  the  king¬ 
dom  of  Kulottunga  III,  burnt  Uraiyur  and  Tan j ore,  drove  the  Chola 
king  into  the  wilderness,  and  marched  as  far  as  Puliyur  or  Chidam- 


256 


THE  LATER  PANI?YAS 


baram.  Hoysala  intervention  prevented  Sundara  Pandya’s  reaping  the 
full  benefits  of  his  victory,  and  he  had  to  give  back  the  conquered 
territory  to  the  vanquished  enemy  who  accepted  the  position  of  a 
vassal.  Kulottunga  died  soon  after  his  reinstatement.  Maravarman’s 
later  inscription  states  that  “the  Chola  (Rajaraja  III)  no  longer  con¬ 
sidered  it  the  proper  course  to  owe  allegiance  to  the  Pandya  who  had 
bestowed  the  crown  on  him  on  a  former  occasion.  He  began  once 
more  to  feel  that  his  security  lay  in  his  own  fertile  country  and 
declined  to  do  the  usual  honour  to  the  commands  (of  the  Pandya), 
refused  to  pay  the  usual  tribute,  and  instead  despatched  a  large 
army”.  Rajaraja’s  violation  of  the  peace  proved  disastrous  to  his 
kingdom,  and  again  Hoysala  intervention  was  necessary  for  repair¬ 
ing  the  effects  of  his  stupidity.  Maravarman  defeated  the  Chola,  and 
occupied  large  parts  of  his  territory.  Rajaraja  was  seized  and  im¬ 
prisoned  by  his  vassal,  Kop-Perunjinga,  and  the  Hoysalas  interfer¬ 
ed,  released  the  prisoner,  defeated  the  Pandyas,  invaded  their 
country  and  obliged  them  to  acquiesce  in  the  restoration  of  the 
Chola  emperor.  Thus  both  the  victories  of  Maravarman  against  the 
Cholas  were  rendered  nugatory.  But  he  ruled  over  a  powerful  king¬ 
dom.  Besides  his  own  country  his  dominions  included  parts  of 
the  Trichinopoly  District  and  Pudukkottai,  and  he  assumed  titles 
indicative  of  his  seizure  and  rendition  of  the  Chola  country.  He 
was  succeeded  by  Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  II  (A.D.  1238-1251), 
whose  weakness  was  taken  advantage  of  by  Rajendra  III.  The 
inscriptions  of  the  latter  describe  him  as  “an  expert  in  cutting  off 
the  crowned  head  of  the  Pandya”,  “who  plundered  the  Pandya 
country”,  etc.  It  is  probable  that  his  overlordship  was  acknowledg¬ 
ed  by  Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  II. 

3.  J ATA V ARMAN  SUNDARA  PANDYA  I 

Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  I  (c.  A.D.  1251-1268)  was  the  great¬ 
est  king  of  his  line.  His  grand  imperial  career  started  with  the  defeat 
of  the  Chera  king,  Udayamartanda.  Jatavarman  overcame  the 
Hoysalas  at  Kannanur  near  Trichinopoly,  caused  their  withdrawal 
from  the  Kaveri  region,  reduced  the  Chola  to  subordination,  pro¬ 
ceeded  against  Sendamangalam  (the  capital  of  Kop-Peruninga) , 
rejected  the  Kadava’s  offer  of  tribute,  defeated  him  and  seized  his 
territory,  but  subsequently  reinstated  him  as  a  subordinate  ally.  Be¬ 
tween  A.D.  1254  and  1256  Northern  Ceylon  was  reduced  to  vassalage. 
Thus,  during  the  first  six  years  of  his  reign,  Jatavarman  conquered 
the  Chera,  Hoysala,  Chola,  Kadava  and  Sinhalese  powers,  and  his 
authority  extended  from  Travancore  to  the  South  Arcot  Dis¬ 
trict.  Subsequently,  he  marched  against  Gandagopala  the  Telugu- 
Choda  chief,  defeated  and  killed  him,  captured  Kanchi,  overcame 

257 


SJE.— 17 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Ganapati  Kakatiya,  and  reached  Nellore,  where  he  celebrated  his 
victories  by  a  Virabhisheka.  We  are  in  the  dark  regarding  the  exact 
order  of  Jatavarman’s  conquests.  He  annexed  the  Kongudesa,  and 
in  another  conflict  with  the  Hoysalas  killed  their  king  Somesvara 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Srirahgam  in  A.D.  1262. 

Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya’s  imperialism  was  thorough-going, 
and  the  Chola  kingdom  was  incorporated  in  the  Pandya  Empire;  in 
the  language  of  his  inscription  the  Ponni  (Kaverl)  land:  (the  Chola 
country)  became  the  Kanni  land  (the  Pandya  country).  The  whole 
region  from  Ceylon  to  Nellore  and  Cuddapah,  excluding  Mysore, 
was  under  his  imperial  control.  He  assumed  many  imposing  titles: 
Samastajagadadhdra  or  support  of  the  whole  world;  Emmandalamum 
KondaruUya  or  who  was  pleased  to  take  every  country;  Hemd- 
chchhadanaraja  or  the  king  who  covered  (the  temple)  with  gold; 
Maharajadhiraja-sriparamesvara;  Markata-prithvl-brit  or  the 
emerald  king;  Kanchlpuramkon^dn;  Ellandalaiyandn  or  supreme 
over  all.  His  conquests  made  him  exceedingly  rich  and  he  largely 
endowed  the  Chidambaram  and  Srlrangam  temples.  His  numerous 
gifts  to  the  latter  temple,  amounting  to  eighteen  lakhs  of  gold 
pieces,  are  enumerated  in  his  £rlrahgam  inscription.  He  provided 
the  Chidambaram  and  Srlrangam  temples  with  golden  roofs  and 
built  a  golden  hall  in  the  Chidambaram  temple.  He  crowned  him¬ 
self  at  Nellore  and  Srirangam  and  performed  many  tulabhdras  at 
these  two  places.  His  records  emphasise  his  warlike  qualities,  his 
liberality,  his  love  of  pomp  and  display,  and  above  all,  his  profound 
appreciation  of  the  extent  of  his  empire  and  of  the  credit  accruing 
to  him  therefrom.  His  Srlrangam  inscription  begins  by  recording 
the  death  of  “the  moon  of  the  Karnata  family”  (Somesvara  Hoysala), 
and  mentions  the  overthrow  of  the  king  of  Kathaka  (Kop-Perun- 
jihga)  besides  specifying  the  king’s  various  gifts  to  god  Ranganatha. 
Further,  his  superiority  as  “the  Sun  among  kings”  is  emphasised  by 
the  frequent  use  of  the  phrase  Rdjatapana  and  its  numerous 
synonyms. 

The  chronology  of  the  later  Pandyas  is  characterised  by  over¬ 
lapping  dates.  Thus  we  find  Jatavarman  Vira  Pandya  (A.D.  1253- 
1275)  ruling  along  with  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  I.  Marco  Polo 
refers  to  the  “five  Royal  Brothers,”  and  the  reference  is  supported 
by  Chinese  evidence.  The  Muslim  historian,  Wassaf,  mentions  the 
king’s  three  brothers  who  were  independent  rulers.  Hence  arose 
the  theory  of  the  joint  rule  of  five  Pandya  brothers.  But  overlap¬ 
ping  dates  occur  in  Chola  and  Sinhalese  chronology  as  well,  and 
are  explained  with  reference  to  the  position  of  the  Yuvardjas.  In¬ 
scriptions  do  not  exhibit  the  Pandyan  kingdom  as  divided  into  five 
separate  parts.  Moreover  the  rule  of  five  brothers  is  hardly  ever 


258 


THE  LATER  RAtfPYAS 


feasible.  Therefore  it  is  generally  held  that  the  later  Pan^yan 
monarchy  was  a  single  monarchy,  of  which  the  unity  was  by  no 
means  impaired  by  the  presence  of  ‘sub-kings/  Most  of  the  achieve¬ 
ments,  with  which  Jatavarman  ^Vira  Pandya  is  credited  in  his 
records  found  in  the  Madura,  Ramnad  and  Tinnelvelly  districts  and 
in  Pudukkottai,  are  those  of  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  I  himself. 
Therefore  the  former  must  have  played  a  prominent  part  in  the 
affairs  of  the  realm  during  the  reign  of  Sundara. 

4.  MARAVARMAN  KULASEKHARA  PANDYA 
•  • 

* 

During  the  reign  of  the  last  great  Pandya  Maravarman  Kula¬ 
sekhara  (c.  A.D.  1268-1310),  the  following  four  princes  co-operated 
with  him  in  the  administration  of  the  empire:  Jatavarman  Sundara 
Pandya  II.  Maravarman  Vikrama  Pandya,  Jatavarman  VIra 
Pandya  II,  and  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  III,  who  came  to  power 
in  A.D.  1276,  1283,  1296  and  1303  respectively — the  two  last  being 
sons  of  Kulasekhara.  The  emperor  assumed  the  titles:  “the  conqueror 
of  all  countries,”  “who  had  no  equal,”  and  “captor  of  Kollam” 
(Quilon).  His  inscriptions  say  that  he  conquered  Kerala  Kohgu, 
Cholamandalam,  Tondamandalam  and  Ceylon.  He  inflicted  final 
defeat  on  Rajendra  III  Chola  and  Hoysala  Ramanatha  in  A.D.  1279, 
and  annexed  their  territories.  About  A.D.  1284,  his  general,  Arya 
Chakravarti,  invaded  Ceylon  and  returned  home  with  the  Tooth 
Relic  of  Buddha  during  the  interregnum  in  Ceylonese  history  from 
A.D.  1283  to  1302.  Parakramabahu  III  (A.D.  1302-1310)  submitted 
to  Kulasekhara  and  recovered  the  Tooth  Relic  by  peaceful  negotia¬ 
tion  during  a  visit  to  Madura. 

The  greatness  of  Maravarman  Kulasekhara  is  vouched  for  by 
Marco  Polo  and  Muslim  historians  like  Wassaf.  Marco  Polo,  who 
visited  the  Pandya  country  about  A.D.  1293,  observes:  “The  great 
province  of  Ma‘bar  (the  coast  of  South  India  from  Quilon  to  Nellore) 
....  is  styled  India  the  Greater;  it  is  best  of  all  the  Indies.  . .  .the 
finest  and  noblest  in  the  world.  At  this  end  of  the  province  reigns 
one  of  those  five  royal  brothers,  who  is  crowned  king,  and  his  name 
is  Sonder  Bandi  Davar  (Sundara  Pandya  Devar).  In  his  kingdom 

they  find  very  fine  and  great  pearls -  Cail  (Kayal  at  the  mouth 

of  the  TamraparnI)  is  a  great  and  noble  city,  and  belongs  to  Ashar 
(Sekhar?)  the  eldest  of  five  brother  kings.  It  is  at  this  city  that  all 
the  ships  touch  that  come  from  the  west,  as  from  Hormos  and  from 
Kis  (an  island  in  the  Persian  Gulf)  and  from  Aden,  and  all  Arabia, 
laden  with  horses  and  with  other  things  for  sale ....  There  is  a 
great  business  done  in  this  city.  . .  .  The  king  possesses  vast  treasures 
and  wears  upon  his  person  great  store  of  rich  jewels.  He  maintains 
great  state  and  administers  his  kingdom  with  great  equity,  and  ex- 

259 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


tends  great  favour  to  merchants  and  foreigners  so  that  they  are  very 
glad  to  visit  his  city.”  The  Venetian  travellers’  account  of  social  life 
refers  to  the  king's  500  wives,  the  nakedness  of  the  people  and 
absence  of  tailors,  the  prevalence  of  satl}  the  belief  in  omens  and 
astrology,  and  the  dancing  girls  attached  to  temples.  Marco  Polo 
draws  pointed  attention  to  the  speedy  death  of  most  of  the  imported 
horses,  owing  to  mismanagement  and  absence  of  farriers,  and  to 
the  consequent  colossal  financial  loss.  He  also  notes  the  poor  fight¬ 
ing  equipment  of  the  warriors  who  are  described  as  “most  wretched 
soldiers.” 

The  remarks  of  Wassaf  are  very  valuable.  “The  curiosities  of 
Chin  (China)  and  Machin  (Canton)  and  the  beautiful  products  of 
Hind  and  Sind,  laden  on  large  ships.  .  .  .sailing  like  mountains  with 
the  wings  of  the  winds  on  the  surface  of  the  water  are  always  arriv¬ 
ing  there.  The  wealth  of  the  Isles  of  the  Persian  gulf  in  particular, 
and  in  part  the  beauty  and  adornment  of  other  countries  from  Irak 
and  Khurasan  as  far  as  Rum  (Turkey)  and  Europe  are  derived  from 
Ma‘bar,  which  is  so  situated  as  to  be  the  key  of  Hind ....  Kales 
Dewar  (Kulasekhara  Devar),  the  ruler  of  Ma‘bar,  enjoyed  a  highly 
prosperous  life,  extending  to  forty  and  odd  years,  during  which  time 
neither  any  foreign  enemy  entered  his  country  nor  any  severe 
malady  confined  him  to  bed.  His  coffers  were  replete  with  wealth 
inasmuch  that  in  the  treasury  of  the  city  of  Mardi  (Madura)  there 
were  1200  crores  of  gold  (dinars)  deposited.  . .  .  Besides  this  there 
was  an  accumulation  of  precious  stones,  such  as  pearls,  rubies,  tur¬ 
quoises  and  emeralds  more  than  is  in  the  power  of  language  to 
express.”  Muslim  historians  inform  us  further  that  some  Arab 
merchants  occupied  a  high  place  in  the  councils  of  the  Pandyas. 
Abdur  Rahman  is  described  as  Prime  Minister  in  charge  of  the 
customs  to  which  office  his  son  and  grandson  succeeded. 

Maravarman  Kulasekhara  had  two  sons,  the  legitimate  Jata- 
varman  Sundara  Pandya  and  the  illegitimate  Jatavarman  Vira 
1  Pandya.  The  association  of  Vira  Pandya  in  the  government  as  early 
as  A.D.  1296  and  choice  of  him  as  heir  apparent  caused  Sundara 
Pandya  to  usurp  the  throne  after  murdering  his  father  in  A.D.  1310. 
Expelled  from  Madura  by  Vira  Pandya,  Sundara  Pandya  appealed 
for  help  to  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji  or  Malik  Kaffir.  Vira  Pandya  aided  Vira 
Ballala  III  Hoysala  (A.D.  1291-1342)  against  Kaffir.  Malik  Kaffir 
who  would  probably  have  invaded  Ma‘bar  in  any  case,  as  a  part 
of  the  imperial  policy  of  the  Khaljis  even  if  there  had  been  no 
Pan<Jya  war  of  succession,  or  any  other  cause  of  complaint,  led  an 
expedition  against  the  Pandya  kingdom.  The  sequel  of  this  inva¬ 
sion  will  be  described  in  the  next  volume. 


1.  See  p.  246. 


260 


CHAPTER  XII 


CEYLON 

The  story  of  the  liberation  of  Ceylon  by  Vijayabahu  I  Srisangha- 
bodhi  (c.  A.D.  1055-1110)  from  the  Chola  yoke  about  A.D.  1070  has 
been  narrated  in  the  previous  volume.1  The  period  of  about  a  cen¬ 
tury  and  a  half  after  Vijayabahu’s  success  against  the  Cholas  is 
regarded  by  historians  as  the  Polonnaruva  age  of  Ceylonese  history. 
Vijayabahu  changed  the  name  of  the  city  from  Pulatthinagara 
(Polonnaruva)  to  Vijayarajapura.  An  important  feature  of  the 
history  of  this  period  is  the  rivalry  between  the  Pandya  and  Kalihga 
factions  at  the  Ceylonese  court. 

Vijayabahu  I  invested  his  next  younger  brother  Vlrabahu  with 
the  dignity  of  Uparaja,  and  made  over  to  him  the  province  of  Dak- 
shina-desa.  On  his  youngest  brother  Jayabahu  he  conferred  the 
dignity  of  an  Adipada,  and  bestowed  on  him  the  province  of  Rohana 
Lilavatl,  daughter  of  king  Jagatipala  (c.  A.D.  1042-46)  who  was  a 
former  ruler  of  Ceylon,  escaped  from  the  Chola  country  and  came 
back  to  the  island.  She  was  consecrated  by  Vijayabhahu  I  as  his 
Mahishl  (Queen).  The  king’s  daughter  from  Lilavatl  was  married 
to  Viravarman  who  was  made  viceroy  of  the  province  of  Merukan- 
dara.  The  king  also  brought  to  the  island  princess  Trilokasundari 
of  the  royal  family  of  Kalihga  and  consecrated  her  as  his  Mahishl. 
Trilokasundari  must  have  been  related  to  the  contemporary  Imperial 
Ganga  monarch  Rajaraja  I  (A.D.  1070-78)  of  Kalinganagara.2  She 
gave  birth  to  Vikramabahu  and  several  daughters.  Her  kinsmen 
Madhuk5rnava  (Madhukamarnava?),  Bhimaraja  and  Balatkara  came 
from  the  Kalihga  capital  Simhapura  and  settled  in  Lanka  on  receipt 
of  befitting  maintenances  from  the  king.  Trilokasundari’s  daughter 
Ratnavali,  married  to  Manabharana,  gave  birth  to  Parakramabahu 
who  became  the  ruler  of  the  island  in  the  latter  half  of  the  twelfth 
century.  A  sister  of  the  Kalihga  princes  settled  in  Lanka,  named 
Sundari,  and  queen  Lilavati’s  daughter’s  daughter  bearing  her 
name,  were  given  in  marriage  to  prince  Vikramabahu.  Two  of 
Vijayabahu’s  daughters  from  Trilokasundari  were  married  to  his 
younger  brothers  Virabahu  and  Jayabahu.  On  the  death  of  Vira- 
bahu  the  king  made  Jayabahu  the  Uparaja  and  Vikramabahu  an 
Adipada,  conferring  on  the  latter  the  viceroyalty  of  Rohana.  King 
Vijayabahu  gave  his  sister  Mitra  in  marriage  to  a  prince  of  the 
Pandya  royal  house  of  South  India. 


261 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Vijayabahu  built  many  Buddhist  monasteries,  repaired  a  num¬ 
ber  of  tanks  and  viharas,  and  invited  and  settled  in  his  kingdom 
numerous  monks  from  Ramanya  ( Ramarmadesa,  Lower  Burma).  He 
tried  to  maintain  diplomatic  relations  with  the  Karnata  (Western 
Chalukya)  and  Chola  kings.  In  the  30th  year  of  his  reign  (c.  A.D. 
1085)  the  king  declared  war  against  the  Cholas;  but  the  Tamil 
mercenaries  settled  in  Ceylon  and  known  as  the  Velakkaras  were 
unwilling  to  fight  with  their  kinsmen  across  the  sea  and  rebelled. 
Vijayabahu  succeeded  in  subduing  the  revolt.  In  the  45th  year  (c. 
A.D.  1100),  the  king  was  preparing  for  defence  against  a  Chola  at¬ 
tack;  but  the  Cholas  did  not  appear.  The  king  ruled  for  55  years 
(50  or  80  years  according  to  some  traditions). 

On  Vijayabahu’s  death  in  c.  A.D.  1110  his  sister  Mitra  with  her 
Pai?dya  husband’s  help  raised  Jayabahu  to  the  throne  at  Polonnaruva 
and  her  own  son  Manabharana  to  the  dignity  of  Yuvardja  although 
prince  Vikramabahu  of  the  Kalinga  faction  was  entitled  to  this 
latter  position.  This  led  to  a  struggle  between  North  and  South 
Lanka.  Vikrambahu  (II),  who  was  the  viceroy  in  the  South,  con¬ 
quered  Rajarashtra  and  made  Polonnaruva  his  headquarters;  but  he 
lost  the  South  to  his  enemies.  He,  however,  did  not  crown  himself 
as  king.  Vikramabahu  had  also  to  fight  with  an  invader  called 
Viradeva,  who  is  described  as  the  lord  of  Aryadesa  and  the  sovereign 
of  Palandvipa  and  was  apparently  an  Indian  adventurer.  Viradeva 
is  stated  to  have  occupied  Rajarashfra  for  a  time,  but  to  have  been 
soon  afterwards  killed.  There  was  also  constant  fight  between  the 
partisans  of  the  North  and  the  South. 

On  the  death  of  Jayabahu,  Mahadipdda  ( Yuvardja )  Mana¬ 
bharana,  also  styled  Virabahu,  considered  himself  his  successor.  He 
soon  died,  leaving  his  young  son  Parakramabahu.  His  brothers 
Klrtisrlmegha  and  Srlvallabha  now  led  the  partisans  of  the  Southr 

Vikramabahu  II  (c.  A.D.  1116-37)  died  after  a  rule  of  21  years 
(28  years  according  to  some  traditions)  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Gajabahu  (c.  A.D.  1137-53)  at  Polonnaruva.  In  the  South, 
Klrtisrlmegha  died  and  Parakramabahu  succeeded  him  in  his  domi¬ 
nions.  Parakramabahu  assumed  the  title  Mahddipada  with  an  eye 
to  the  succession  to  the  throne  of  Polonnaruva  after  Gajabahu’s 
death.  He  organised  a  huge  army  and,  as  a  first  step,  conquered 
the  mountainous  district  called  Malaya.  A  protracted  war  then  en¬ 
sued  between  Gajabahu  and  Parakramabahu,  in  which  the  former  was 
ultimately  captured  along  with  the  princes  Chodagahga  and  Vikranta- 
bahu.  About  this  time,  prince  Manabharna,  the  son  of  Parakrama- 
bahu’s  uncle  Srlvallabha  from  queen-  Sugala,  rose  against  Para¬ 
kramabahu,  occupied  Polonnaruva,  and  got  Gajabahu  in  his 


262 


CEYLON 


power.  But  his  army  was  soon  overpowered  by  Parakramabahu ’s 
forces  that  reconquered  Polonnaruva.  Gajbahu  succeeded  in  taking 
shelter  at  Koshthasara  (probably  near  Kantalai)  and  Manabharana 
repaired  to  Rohana  with  the  sacred  relics  of  the  Buddha.  Gajabahu 
then  made  Gangata^aka  (Giritala,  about  7  miles  west-north-west  of 
Polonnaruva)  his  residence.  He  died  after  having  reigned  in  all  for 
twenty-two  years  according  to  one  tradition,  although  it  is  difficult  to 
be  definite  on  the  point.  Before  Gajabahu’s  death  there  was  a  tripar¬ 
tite  civil  war  disturbing  the  peace  of  the  whole  island.  But  essentially 
it  was  part  of  a  long  struggle  between  the  North  and  the  South, 
Parakramabahu  was  for  a  time  compelled  to  take  shelter  at  Vikrama- 
pura,  not  far  from  the  city  of  Polonnaruva.  But  he  succeeded 
ultimately  in  recovering  the  city  and  Manabharana  fled  to  Rohana 
where  he  died. 

Parakramabahu  I  (c.  A.D.  1153-86),  surnamed  Arirajavesya- 
bhujanga,  ruled  for  thirty-three  years  (thirty-two  years  according  to 
one  tradition).  As  we  have  seen,  his  grandmother  Trilokasundarl, 
queen  of  Vijayabahu  I,  was  a  princess  of  the  Ganga  dynasty  of  Kalih- 
ga.  He  married  Rupavati  born  in  the  family  of  king  Klrtisrimegha. 
Parakramabahu  was  a  powerful  king  and  a  great  builder.  He  was 
learned  in  the  science  of  medicine  and  founded  many  hospitals  and 
other  charitable  institutions.  The  city  of  Pulatthinagara  (Polonna¬ 
ruva)  and  old  Anuradhapura,  destroyed  by  the  Cholas,  were  rebuilt 
by  him.  He  laid  out  many  gardens  and  built  numerous  religious  edi¬ 
fices.  He  reorganised  civil  and  military  administrations,  and  his  irri¬ 
gation  works  led  to  the  prosperity  of  his  dominions.  He  also  reorga¬ 
nised  the  Buddhist  Church.  But  he  oppressed  the  subjects  with 
heavy  taxation. 

Parakramabahu  I  suppressed  a  rebellion  of  the  Sinhalese  and 
Kerala  (Malayali)  mercenaries  of  Koshthasara  (a  military  garrison 
not  far  to  the  east  of  Polonnaruva)  who  combined  themselves  with 
the  Dravidian  military  corporation  known  in  Sinhalese  history  as 
the  Velakkaras. 

Queen  Sugala,  wife  of  Srivallabha  and  mother  of  Manabharana, 
was  ruling  independently  over  the  province  of  Rohana  from  Uddha- 
nadvara  (probably  Galabada  near  Monaragala).  She  was  in  the 
posession  of  the  sacred  relics  (Buddha’s  tooth  and  alms-bowl)  which 
were  a  source  of  great  income  and  prestige.  An  expedition  was 
sent  by  Parakramabahu  against  Rohana,  which  was  conquered,  and 
the  sacred  relics  were  secured  for  the  king  of  Ceylon.  But  the 
king’s  authority  could  not  be  firmly  established  in  Rohana  and  ano¬ 
ther  rebellion  in  the  region  had  to  be  suppressed  in  the  8th  regnal 

263 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


year.  Among  the  generals  who  conducted  the  expeditions  in  Rohana 
was  a  Damila  (Tamil)  named  Raksha. 

There  were  formerly  friendly  relations  between  Ceylon  and 
Ramanya  (Lower  Burma).  The  Burmese  contemporary  of  Para¬ 
kramabahu  I,  however,  ill-treated  the  Ceylonese  envoys.  He  raised 
the  prices  of  elephants  and  refused  to  sell  them  to  Ceylon.  He  also 
did  away  with  the  old  custom  of  presenting  an  elephant  to  the 
vessel  carrying  the  Ceylonese  king’s  presents  to  him,  and  on  one 
occasion  seized  a  princess  sent  by  the  Ceylonese  king  to  the  king 
of  Kambuja  (Cambodia).  These  incidents  provoked  Parakrama¬ 
bahu  I  to  order  a  Damila  (Tamil)  general  named  Aditya  to  organise 
a  naval  expedition  against  Arimardanapura  (Pagan,  the  Burmese 
capital).  Ships  were  built  for  five  months  and  were  equipped  with 
rice  and  other  food-stuff,  armours  and  many  hundred  thousands  of 
sharp-pointed  Gokarnaka  arrows  of  iron  for  defence  against  ele¬ 
phants,  different  kinds  of  medicines  in  cow-horns  for  wounds  caused 
by  poisoned  arrows  and  for  treating  diseases  caused  by  poisoned 
water,  iron  pincers  for  extracting  arrow-heads,  skilful  physicians 
and  nurses,  etc.  It  is  said  that  some  of  these  ships  succeeded  in 
landing  Ceylonese  soldiers  in  Ramanya,  and  that  they  defeated  the 
Ram  any  as,  killed  their  king,  and  established  Ceylonese  supremacy 
in  that  country.  The  Ramanyas  are  stated  consequently  to  have 
agreed  to  pay  tribute  in  elephants.  Although  the  story  greatly 
exaggerates  the  amount  of  Ceylonese  success  against  the  Burmese, 
an  inscription3  of  Parakramabahu  I  actually  refers  to  the  king’s 
resolve  to  send  an  expedition  against  Bhuvanaditya,  the  king  of 
Aramana  (Ramanya),  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  reign. 

When  Madura,  capital  of  the  Pandya  king  Parakrama,  was  be- 
seiged  by  his  rival  Kulasekhara  (c.  A.D.  1167-71)  backed  by  the 
Cholas,  Parakrama  Pandya  appealed  to  the  Ceylonese  monarch  for 
help.  Parakramabahu  I  agreed  to  help  the  Pandya  king  who  had, 
however,  been  defeated  and  killed  before  the  Ceylonese  army  land¬ 
ed  in  the  Ramesvara  region  under  the  generals  Lankapura  and 
Jagadvijaya  (called  Jagattraya  in  Chola  records).  The  chronicles 
speak  of  successful  engagements  of  the  Ceylonese  forces  against  the 
lieutenants  of  Kulasekhara,  and  of  the  installation  of  Vira  Pandya, 
son  of  the  deceased  Parakrama  Pandya,  on  the  throne  of  Madura 
by  the  Ceylonese  generals.  But  the  story  is  abruptly  closed  and 
available  evidence  shows  that  it  is  not  a  faithful  account  of  the  whole 
campaign.  The  Chola  records  admit  the  initial  success  of  the  Ceylo¬ 
nese  forces  and  refer  to  Lankapura’s  return  to  the  island  some  time 
before  A.D.  1167-68,  the  date  of  the  Arpakkam  grant,  as  brought 
about  by  divine  aid.4  This  apparently  points  to  the  first  phase  of 


264 


CEYLON 


the  war.  But  the  Pallavarayanpettai  inscription5  of  the  eighth  regnal 
year  (A.  D.  1170-71)  of  the  Chola  king  Rajadhiraja  II  (A.D.  1163-79) 
says  that  Lankapura  was  defeated  and  killed,  that  his  head  was 
nailed  to  the  gate  of  Madura,  and  that  Kulasekhara  was  reinstalled 
in  the  Pandya  capital.  This  was  the  second  phase  of  the  struggle. 
The  third  phase  of  the  war  is  referred  to  in  the  Tiruvalahgadu  in¬ 
scription6  of  the  12th  regnal  year  (A.D.  1174-75)  of  the  same  king. 
This  record  tells  us  how  Kulasekhara  later  allied  himself  with  the 
king  of  Ceylon  and  how  the  Chola  king  deposed  him  and  replaced 
Vira  Pandya  on  the  Pandya  throne.  It  also  refers  to  the  help  the 
Chola  king  rendered  to  Srlvallabha,  nephew  of  the  Ceylonese  king, 
in  his  struggle  against  Parakramabahu  I.  The  next  phase  of  the 
war  is  indicated  by  the  records  of  the  Chola  king  Kulottunga  III 
(A.D.  1178-1216),  which  refer  to  the  expulsion  of  Vira  Pandya  and 
the  Ceylonese  soldiers  being  driven  into  the  sea  by  the  forces  of 
the  Chola  king.7  Vira  Pandya  had  been  won  by  the  Ceylonese 
king  and  the  Chola  monarch  was  now  supporting  Vikrama  Pandya, 
as  stated  above.8 

The  next  ruler  was  Vijayabahu  II  who  ruled  for  one  year 
about  A.D.  1186-87.  He  was  the  son  of  a  sister  of  the  previous 
king  who  had  been  apparently  married  to  a  prince  of  the  Gahga  house 
of  Kalinga.  According  to  a  Polonnaruva  inscription,9  Vijayabahu 
II  was  staying  at  Simhapura,  capital  of  Kalinga,  when  Parakrama¬ 
bahu  summoned  him  to  Lanka.  Vijayabahu  II,  who  was  a  great 
scholar,  is  stated  to  have  contracted  a  friendly  treaty  with  the  king 
of  Arimardanapura  (Pagan,  Burma). 

Mahendra  VI  of  the  Kalinga  clan  then  killed  the  king.  But 
Kirtinihsahka  or  Nihsankamalla,  who  was  born  in  Kalinga  and  was 
the  Uparaja  of  Vijayabahu  II,  killed  Mahendra  VI  after  five  days 
and  became  king.  He  ruled  for  nine  years  (c.  A.D.  1187-96).  The 
inscriptions10  of  Nihsankamalla  state  that  he  was  born  at  Simhapura 
in  Kalinga  as  the  son  of  king  of  Lanka  to  take  over  the  administra¬ 
tion.  This  Jayagopa  seems  to  have  been  a  scion  of  the  Ganga  royal 
family  and  the  ruler  of  a  district  under  the  contemporary  Imperial 
Ganga  monarch. 

Nihsankamalla  built  many  temples,  excavated  a  number  of 
tanks,  and  made  numerous  gardens.  He  set  up  mile-stones  at  every 
gavyuti  on  the  main  roads.  The  king  regularly  visited  the  sacred 
places  on  the  island.  In  his  inscriptions11  he  claims  to  have  fought 
successfully  with  the  Cholas,  Pandyas  and  other  peoples  of  South 
India,  although  the  real  nature  of  the  claim  cannot  be  determined. 
He  also  claims  to  have  built  the  Nihsankesvara  temple  at  Ramesvara 


265 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


on  the  Indian  coast  and  to  have  had  diplomatic  relations  with  dis¬ 
tant  lands  like  Rajputana  and  Cambodia.12 

On  Nihsankamaila’s  death,  his  son  Virabahu  II  seems  to  have 
been  murdered  after  a  rule  of  one  night.  The  next  king  was 
Nihsahkamalla’s  younger  brother  Vikramabahu  III  (or  II)  who 
ruled  for  three  months.  He  was  killed  by  Chodaganga  (c.  A.D. 
1196-97)  who  was  a  sister’s  son  of  Nihsankamalla.  The  name  of  the 
new  ruler  shows  that  he  claimed  relations  with  the  Imperial  Ganga 
monarch  Anantavarman  Chodaganga  of  Kalinganagara.  After  a 
rule  of  nine  months  Chodaganga  was  deposed  by  the  general  Kirti 
who  raised  Lllavatl  (c.  A.D.  1197-1200),  the  first  Mahishi  of  king 
Parakramabahu  I,  to  the  throne. 

After  a  period  of  three  years,  Sahasamalla  of  the  Ikshvaku  clan, 
who  was  really  a  step-brother  of  Nihsankamalla,  ascended  the 
throne  on  the  23rd  August,  A.D.  1200. 13  He  was  deposed  after  a  rule 
of  two  years  (c.  A.D.  1200-1202)  by  the  general  Ayushmat  who 
raised  Kalyanavatl,  the  first  Mahishi  of  Nihsankamalla,  to  the  throne. 
Kalyanavatl  (c.  A.D.  1202-08,  ruled  for  six  years  (six  months  accord¬ 
ing  to  a  tradition). 

Thereafter  general  Ayushmat  raised  to  the  throne  a  boy  of 
three  months,  named  Dharmasoka.  After  a  rule  of  one  year,  the 
young  king  was  killed  together  with  his  general  by  Mahadipada 
Anlkanga  (Aniyanka),  who  was  the  father  of  Dharmasoka  and  came 
from  the  Cho]a  kingdom  with  a  great  army.  But  Anlkanga  was 
himself  killed  after  a  rule  of  seventeen  days  by  a  general  named 
Vikrantachamunakra  who  reinstalled  on  the  throne  queen  Lllavatl,  the 
first  Mahishi  of  Parakrambahu  I,  and  conducted  the  administration 
for  one  year  (c.  A.D.  1209-1210).  Then  Lokesvara  (c.  A.D.  1210-11) 
came  from  South  India  with  a  large  Damila  (Tamil)  army,  subdued 
the  whole  of  Lanka  and  ruled  for  nine  months  (five  months  accord¬ 
ing  to  some  traditions)  at  Polonnaruva.  After  this  a  general  named 
Parakrama  raised  queen  Lllavatl  again  to  the  throne.  The  queen 
ruled  for  seven  months  (four  months  according  to  one  tradition) 
after  which  Parakrama  Pandya  came  from  the  Pandya  kingdom 
with  a  Pandya  army,  deposed  the  queen,  and  ruled  for  three  years 
(c.  A.D.  1211-14).  It  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  he  was  a 
member  of  the  Pandya  branch  of  the  Ceylonese  royal  family  or  a 
scion  of  the  Pandya  dynasty  of  Madura.  Parakrama  Pandya  was 
deposed  by  Magha  (or  Magha)  who  came  from  Kalinga  with  24,000 
soldiers  including  a  large  number  of  Kerala  (Malayali)  mercenaries. 
Magha  (c.  A.D.  1214-35)  then  ascended  the  throne  and  ruled  for 
twenty-one  years  (nineteen  years  according  to  one  tradition).  He 


266 


CEYLON 


was  stated  to  have  oppressed  the  Buddhists  of  the  island  and  des¬ 
troyed  many  Buddhist  monasteries. 

The  Polonnaruva  period  of  Ceylonese  history  ends  with  Magha. 
Th$  later  kings  mostly  ruled  from  places  like  Dambadeniya  (Kuru- 
negala  District),  Gampola,  etc.  But  Polonnaruva  did  not  completely 
lose  its  importance  all  at  once.  Parakramabahu  II  (c.  A.D.  1236-71) 
temporarily  occupied  the  city,  and  Vijayabahu  IV  (c.  A.D.  1271-73) 
and  Parakramabahu  III  (c.  A.D.  1302-10)  ruled  from  there.  But 
none  of  the  later  rulers  enjoyed  supremacy  over  the  whole  island. 
The  Tamils  were  in  occupation  of  wide  areas  since  the  days  of 
Magha.  The  Pandya  kings  of  Madura  invaded  the  island  several 
times  and,  for  nearly  two  decades  about  the  close  of  the  thirteenth 
and  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century,  the  Pandyas  were  the 
dominant  power  in  the  island.  Parakramabahu  III  acknowledged 
the  supremacy  of  the  Pandya  king  Maravarman  Kulasekhara  (A.D. 
1268-1310).  The  Tamil’s  founded  the  kingdom  of  Jaffna  which  for 
some  time  owed  allegiance  to  the  emperors  of  Vijayanagara.  The 
Rajput  mercenaries  appear  also  to  have  exercised  some  influence, 
and  Bhuvanaikabhau  I  is  stated  to  have  succeeded  in  gaining  the 
throne  about  A.D.  1273  with  their  help.  About  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century  the  island  was  invaded  by  a  Javanese  of  Tamra- 
linga,  named  Chandrabhanu,  with  a  mixed  host  of  Pandyas,  Cholas 
and  Javanese.  The  Ceylonese  king  Vira  Alakesvara  or  Vijayabahu 
VI  is  known  to  have  been  captured  by  the  leader  of  a  Chinese  em¬ 
bassy  and  carried  off  to  China  in  A.D.  1411.  All  this  shows  a  period 
of  gradual  decline  which  ultimately  led  to  the  Portuguese  occupation 
of  the  island. 


GENERAL  REFERENCES 

1  The  Polonnaruva  Period  (Special  Issue  of  the  Ceylon  Historical  Journal,  Vol. 
IV,  1954-55),  ed.  by  S.  D.  Saparamadu. 

2  Art  and  Architecture  of  Ceylon  by  S.  Paranavitana,  1954. 

1.  Vol.  IV,  p.  173. 

2.  Ch.  59  of  the  Chulavaihsa  refers  to  Vijayabahu’s  marriage  with  the  Kalinga 
princess  Triloksundar!  and  the  settlement  of  the  three  Kalinga  princes  of 
Simhapura,  capital  of  Kalinga,  in  his  kingdom.  In  this  connection  Geiger 
( Chulavaihsa ,  Eng.  trans.,  Part  I,  p.  213,  note  1)  observes  “SIhapura  (Simha- 
pura)  is  the  town  which  according  to  the  legend  (cf.  Mhvs.  6.35)  was  founded 
in  Lala  (Radha)  by  Vijaya’s  father  Sihabahu.  Lala  borders  in  the  north  of  the 
Kalinga  kingdom,  the  home  of  Triloksundar!,  as  must  be  inferred  from  Mhvs. 
6.  1-5.  The  south-eastern  district  of  Chutia  Nagpur  to  the  west  of  Bengal  is  still 
called  Singbhum.”  It  has,  however,  to  be  noticed  that  in  the  age  of  Vijaya¬ 
bahu  I  (really  from  about  the  end  of  the  sixth  at  least  to  the  end  of  the  twelfth 
century  A.D.),  the  name  Kalinga  was  exclusively  applied  to  the  kingdom  of 
the  Gangas  of  Kalinganagara  (modern  Mukhalingam  near  Srikakulam),  who 
styled  themselves  as  Kaling-ddhipati.  Simhapura  (mod.  Singupuram  in  the 
same  neighbourhood)  was,  however,  the  capital  of  the  Kalinga-adhipatis  in  the 
fourth  and  fifth  centuries.  It  was  no  longer  the  capital  of  Kalinga,  but  may 
have  been  the  residence  of  some  scions  of  the  Ganga  family.  Radha  and 

267 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Kalinga  do  not  appear  to  have  had  contiguous  boundrries  ir  any  known  period 
of  Indian  history.  Simhapura  in  Ra<jihii  (probably  modem  Singur  in  the 
Hooghly  District)  cannot  be  regarded  as  the  same  as  the  Kalinga  capital  of  the 
same  name,  identified  with  modern  Singupuram  near  Srikakulam.  The  repre¬ 
sentation  of  Simhapura  as  the  capital  of  Kalinga  in  the  Mahdvamsa  tradition 
seems  to  be  due  to  the  fact  that  the  chronicle  was  composed  about  the  fifth 
century  while  the  Ckulavamsa  appears  merely  to  have  continued  the  same 
tradition,  although  the  later  capital  of  the  country  was  at  Kalinganagara. 

3.  H.C.P.  Bell,  Report  on  the  Kegalla  District,  A.S.C.,  1892,  pp.  73  ff. 

4.  Sewell,  HISI,  p.  116;  JRAS,  1939,  p.  519. 

5.  El,  XXI.  184. 

6.  Ibid,,  XXH.  86. 

7.  Sewell,  op  cit .,  p.  123. 

8.  P.  246.  Cf.  SII,  206  ff.,  217-18;  ARSIE,  1908,  para.  64;  El,  XXH.  88. 

9.  EZ,  II.  179  ff. 

10.  Cf.  EZ,  II.  98  ff. 

11.  See  Geiger,  Ckulavamsa,  trans.,  Part  II,  p.  128;  n.  6. 

12.  EZ,  I.  No.  9;  H,  No.  17;  H.  W.  Codrington,  A  Short  History  of  Ceylon,  p.  63; 
G.  C.  Mendis,  The  Early  History  of  Ceylon ,  p.  65. 

13.  JRAS,  1909,  pp.  327,  331. 


268 


CHAPTER  XIII 


POLITICAL  THEORY  AND  ADMINISTRATIVE 

ORGANISATION 

I.  POLITICAL  THEORY 

During  the  period  under  review  political  speculation  was  conti¬ 
nued  in  the  Smriti  commentaries  as  well  as  in  independent  works  on 
Nitisastra.  Examples  of  the  former  are  the  justly  famous  commen¬ 
taries  of  Vijhanesvara  and  Apararka  on  Yajnavalkya  and  of  Kulluka 
on  Manu,  while  those  of  the  latter  are  the  Laghv-Arhanmti-sdstra  of 
Hemachandra  and  the  well-known  Sukrariitisara  attributed  to 
Sukracharya,  the  preceptor  of  the  demons.  A  link  between  the  two 
is  presented  by  the  Rdjadharma  sections  of  voluminous  Smrti 
Digests  like  the  Raj  adharmakanda  of  Lakshmidhara’s  Kritya- 
kalpatru. 1 

Beginning  with  the  Smriti  commentaries,  we  have  to  observe 
that  Vijhanesvara  agrees  with  the  liberal  view  of  Medhatithi  on  the 
vexed  question  of  connotation  of  the  term  ‘king.’  He  writes2: — 
“Though  this  aggregate  of  kingly  duties  has  been  laid  down  with 
reference  to  the  king,  this  duty  should  be  understood  to  apply  to 
one  of  another  caste  also  who  is  engaged  in  the  task  of  protecting 
the  province,  the  district,  and  so  forth”.  Justifying  this  view  by  a 
textual  argument  the  author  first  quotes  the  separate  use  of  the 
generic  term  rlripa  (king)  in  Manu-smriti.3  The  second  and  the 
more  important  argument  is  based  upon  the  old  Smriti  conception 
of  the  relation  of  protection  to  taxation.  Levying  taxes,  we  are 
told,  has  protection  for  its  object,  and  protection  in  its  turn 
depends  upon  the  infliction  of  punishment  (dayda).  In  other 
words  the  wide  connotation  of  the  term  ‘king’  so  as  to  make  it 
applicable  irrespectively  of  caste  or  status  is  justified  by  the  fact 
that  taxation  imposes  upon  the  ruler  the  obligation  of  protection. 
Apararka  in  his  commentary  on  the  same  verse  of  Yajnavalkya  justi¬ 
fies  a  similar  interpretation  of  the  term  rdjan  (king)  by  a  general  as 
well  as  a  particular  argument.  All  these  duties  ( dharma ),  he  says, 
have  been  prescribed  for  a  Kshatriya  ruler  of  the  kingdom.  When, 
however,  a  non-Kshatriya  does  this  work,  he  should  perform  the 
whole  set  of  these  duties.  This  view  is  supported  in  general  terms 
by  the  maxim  (nyayd)  that  from  the  performance  of  a  particular 
occupation  follows  the  acquisition  of  its  corresponding  obligation 

269 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


( dharma ).  More  particularly  ws  are  told  that  the  protection  of  sub¬ 
jects  is  involved  in  the  acceptance  of  taxes.  Everyone  who  contri¬ 
butes  wealth,  it  is  explained,  expects  a  benefit  accruing  to  himself, 
while  paying  taxes  has  no  other  object  than  self-preservation  and 
therefore  one  who  takes  the  taxes  is  bound  to  protect  the  people? 
In  other  words  taxation  and  protection  are  the  two  sides  of  a  bar¬ 
gain  between  the  ruler  and  his  subjects.  Thence  follows  the  corol¬ 
lary  that  kingship  is  independent  of  Kshatriya-birth.4 

Of  the  other  Smriti  writers  belonging  to  this  period  reference 
may  be  made  to  Gopala  who  wrote  a  Digest  called  the  Kamadhenu. 
According  to  Gopala  the  king  is  one  who  has  been  consecrated,  since 
the  protection  of  subjects  depends  upon  performance  of  the  king’s 
consecration,  and  knowledge  of  kingly  duties  cannot  be  acquired 
without  it.  In  another  passage,  however,  Gopala  declares  that  the 
coronation  rites  mentioned  in  the  works  on  rajanlti  are  merely  illus¬ 
trative,  and  that  the  king  may  be  proclaimed  simply  by  being  seated 
on  the  throne  according  to  the  particular  usages  of  countries  and 
families.  We  may  mention,  finally,  that  Gopala  repeats  Ankara’s 
view  about  the  claim  of  the  indigent  and  other  classes  to  the  king’s 
wealth  and  about  the  evil  of  rule  of  the  ‘Many’.5 

Lakshmidhara’s  ideas  of  the  origin  and  nature  of  kingship  as 
well  as  of  the  mutual  relation  between  the  ruler  and  his  subjects 
are  based  on  the  old  Smriti  text  of  Manu  and  Narada.  He  believes 
in  the  dogma  of  the  king’s  divine  origin  as  well  as  the  principle  of 
the  people’s  absolute  obligation  of  honouring  him  and  obeying  his 
command.  He  also  holds  with  Manu  that  the  penal  authority  of  the 
king  (or  the  State)  is  the  grand  security  of  the  social  and  the  poli¬ 
tical  order.  The  author  also  quotes6  a  number  of  Smriti  passages  in¬ 
culcating,  often  by  means  of  moral  and  spiritual  sanctions,  the  king’s 
obligation  of  protecting  his  subjects.  On  the  other  hand  it  is 
significant  that  he  is  completely  silent  about  the  texts  justifying 
the  subjects  in  resisting  their  evil  ruler.  In  Hemachandra’s  Laghv- 
Arhanniti  we  have  an  interesting  theory  of  the  origin  of  rajamti,7 
which  ascribes  its  creation  to  the  mythical  prophet-king  Hishabha. 
This  is  evidently  due  to  the  Jain  author’s  attempt  to  mark  the  science 
as  of  Jain  origin.8 

The  Sukranitisara ,9  which  announces  itself  as  a  summary  of  the 
archetypal  riitisastra  work  of  the  god  Brahma  from  the  pen  of  the 
sage  Bhargava  (Sukracharya) ,  is  distinguished  from  early  mediaeval 
complications  of  a  similar  nature  by  the  freshness  and  originality  of 
its  outlook  upon  some  important  political  ideas.  As  regards  the 
scope  of  the  science,  Sukra10  introduces  his  work  with  the  statement 
that  it  has  been  prepared  for  the  benefit  of  kings  and  others.  In 
accordance  with  this  wider  conception  of  the  science,  we  find  that 


270 


POLITICAL  THEORY 


Sukra  devotes  a  separate  chapter1 1  of  his  work  to  the  subject  of 
general  ( sadharand j  nitisastra  applicable  to  all  and  sundry.  Thus 
Politics  (or  more  properly  the  art  of  government)  in  Sukra’s  system 
is  not  (as  in  Kamandaka)  an  independent  branch  of  knowledge  for 
instruction  of  kings  in  statecraft,  but  is  merged  in  a  science  of  general 
morals.  As  the  interests  of  the  rulers  form  the  core  of  this  science, 
nitisastra  is  primarily  the  science  (or  art)  of  good  administration. 
But  since  it  fulfils  a  more  general  purpose  than  the  interest  of  the 
king,  its  use  must  extend  over  a  wider  field.  This  is  explained  by 
the  author12  by  means  of  an  estimate  of  the  relative  values  of  niti- 
sasira  and  the  parallel  sciences.  Other  sciences,  we  read,  enlighten 
the  people  on  only  one  aspect  of  their  activities,  but  nitisastra  is  the 
source  of  subsistence  of  all  classes  and  it  maintains  the  established 
usages  of  men. 

The  ideas  of  kingship  in  the  Sukranitisdra  are  largely  based 
upon  the  thought  of  the  older  writers,  but  they  present  some  points 
of  remarkable,  if  not  original,  interest,  &ukra  is  a  great  believer 
in  the  doctrine  of  karma,  for  he  says13  that  karma  alone  is  the  cause 
of  good  and  evil  conditions  on  this  earth.  Elsewhere14  we  are  told 
that  men  are  directed  towards  virtue  and  vice  by  means  of  desires 
assuming  such  forms  as  would  help  the  fulfilment  of  deeds  done  in 
a  previous  birth,  and  that  most  certainly  everything  happens  in  ac¬ 
cordance  with  such  deeds.  This  doctrine  is  applied  by  §ukra  to 
explain  the  basis  of  the  king’s  authority  over  his  subjects.  The  king, 
we  are  told,16  acquires  his  prowess  and  becomes  a  protector  and 
director  and  the  source  of  delight  through  his  austerities,  and  he  sus¬ 
tains  the  earth  by  his  deeds  done  in  a  previous  birth  as  well  as  his 
austerities.  This  repeats  an  idea  of  Narada,  namely,  that  the  king’s 
authority  is  derived  from  his  own  karma.  The  same  doctrine  is 
repeated  in  other  passages.  In  1.71-72  the  author,  while  boldly 
altering  (as  it  appears)  a  well-knpwn  text  of  Manu,  observes  that  the 
king  becomes  a  lord  of  the  movable  and  immovable  beings  through 
his  own  austerities  ( tapas ),  taking  (for  that  purpose)  the  eternal 
particles  of  Indra,  of  the  Wind,  of  Yama,  of  the  Sun,  of  Fire,  of 
Varuna,  of  the  moon,  and  of  the  lord  of  Wealth  (Kubera).  Lordship, 
we  are  told  in  another  place,16  is  the  reward  of  austerities,  while 
servitude  is  the  penalty  for  sin.  Elsewhere17  we  read  that  lordship 
which  is  superior  in  every  way  to  the  mastery  of  riches  is  the  fruit 
of  no  little  austerities.  With  the  above  idea  of  the  basis  of  the 
king’s  authority  in  his  own  karma,  Sukra  combines  the  old  concep¬ 
tion  of  Manu  and  Bhlshma  in  the  Mahdbharata  about  parallelism  of 
the  king’s  functions  with  those  of  the  Regents  of  the  Quarters.  In 
1.73-76  he  shows  how  the  various  administrative  functions  of  king 
correspond  to  the  respective  attributes  of  the  gods  Indra,  Wind,  the 


271 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Sun,  Yama,  Fire,  Varuna,  the  Moon  and  Kubera.  In  another  verse18 
he  declares  the  king’s  attributes  to  comprise  those  of  the  father, 
the  mother,  the  preceptor,  the  brother  and  the  friend  as  well  as  the 
gods  Kubera  and  Yama,  in  other  words  the  best  human  and  divine 
attributes.  Sukra  likewise  supports  by  some  fresh  arguments19 
the  notion  of  Manu-smriti  and  the  Mahabharata  about  the  influence 
of  the  king  upon  the  time-spirit  (“Zeit-geist”).  According  to  him, 
the  king  stamps  himself  upon  his  Age  through  his  enforcement  of 
the  customs  and  duties  of  the  people  by  the  arm  of  his  political 
authority.  With  this  conception  may  be  compared  the  Mahabharata 
idea20  that  the  king  is  a  maker  of  the  Age-cycle  through  the  degree 
of  his  performance  as  well  as  non-performance  of  dandariiti. 

As  regards  the  idea  of  mutual  relations  of  the  ruler  and  his 
subjects,  Sukra  in  the  first  place  repeats  Kamandaka’s  verses  relat¬ 
ing  to  the  fundamental  importance  of  kingship  under  proper  condi¬ 
tions  for  the  fulfilment  of  the  people’s  needs.  In  his  view  the  secu¬ 
rity  and  prosperity  of  the  people  and  in  short  their  complete  life 
depend  upon  the  intellectual  and  moral  quality  of  their  ruler.  This 
leads  the  author  to  discuss  the  question  of  mutual  dependence  of 
the  ruler  and  his  people.  The  people,  he  says,21  do  not  observe 
their  duties  without  protection  by  the  king,  but  the  king  does  not 
flourish  without  the  people.  Elsewhere  the  author  employs  a  bold 
mythological  simile  to  the  effect  that  the  people  like  the  Queen  of 
Indra  must  never  be  without  a  lord.22  It  is  in  the  light  of  this  con¬ 
ception  that  we  have  to  understand  the  author’s  references  to  the 
obligations  of  subjects  towards  their  ruler.  Describing  the  beha¬ 
viour  of  the  people  visiting  the  king  the  author  says23  that  they 
should  salute  the  king  as  if  he  were  an  incarnation  of  Vishnu.  More 
specifically  he  observes24  that  they  should  not  divulge  the  king’s 
secrets,  nor  even  think  of  injuring  or  slaying  him.  In  another 
place25  in  the  course  of  his  description  of  the  people’s  obligations, 
he  enjoins  them  to  honour  the  king  along  with  the  gods,  the  ascetics, 
the  preceptor,  the  fire  and  learned  men. 

Sukra  asserts  with  equal  emphasis  the  king’s  obligations  which 
include  protection  of  the  people  and  chastisement  of  the  wicked. 
The  author  supports  the  king’s  obligation  with  the  usual  moral  and 
spiritual  sanctions.  Thus  he  includes26  in  a  category  of  three  per¬ 
sons  whom  the  gods  kill  and  cast  down,  the  king  who  fails  in  his 
duty  of  protection.  In  an  earlier  passage27  the  author  enjoins  the 
king  by  the  promise  of  rewards  and  the  threat  of  penalties  to  en¬ 
force  the  observance  of  their  specific  duties  by  the  subjects. 

The  climax  of  this  principle  of  the  king’s  obligation  is  reached 
in  a  striking  passage  applying  the  dogma  of  the  king’s  divine 


272 


POLITICAL  THEORY 


creation  to  the  old  Smriti  conception  of  the  co-ordination  between 
taxation  and  protection.  The  king,  we  read,  having  the  aspect  of  a 
master  was  ordained  by  Brahma  for  the  service  ( dasyatva )  of  the 
people  with  his  own  share  of  the  produce  as  his  fee  ( bhriti )  for  the 
purpose  of  their  consistent  protection. 

Besides  insisting  with  the  older  thinkers  upon  the  king’s  obli¬ 
gation  of  protection,  Sukra  follows  them  in  making  righteousness  the 
rule  of  the  king’s  conduct.  It  is  in  this  connection  that  Sukra  draws, 
practically  for  the  first  time  among  our  ancient  thinkers,  a  sharp 
contrast  between  two  contrary  type  of  rulers,  namely,  the  divine 
and  the  demoniac.  The  king  who  is  righteous,  we  read,29  is  a  por¬ 
tion  of  the  gods,  while  his  reverse,  who  destroys  righteousness  and 
oppresses  the  people,  is  a  portion  of  the  demons.  With  this  may  be 
compared  another  passage30  where  a  king  endowed  with  various 
good  qualities  is  declared  to  be  a  portion  of  the  gods,  while  his  oppo¬ 
site  is  held  to  be  a  portion  of  the  demons  and  destined  for  residence 
in  hell.  In  another  passage31  Sukra  applies  the  philosophical  doc¬ 
trine  of  the  three  qualities  of  substances  to  kings.  There  are,  he 
says,  three  types  of  austerities,  namely,  those  marked  by  Goodness 
(, sattvika ),  Darkness  ( tamasa )  and  Passion  ( rdjasa ),  and  the  king 
assumes  his  distinctive  character  according  as  he  practises  very 
much  one  or  other  of  them.  In  the  following  lines  Sukra,  after  defin¬ 
ing  the  three  types  of  rulers,  declares  that  the  sattvika  king  assimi¬ 
lates  the  particles  of  the  gods,  the  tamasa  type  those  of  the  demons 
and  the  rdjasa  type  those  of  men. 

We  may  conclude  this  brief  survey  of  Sukra’s  political  thought 
with  some  reference  to  his  attitude  towards  the  old  Smriti  idea  of 
the  rights  of  the  subjects  with  reference  to  their  rulers.  Brahmanas, 
he  says  in  one  place,32  incur  no  sin  by  destroying  very  wicked 
Kshatriyas  even  by  fighting  them  with  weapons:  even  so  when 
Kshatriyas  are  oppressed  by  lowly  folk,  Brahmanas  should  quickly 
destroy  them  in  battle.  This  passage  repeats  an  important  principle 
inculcated  by  Bhishma  in  the  Mahdbharata33  namely  that  of  the 
Brahmana’s  right  of  armed  resistance  against  very  oppressive 
Kshatriyas  and  against  lowly  oppressors  of  Kshatriyas.  As  regards 
the  rights  of  the  people  in  general  with  respect  to  their  ruler,  Sukra 
in  one  place  34  it  is  true,  counsels  resignation  to  the  will  of  a  bad 
king  as  to  the  unnatural  acts  of  parents  and  the  inscrutable  ways 
of  Providence.  A  bolder  line  is  taken  up  in  other  passages.  The 
people  are  asked  to  leave  the  land  ruled  by  an  unrighteous  king  and 
constantly  to  frighten  him  by  going  over  to  his  virtuous  and  very 
powerful  enemy.35  In  another  passage30  the  author  concedes  to  the 
people’s  representatives  the  right  of  deposing  the  bad  ruler.  If 

278 


S.E.— IS 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  king,  although  high  born”,  we  read,  “becomes  averse  to  good 
qualities,  policy  and  strength,  and  is  unrighteous,  he  should  be 
repudiated  as  the  destroyer  of  the  kingdom.  In  his  place  the 
Purohita  should  install  a  virtuous  prince  of  his  family  for  protection 
of  the  subjects  after  obtaining  the  approval  of  the  latter.” 

II.  ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 

NORTH  INDIA 

The  decline  and  fall  of  the  Imperial  Pratiharas  of  Kanauj  paved 
the  way  for  the  rise  of  new  powers  in  different  parts  of  North  India. 
Such  were  the  Kalachuris  of  Chedi,  the  Chandellas  of  Jejakabhukti, 
the  Paramaras  of  Malwa,  and  the  Chaulukyas  of  Gujarat.  The 
administrative  organisation  of  these  and  other  contemporary  dynas¬ 
ties  was,  as  might  be  expected,  of  the  same  general  type,  but  there 
were  some  important  differences. 

1.  The  Kalachuris 

The  Kalachuris  of  Chedi  assumed  the  usual  imperial  titles.  The 
most  famous  kings  of  this  dynasty,  namely,  Kama,  Yasahkarna,  and 
Jayasimha  of  the  Tripurl  line  added  to  these  titles  the  epithets  of 
asvapati,  gajapati,  narapati ,  and  rdjatrayddhipati  (king  of  horses, 
king  of  elephantr.  king  of  men,  lord  of  the  three  grades  of  kings).37 
Next  in  importance  +o  the  king  was  the  Crown  Prince  ( maharaja - 
putra )  who  is  often  mentioned  in  the  legal  formula  of  the  Kalachuri 
land-grants.  The  Kalachuri  records,  both  of  the  Tripurl  and  the 
Ratanpur  lines,  speak  of  officers  bearing  the  titles  of  mantripradhana 
(or  pradhanamatya  or  amdtyamukhya)  (chief  minister)  and  also  of 
a  dharmakarmadhikdri  (minister  in  charge  of  religious  endow¬ 
ments).38  We  can  judge  the  high  status  of  the  amatyamukhyas  from 
the  fact  that  Kokalla  II  is  said  to  have  been  raised  to  the  throne 
by  them.39  The  list  of  dignitaries  occurring  in  the  formula  of 
land-grants  of  these  kings  included  the  mahdmdtya,  the  dharma- 
pradhdna,  the  dasamulika,  the  sandhivigrahika,  the  pratihara,  the. 
dushtasadhya,  the  akshapatalika ,  the  pramattavdra,  the  asvasd- 
dhanika ,  and  the  hhdnddgdrika .4°  In  the  above,  mahdmdtya  and 
dharmapradhdna  correspond  respectively  to  pradhanamatya  and 
dharmakarmadhikdri  mentioned  above,  while  sandhivigrahika, 
akshapatalika  and  hhdnddgdrika  are  old  familiar  offices.  The  dushta- 
sddhya  may  perhaps  be  equated  with  the  dauhsddhsadhanika  of  the 
Pala  records.  The  other  titles  are  new  and  difficult  to  explain.  The 
later  records  of  the  Kalachuris*1  substitute  (or  add)  high  imperial 
titles  of  the  type  known  to  the  Gupta  period.  Such  are  mahasandhi- 
vigrahika,  mahapratihdra ,  mahdkshapa\alika,  mahasvasddhanika , 


274 


ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 

mahabhandagdrika  mahdpramatd  and  mahadhyaksha .  As  regards 
the  branch  of  local  administration  we  find  that  the  donated  village 
is  located  in  one  record42  in  a  group  of  12.  This  reminds  us 
of  the  system  of  chiefs’  estates  in  the  Rajput  clan-monarchies,  for  12 
is  an  exact  fraction  of  the  standard  size  (84)  of  such  estates.  The 
reference  to  pattakila  (identified  with  the  modern  Patel )  in  another 
record43  points  to  the  continuation  of  the  traditional  type  of  village 
administration  under  a  headman. 

2.  The  Chandellas 

The  Chandellas  of  Jejakabhukti  used  the  conventional  im¬ 
perial  titles.  A  record  of  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century44 
mentions  among  their  officers  of  State  a  mantrl  (minister)  bearing 
the  titles  of  mahdmahattaka  and  mandalika ,  a  sandhivigrahika 
(minister  of  foreign  affairs),  a  kottapala  (city  prefect)  and  a  sreshthi 
(banker)  who  was  also  the  writer  of  deeds.  The  last  three  formed 
a  Board  of  pahchakula  as  well  as  the  dharmddhikarana  (court  of 
justice)  for  adjudicating  upon  the  disputes  of  merchants.  The  care 
of  administration  for  the  families  of  deceased  soldiers  is  illus¬ 
trated  by  an  unusually  interesting  inscription  of  A.  D.  1205, 45  which 
records  the  grant  of  two  villages  by  way  of  maintenance  for  death 
on  the  battlefield.  In  the  branch  of  local  government,  we  find 
villages  being  grouped  into  vishayas  or  pathakas  (districts),  but  we 
have  no  reference  to  the  titles  of  officers  placed  in  charge  of  them. 
Some  light  is  thrown  upon  village  administratipn  by  the  fact  that 
the  adhikritamahattamas  are  sometimes46  mentioned  in '  the  list 
of  persons  to  whom  the  king’s  grant  of  land  is  announced. 
These  officers  apparently  correspond  to  the  mahattarddhikdrins  (the 
executive  Board  of  the  assembly  of  mahattaras )  who  are  met  with 
elsewhere. 


3.  The  Paramaras 

The  Paramaras  adopted  the  usual  imperial  titles.  Among  their 
high  officers  of  State  are  mentioned  the  mahasandhivigrahika 
(minister  of  foreign  affairs),  the  dandadhlsa  (commander-in-chief) 
and  the  like.47  In  Merutunga’s  account  of  king  Munja  ( Prabandha - 
chintamani)  reference  is  made  to  a  faithful  mahamatya  of  the  king, 
who  committed  suicide  in  sheer  despair  when  he  found  his  master 
embarking  on  an  expedition  against  his  advice48  The  villages  in 
the  Paramara  kingdom  were  grouped  into  larger  units  called  in 
the  ascending  order,  pratijagaranaka,  pathaka  (or  bhoga  or  vishaya) 
and  mandala .  They  were  also  gathered  into  units  bearing  the 
name  of  the  chief  village  with  various  numeral  endings  (12,  16,  17, 


275 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


36,  37,  48  and  84).  The  villages  were  in  charge  of  the  usual 
pattakila  (headman). 


4.  The  Gahadavdlas 

• 

The  heirs  of  the  Imperial  Pratiharas  in  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Middle  Ganga  valley  were  the  kings  of  the  Gahadavala  dynasty 
who  ruled  for  more  than  a  century  (c.  A.D.  1090-1193).  The 
Gahadavala  kings  adopted  the  usual  imperial  titles,  to  which  king 
Govindachandra  added  the  epithets  of  asvapati,  gajapati ,  narapati, 
and  rajatrayadhipati  mentioned  above.49  The  Queens  assumed  the 
corresponding  dignified  titles  of  pattamahadevi  and  mahardjni,  and 
they  claimed  to  be  invested  with  all  royal  prerogatives.60  The 
Crown  Prince  (mahdrajaputra) ,  who  was  similarly  invested  with 
all  royal  rights,  is  sometimes51  further  said  to  be  consecrated  to 
yauvarajya.  The  Mahdrajaputra  Yuvaraja  Govindachandra  made 
the  largest  number  of  his  land-grants  in  his  father’s  life-time  with¬ 
out  even  the  formality  of  the  king’s  permission.  Among  the  offi¬ 
cials  mentioned  in  the  formula  of  the  grants  are  included  the 
mantri ,  the  sendpati ,  the  pratihdra,  the  bhdndtirika,  the  akshapa - 
talika ,  and  the  duta.52  All  these  offices  are  known  from  earlier 
times.  The  same  formula  mentions  adhikaripurushas  in  charge  of 
districts  ( vishayas )  and  towns  ( pattanas ).  This  suggests  the  usual 
type  of  local  government  with  State  officers  placed  in  charge  of 
districts  and  towns.  The  donated  villages  as  a  rule  are  located  in 
pattalas  which  may  refer  to  fiscal  rather  than  administrative 
divisions. 


5.  The  Senas 

The  Senas  of  Bengal,  on  the  whole,  continued  the  administra¬ 
tive  organisation  of  their  Pala  predecessors,  but  there  were  some 
new  developments.  From  the  time  of  Vijayasena  the  kings  assumr 
ed  the  usual  imperial  titles.  The  later  kings  used  the  additional 
titles  of  asvapati ,  gajapati  and  narapati  known  to  us  from  the 
records  of  the  Kalachuri  and  Gahadavala  kings.  The  list  of  per¬ 
sons  mentioned  in  the  formula  of  the  Sena  land-grants  comprised 
a  number  of  High  Imperial  Officers  of  the  types  known  to  the 
Gupta  Empire.  Such  were  the  mahadharmadhyaksha  (chief  justice), 
mahasandhivigrahika  (minister  of  foreign  affairs),  mahasendpati 
(commander-in-chief),  mahdmudradhikrita  (keeper  of  the  Great 
Seal),  mahdkshapatalika  (chief  accounts  officer),  mahapratihdra 
(chief  of  palace  guards),  mahavyuhapati  (or  mahabhogapati)  (prob¬ 
ably  a  military  title),  mahapilupati  (chief  trainer  of  elephants), 
and  mahdganastha  (apparently  a  military  title).  Other  officials 
mentioned  in  the  same  formula  are  the  rdjdmdtya  (senior  order  of 


276 


ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 


amatyas),  the  antarahga,  the  brihaduparika ,  the  dauhsadhanika , 
the  chauroddharanika  (police  officer),  the  gaulmika  (probably  a 
military  officer),  the  dandapdsika  (police  officer),  the  dandanayaka 
(general)  and  the  vishayapati  (district  officer).  Among  these,  the 
offices  of  mahasdndhivigrahika,  the  mahakshapatalika,  the  mahd- 
senapati  and  the  mahapratihdra  as  well  as  those  of  the  rajtimatya. 
the  dauhsadhanika ,  the  chauroddharanika ,  the  gaulmika ,  the  danda- 
pasika,  and  the  vishayapati  were  known  to  the  Pala  administration. 
The  other  names  are  mostly  new  and  of  uncertain  meaning.  A 
striking  feature  of  the  Sena  administration  was  the  political  influ¬ 
ence  of  the  Queen  and  the  purohita  who  are  now  mentioned  for 
the  first  time  in  the  formula  of  the  Bengal  land-grants.  The  Senas 
continued  some  of  the  Pala  administrative  divisions  ( bhukti )  with 
their  nomenclature.63  A  uniform  standard  measurement  for  the 
cultivated  lands  was  still  wanting,  for  the  size  of  the  donated  lands 
is  given  in  the  different  records  according  to  the  different  local  or 
royal  standards.64  The  Senas,  however,  carried  out  a  bold  mea¬ 
sure  of  land-revenue  reform  in  the  shape  of  cash  assessment  of  the 
land  at  standard  rates.55 


6.  The  Chahamanas 

The  administrative  organisation  of  the  Chahamanas,  both  of 
the  main  line  of  :§akambhari  and  Ajmer  and  of  the  branch  lines  ot 
Marwar.56  has  some  striking  features.  One  of  the  oldest  records 
of  the  main  line67  bearing  the  date  1030  V.S.  (A.D.  973)  mentions 
various  estates  as  being  held  by  the  king  and  junior  princes  of  the 
clan.  This  description  fits  in  with  the  type  of  Rajput  clan- 
monarchies  to  which  reference  has  been  made  above.  In  the  same 
record  the  gift-villages  are  located  in  one  case  in  a  group  of  12 
comprised  ’within  a  vishaya .  This  illustrates  the  super-imposition 
of  the  new  system  of  clan-chief’s  estates  upon  the  older  division 
into  vishayas.  We  have  a  unique  document  dated  1198  V.S.  (A.D. 
1141)  illustrating  the  municipal  administration  in  vogue  under  the 
Chahamanas  of  Nadol.  In  this  record68  the  whole  people  of  a  town 
headed  by  sixteen  Brahmanas  (two  being  selected  from  each  ward) 
tender  a  document  signed  with  their  own  hands.  By  it  they 
solemnly  promise  to  find  out  in  accordance  with  the  custom  of  the 
country  whatever  is  lost  by  (or  snatched  away  from)  the  bhatas, 
the  bhattaputras,  dauvdrikas ,  and  others  on  their  way.  A  large 
number  of  witnesses  (including  the  whole  class  of  bankers)  bears 
witness  to  this  document. 


277 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


III.  ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 

SOUTH  INDIA 

1.  The  Chalukyas 

The  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana,  who  succeeded  the  Rashtrakutas  in 
the  sovereignty  of  the  Deccan,  adopted  the  usual  imperial  titles. 
To  this  they  addded  such  characteristic  epithets  as  samastabhuva - 
nasraya  (refuge  of  the  whole  world),  sriprithivivallabha  (favourite 
of  fortune  and  the  earth),  Satydsrayakulatilaka  (forehead-orna¬ 
ment  of  the  family  of  Satyasraya)  and  Chalukyabharana  (ornament 
of  the  Chalukyas) .  Among  their  high  officers  of  State  are 
mentioned  the  dandanayaka  (general),  the .  mahaprachandadanda- 
nayaka  (great  august  general),  the  dharrrvddhikdrin  (superintendent 
of  religious  affairs,  according  to  Barnett,  or  better  perhaps,  chief 
justice),  the  mahdpradhdna  (high  minister)  and  the  sandhivi- 
grahika  (minister  of  foreign  affairs).  A  new  tendency  towards 
specialisation  of  officers  is  illustrated  by  such  titles  as  tddeya- 
dandandyaka  (general  in  charge  of  reserves),  Lala-sandhivigrahika 
(minister  of  peace  and  war  for  the  Lala  country),  Heri-sandhivi - 
grahika  and  Kannada-sandhivigrahika  (minister  of  peace  and  war 
for  the  Kannada  country).69  A  record60  commemorates  a  Brah- 
mana  family,  whose  ancestor  was  the  king’s  chief  preceptor,  and 
which  furnished  three  generations  of  dan^anayakas  to  the  State 
service.  Another  Brahmana,  whose  father  held  the  post  of  treasurer, 
was  successively  appointed  sdndhivigrahika  of  two  different  va¬ 
rieties  and  was  invested  with  all  the  insignia  of  royalty  by  the  kings.61 
Like  other  imperial  dynasties  the  Chalukyas  allowed  the  combina¬ 
tion  of  different  offices  in  the  same  hands.  We  have  the  example  of 
a  dharmddhikdrin  who  was  also  a  mahdpradhdna  and  a  danda- 
ndyaka .62  Another  dandanayaka  held  the  offices  of  mahdpradhdna, 
Kannada-sandhivigrahika  and  maneverggade  (master  of  the  house¬ 
hold)  together  with  the  title  of  mahasamantadhipati  (great  lord  of 
feudatories).63 

When  we  turn  to  the  branch  of  local  administration,  we 
find  that  the  towns  and  villages  belonging  to  the  South  Maratha 
country  were  grouped  into  Districts  containing  small  numeral  end¬ 
ings  (30  etc.),  which  again  were  united  into  Divisions  with  higher 
numeral  endings  (1000  etc.).  Reference  is  also  made  to  units  of  70 
and  300  villages  which  were  comprised  within  the  larger  groups 
of  500  and  2000  respectively.64  The  districts  were  ruled  by  officers 
called  mahamandalesvara  and  the  like,  whose  office  was  sometimes 
shared  by  their  wives.®6 

In  the  Kannada  tract  under  Chalukya  rule,  the  local  adminis¬ 
tration  was  somewhat  more  complex.  We  hear  of  administrative 


278 


ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 


divisions  with  numeral  endings  varying  from  32,000,  12,000,  etc. 
through  3,000,  2,000,  1,000,  etc.  to  500,  300,  etc.  Reference  is  also 
made  to  kampanas  (counties)  of  20  and  30  comprised  in  a  group  of 
500. 66  In  one  instance67  five  towns  are  said  to  be  included  in  a 
group  of  140.  Elsewhere,68  in  complete  disregard  of  the  system  of 
numeral  endings,  we  are  introduced  to  a  number  of  nddus  included 
in  two  desas.  The  larger  administrative  divisions  were  governed 
by  Princes,  high  officials  (like  dan^anayakas)  and  feudatories.  Fre¬ 
quently  the  governors  of  the  larger  divisions  also  held  charge  of 
smaller  divisions  of  500,  300,  etc.  or  of  groups  of  towns,  or  even  of 
special  departments  of  taxation.69  Sometimes  they  held  additional 
appointments  like  mahdpradhana,  ‘President  of  the  Intendants’, 
‘Steward  of  the  Household,’  ‘Provincial  Registrar,’  and  ‘Minister  of 
peace  and  war.’  The  smaller  divisions  were  often  governed70  by 
officials  such  as  prabhus,  ndl-gdvundas ,  and  dandanayakas ,  or  else  by 
feudatories.  Sometimes71  they  held  charge  of  two  groups  of  300 
and  70,  of  two  desas  and  the  like.  In  one  remarkable  instance72  a 
nddu  is  found  to  be  governed  jointly  by  a  dandanatha  and  a  maha- 
pradhana.  This  would  suggest  a  division  of  civil  and  military  com¬ 
mand  in  the  district  administration. 

The  administration  of  the  provincial  governors  and  district 
officers  in  the  Kannada  area  was  modelled  on  that  of  the  central 
government.  The  governors  had  under  them  officers  called  maha- 
prachandadandandyaka  (great  august  general),  sandhivigrahadhi- 
kara  (minister  of  peace  and  war)  and  the  like,  who  often  had  the 
additional  offices  of  mahdpradhana  (chief  minister),  steward  of  the 
royal  household  and  so  forth.73.  A  Chalukya  Princess  AkkadevI,  while 
governing  three  groups  of  60,  70,  and  140,  had  under  her  a  council 
of  seven  ministers  comprising  the  mdne-perggade  (steward  of  the 
household),  the  two  tantrapalas  (councillors),  a  pradhana  (minister), 
an  ally  a  (meaning  unknown),  a  steward  of  the  betel-bag  and  a  secre¬ 
tary  to  the  council.74  Under  the  same  administration  we  find 
ministers  of  State  ( pradhana )  along  with  the  ndda-p  erg  gage,  the 
secretary,  and  the  chief  justice  ( dharmadhyaksha )  joining  together 
in  granting  statutory  constitution  to  a  temple.  The  constitution 
was  renewed  four  years  later  by  the  administrative  officials 
(karanas),  headed  by  the  steward  (perggade).75  There  were,  besides, 
separate  officers  charged  with  the  administration  of  different 
branches  of  taxation.  Not. only  the  ndl-gdvundas,  but  also  the  taxa¬ 
tion  officers,  had  the  right  of  assigning  portions  of  the  revenue  for 
pious  objects.76  The  officers  in  charge  of  groups  of  500  and  the  like 
had  the  right  of  assigning  towns  for  the  same  purpose.77 


279 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


A  remarkable  feature  of  local  administration  of  the  Chalukyas 
is  the  frequent  appointment  of  ladies  to  the  governorships  of  pro¬ 
vinces  and  minor  administrative  divisions.  We  have  an  instance78 
of  a  Chalukya  Queen  administering  a  group  of  12,000.  During  the 
period  from  Saka  937  to  976  the  Princess  Akkadevi  governed  a  group 
of  70  to  which  were  afterwards  added  groups  of  60  and  140.  *What 
is  more,  she  governed  for  some  time  a  province  of  12000  along  with 
a  mahamandalesvara .79  Another  Chalukya  Princess  governed  in 
company  with  her  husband  a  province  of  12000  along  with  smaller 
tracts  in  A.D.  1125,  while  in  the  next  year  she  herself  governed  a 
division  of  900  along  with  other  groups.80  The  high  official  status 
of  the  wives  of  governors  also  appears  in  some  recorded  examples. 
Thus  we  find  a  petition  being  addressed  through  a  mahdmandale- 
svara  and  his  wife  to  the  Emperor  for  grant  of  an  estate.81  In 
another  record  the  wife  of  a  governor  herself  grants  lands  to  a 
temple.32 

In  the  Kannada  tract  the  towns  and  villages  often  enjoyed  a 
corporate  constitution.  The  Chalukya  records  repeatedly  introduce 
us  to  assemblies  of  mahajanas  consisting  of  1000,  200,  104,  and  the 
like.83  We  have  a  peculiar  instance  84  of  a  town  having  a  larger 
assembly  of  1000  mahajanas  along  with  a  smaller  assembly  of  100. 
Ordinarily  the  assemblies  had  at  their  head  officers  called  ur-odeya 
(mayor),  gavunda  (sheriff)  or  perggade  (steward).  But  there  are  in¬ 
stances  of  a  single  village  having  as  many  as  three  gavundas  at  its 
head,85  of  towns  being  in  charge  of  a  committee  of  30, 86  and  of  six 
gavundas  and  eight  setthls  controlling  the  affairs  of  a  town  for  no 
less  than  74  years  (Saka  932-1006). 87  An  interesting  record88 
shows  how  a  town  enjoyed  a  statutory  constitution  guaranteed  by 

official  charter.  From  this  document  we  learn  how  8  setthls  and  80 

•  • 

households,  representing  a  town,  obtained  from  the  local  council  of 
ministers  and  administrators,  headed  by  the  county-sheriff,  a  rene¬ 
wal  of  their  corporate  regulations,  in  so  far  as  they  had  broken 
down  owing  to  the  calamities  of  the  Chola  invasion.  These  regula¬ 
tions  were  concerned  with  taxes  and  penalties  for  various  offences 
that  were  payable  by  the  townsmen.  A  comparison  with  the  similar 
charter  of  A.D.  725  granted  by  Prince  Vikramaditya  of  the  earlier 
Chalukya  dynasty,  to  which  reference  has  been  made  above,  perhaps 
may  be  taken  to  prove  the  greater  extent  of  administrative  decentra¬ 
lisation  under  the  later  dynasty. 

The  Chalukya  records  also  give  us  glimpses  into  the  functions 
of  these  local  bodies.  The  queens,  the  high  officials  and  private  indi¬ 
viduals,  when  making  permanent  endownments  in  favour  of  temples, 
frequently  appointed  the  ur-odeyas  (or  the  gavundas),  the  committee 
in  charge  of  the  towns,  or  the  assembly  of  mahajanas,  to  be  trustees 


280 


ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 


for  their  charities.89  Again,  the  ur-o^eyas  (or  the  gdvundas )  and 
the  assemblies  sometimes  sold  or  donated  lands  (evidently  owned 
by  themselves)  to  private  individuals 90 

Like  other  imperial  dynasties  of  ancient  India,  the  Chalukyas 
of  Kalyana  wisely  allowed  a  number  of  feudatories  to  enjoy  a  limited 
autonomy  under  the  suzerainty  of  the  paramount  power.  The  great 
feudatory  families  like  the  Kadambas  of  Hangal,  the  Sindas  of 
Sindavadi  and  the  Silaharas  of  Northern  Konkan  bore  the  title  of 
king  or  maharriandlesvara,  or  both.  They  had  a  staff  of  officials 
similar  to  that  of  the  paramount  power.  Frequently  they  allowed 
the  combination  of  different  offices  in  the  same  hands.  Thus  a 
twelfth  century  record  of  a  Sinda  chief91  refers  to  an  officer  bearing 
the  titles  of  sarvadhikarl  (general  officer,  or  perhaps  chief  minister), 
mantrichudamani  (crest-jewel  of  ministers),  mahdpradhana  (high 
minister)  and  bearer  of  the  betel-bag.  Definite  reference  is  made 
to  a  council  of  ministers  in  a  record92  of  a  feudatory  Chalukya  chief 
belonging  to  A.D.  1079.  In  this  council  were  included,  among  others, 
an  amatyakesan  (chief  minister),  a  sdmanta,  a  parabola  (military 
commander) ,  an  amdtya  (minister)  and  the  amdtyas  of  two  Queens.93 
In  the  record  just  mentioned  the  reference  to  the  amdtyas  of  queens 
suggests  that  the  wives  of  feudatories  held  administrative  posts  under 
them.  We  have  records  of  Kadamba  chiefs  who  ruled  jointly 

with  their  Queens.94  The  feudatories  often  had  sub-feudatories 

* 

holding  seigniories  (manneyas  under  them,  this  last  being  some¬ 
times  in  possession  of  the  same  family  for,  several  generations.96  The 
feudatories  and  even  the  holders  of  manneyas  had  sufficient  freedom 
to  freely  assign  lands  on  their  own  authority.96 

2.  The  Cholas 

The  administration  of  the  Imperial  Cholas  from  the  time  of 
Rajaraja  I  (A.  D.  985-1014)  onwards  was  a  continuation  of  that 
of  their  predecessors  with  the  added  magnificence  derived  from  their 
political  greatness.  It  is  a-  sign  of  their  increased  dignity  that  the 
Cholas  assumed  such  high-sounding  titles  as  ‘Chakravartigal’  and 
‘Emperor  of  the  three  worlds.’  We  even  find  temples  being  raised 
over  the  mortal  remains  of  kings  and  princes,  and  images  of  kings 
and  queens  being  set  up  in  temples  for  worship.  Though  the  Cholas 
do  not  seem  to  have  possessed  a  regular  council  of  ministers  they 
had  a  body  of  executive  officers  ( udan-kutfam )  in  immediate  attend¬ 
ance  on  their  persons.  These  last  may  have  served  as  liaison  officers 
between  the  king  and  the  bureaucracy.  The  Chola  officials  enjoyed 
distinctive  titles  which  practically  marked  them  off  as  a  separate 
order  of  nobles.  Even  the  higher  and  lower  grades  of  the  service 
were  distinguished  by  similar  titles.  We  have  observed  elsewhere 


281 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

the  composite  administrative  machinery  and  the  complex  official 
procedure  involved  in  the  royal  grant  of  lands  in  the  time  of  Raja- 
raja  I.  A  record  of  Virarajendra,97  ordering  certain  contributions 
paid  by  a  village  to  be  chargeable  thenceforth  on  the  public  reve¬ 
nues,  illustrates  the  same  complex  process.  The  king’s  oral  order 
was  first  committed  to  writing  by  a  Secretary  and  then  signed  by 
three  Chief  Secretaries.  It  was  then  ordered  to  be  entered  in  the 
Accounts  by  three  authorising  officers  and  was  endorsed  by  38 
officers  belonging  to  the  department  of  royal  attendants  ( udan - 
kuttam)  and  the  department  of  officers  issuing  permits  and  arbitra¬ 
tions.  This  was  followed  by  a  meeting  of  thirty-two  officers  of  the 
Accounts  department,  when  four  authorised  the  entry,  one  read  the 
order,  one  made  the  entry,  and  one  issued  the  revised  account. 

We  have  a  record98  of  two  great  ministers  of  Rajadhiraja  II. 
One  of  them  first  helped  to  secure  the  succession  of  the  young  king 
after  the  death  of  his  predecessor.  Then  the  minister  distingushed 
himself  in  a  campaign  against  the  Sinhalese  invaders  allied  with  a 
claimant  to  the  Pandya  throne.  Finally,  applying  himself  to  the 
task  of  administration  he  appointed  persons  (as  we  are  told)  capable 
of  bearing  the  burden  of  government  after  his  death.  The  other 
minister  won  a  great  victory  over  the  Pandya  king  who  had  treache¬ 
rously  allied  himself  with  the  Sinhalese  invaders  against  the  Chola 
sovereign. 

In  the  later  Chola  period  the  village  assemblies  continued  to 
function  on  the  whole  as  in  the  earlier  period."  Two  inscriptions 
of  A.D.  1185  and  1190  supply  us  with  instances  of  Chola  kings  lay¬ 
ing  down,  on  the  initiative  of  the  State  officials,  rules  for  the  election 
of  the  executive  by  the  village  assemblies.  But  other  records  be¬ 
longing  to  A.D.  1232  and  1233  prove  that  the  village  assemblies  could 
frame  rules  as  before,  regarding  the  meetings  and  qualifications  of 
their  executive.  We  have  an  unusually  interesting  record  of  A.D. 
1225  which  mentions  a  series  of  decisions  by  the  mulaparishat  of  a 
temple  on  the  question  of  election  of  the  executive  body  of  an 
assembly  and  its  management  of  the  village  revenues.  This  seems 
to  suggest  that  the  villa ge-mahasabha,  failing  to  reach  satisfactory 
decision  on  matters  vitally  affecting  its  activities,  sought  the  assist¬ 
ance  of  another  local  authority.100 

3.  The  Yddavas 

The  administration  of  the  Yadavas  of  Devagiri  was  substantially 
a  continuation  of  that  of  their  Chalukya  predecessors  in  the 
sovereignty  of  the  Deccan.  From  the  time  of  Bhillama  (A.D.  1185- 
1193)  the  kings  assumed  the  title  of  maharajadhiraja,  sometimes  with 

282 


ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 

the  addition  of  the  other  titles.101  Among  their  chief  officers  are 
mentioned  the  mahapradhana,  the  senapati,  the  dan^anayaka  and  so 
forth.  The  Yadavas  seem  to  haVe  introduced  a  new  nomenclature 
(desas  sub-divided  into  khampanakas)  for  their  administrative  divi¬ 
sions  in  the  Maratha  country.  But  the  old  numeral  endings  (12000, 
140,  etc.)  were  continued  in  the  Kannada  area.  Like  their  Chalukya 
predecessors,  the  Yadavas  had  feudatories  and  lords  of  manneyas 
(Seigniories)  under  them.  We  have  an  interesting  record102  illus¬ 
trating  the  attempt  of  the  paramount  power  to  bring  the  holder  of 
a  manneya  under  control.  It  tells  us  how,  while  the  manneya  was 
being  held  by  a  mahdmandalesvara,  a  special  commission  was  ap¬ 
pointed  by  the  central  government  for  its  administration. 

4.  The  Hoysalas 

We  now  turn  to  the  administration  of  the  Hoysalas  of  Dora- 
samudra  who  became  the  leading  power  in  the  Mysore  region  after 
the  downfall  of  the  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana.  The  Hoysalas  at  first 
were  content  with  the  feudatory  title  of  mahdmandalesvara,  indicat¬ 
ing  submission  to  the  Chalukya  paramount  power.  But  Vlra  Ballala 
H  assumed  the  full  imperial  titles  of  his  Chalukya  predecessors, 
namely,  samastabhuvanasraya  (refuge  of  the  whole  world), 
sriprithivivallabha  (favourite  of  fortune  and  the  earth)  ,mahdrdjd- 
dhirdja,  paramesvara,  and  so  forth.  Among  the  high  officers  of  State 
under  the  Hoysalas  are  mentioned  the  mahapradhana,  the  sarvddhi - 
kart,  the  senapati ,  the  darujindyaka,  and  the  mahqprachandadanda- 
nayaka.  We  have  frequent  instances  of  the  combination  of  different 
offices  under  the  same  officer,  e.g.  of  mahapradhana  and  d^ndandyaka, 
of  mahapradhana  and  sarvddhikdri  and  so  forth.103  We  hear  of  two 
groups  of  70  being  governed  by  a  mahapradhana  senapati  danda - 
nay  aka  and  of  a  district  ( nod )  being  ruled  by  the  samastasenadhipati 
of  a  mahapradhana.10*  The  village  assemblies  under  the  Hoysalas 
retained  their  old  functions.  We  have  instances  of  a  village  mahar 
sabha  (assembly)  receiving  gifts  of  money  for  providing  worship 
in  a  temple  out  of  the  resulting  interest,  and  of  village  mahajanas 
receiving  another  village  tax-free.  The  village  assembly  enjoyed  its 
own  revenues  and  owned  its  own  lands.  We  hear  of  the  mahajanas 
of  a  village  granting  certain  customs  duties  for  the  benefit  of  a 
temple,  and  of  these,  along  with  certain  gdvundas  and  prabhus , 
granting  lands  to  a  temple.  We  have  an  interesting  reference  to  a 
judicial  trial  by  a  collective  body  of  villages  in  a  record  which  says 
that  when  a  dispute  arose  about  the  boundary  of  a  field,  men  of 
nine  nodus  assembled  together  and  gave  their  decision  after  exami¬ 
nation  of  the  boundaries.106 


288 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


5.  The  Pandyas 

The  administration  of  the  later  Pandyas,  who  became  the  lead¬ 
ing  power  in  Southern  India  in  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.,  followed 
the  same  general  lines  as  that  of  their  Chola  predecessors.  The 
greatest  Pandya  king,  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  (acc.  A.D.  1251), 
assumed  the  titles  of  mahardjadhiraja,  paramesvara  and  so  forth.  A 
peculiarity  of  the  later  Pandya  administration  was  the  institution  of 
joint  rulers  (or  “co-regents”),  which  is  specially  noted  by  the  con¬ 
temporary  foreign  observers.106  Among  the  high  officials  of  the 
Pandya  State  is  mentioned107  the  Prime  Minister  who  received 
grants  of  land  that  were  purely  personal.  We  have  good  reason 
to  believe  that  there  existed  under  the  later  Pandyas  an  ela¬ 
borate  official  procedure  for  the  royal  grant  of  revenue-free  lands 
to  Brahmanas  and  temples.  Justice  in  the  Pandya  kingdom  was 
administered  in  the  first  instance  by  village  assemblies  and  other 
local  authorities.  Only  in  case  of  their  failure  were  the  disputes 
carried  to  the  king’s  officers,  or,  in  the  extreme  cases,  to  the  king 
himself.  The  village  assemblies  continued  to  function  as  in  the 
earlier  times.  Mention  is  made  of  a  committee  of  justice  in  one  vil¬ 
lage  and  of  an  executive  committee  in  another.  We  have  also  a 
record  of  a  village  assembly  buying  a  plot  of  land  and  letting  it  out 
on  permanent  lease  at  a  fixed  rental.  There  is  a  remarkable  instance 
of  collective  action  on  the  part  of  the  people  of  eighteen  provinces 
( visho.yas )  who  assembled  together  and  made  an  agreement  to  col¬ 
lect  funds  for  the  building  of  a  temple.108 


1.  Kanda  XI.  For  the  Smriti  works  in  the  above  list  we  have  followed  the 
chronology  of  Kane.  Hemachandra  was  a  contemporary  of  Kumarapala  of 
Gujarat  (above,  pp.  76-8). 

2.  On  Yd],  I.  368. 

3  .  vn.  1. 

4.  The  keen  interest  displayed  by  the  Smriti  commentators  of  this  period  on  the 
subject  of  incidence  of  kingly  duties  is  perhaps  to  be  explained  by  the  then  cur¬ 
rent  political  situation.  It  seems  probable  that  the  upheaval  of  the  Muslim  in¬ 
vasions  of  Northern  Tndia  gave  the  opportunity  to  provincial  and  district  officers, 
not  always  of  the  Kshatriya  caste,  to  assert  their  authority  in  various  parts  of 
the  country.  The  question  of  status  of  such  persons  could  not  but  be  a  matter 
of  practical  interest  to  the  Hindu  jurists  of  the  time.  (The  view  put  forward  in 
the  present  place  is  somewhat  different  from  that  presented  for  the  first  time 
in  the  author's  work  A  History  of  Hindu  Political  Theories, 2  p.  195) . 

5.  For  the  passages  of  Gopala’s  Kamadhenu  mentioned  above,  see  quotations  in 
Chandesvara’s  Rdjamtiratnakara,  2  and  85. 

6.  Kritya ka Ipataru,  Rajadharma  Kdn<jia,  pp.  83-86. 

7.  I.  *8-17. 

8.  For  full  details,  see  Dr.  U.  N.  Ghoshal,  A  History  of  Hindu  Political  Theories,2 
pp.  203-4. 

9.  The  standard  Edition  of  Gustav  Oppert  has  been  followed.  [The  SukraruUsarc 
was  first  edited  by  Gustav  Oppert  (Madras,  1882)  and  has  been  translated  by 
B.  K.  Sarkar  in  S.B.H.  series.  Oppert  regarded  it  as  an  early  work,  belonging 
to  the  period  of  the  “Smriti  and  the  early  epic  literature”  (preface,  p.  viii). 

284 


ADMINISTRATIVE  ORGANISATION 


Others  have  referred  it  to  Gupta  period  (Dr.  Syamlal  Pandya — Sukra  ki  Raja- 
nlti  (in  Hindi),  Lucknow,  2009  V.  S.  Ch.  IX).  On  the  other  hand,  modern 
scholars  generally  regard  it  as  of  a  late  date  ( KHDS ,  I.  116).  According  to 
Keith,  it  “is  a  work  of  quite  late  date  which  mentions  the  use  of  gunpowder  and 
is  of  no  value  whatever  as  evidence  for  early  Indian  usage  or  philosophy” 
( HSL ,  464).  Dr.  U.  N.  Ghoshal,  the  author  of  this  chapter,  regards  it  as  a  work 
of  the  early  medieval  period  and  has  discussed  this  question  in  his  forthcoming 
work,  A  History  of  Indian  political  ideas — The  Ancient  period  and  the  period 
of  transition  to  the  Middle  Ages  (Ch.  XXVTII). 

While  it  is  obvious  from  the  detailed  reference  to  fire-arms  that  the 
SukranitisaJa  did  not  assume  its  present  shape  till  after  the  sixteenth  century 
A.D.  it  is  difficult  to  believe  that  the  whole  work  was  conceived  at  such  a  late 
date.  It  may  be  regarded  as  almost  certain  that  some  portions  of  it  were 
much  older  though  it  is  difficult  to  distinguish  them.  It  appears  to  be  some¬ 
what  incongruous  to  ignore  it  altogether  in  the  discussion  of  political  theories 
during  the  Hindu  period.  Reference  has,  therefore,  been  made  in  this  chapter 
only  to  the  political  theories  which  reflect  the  general  spirit  of  the  writers  on 
polity  of  the  Hindu  period. — Editor]. 

10.  1.  2-3. 

11.  Chapter  III. 

12.  I.  4-12. 

13.  I.  37. 

14.  I.  45-47. 

15.  L.  20. 

16.  I.  122. 

17.  IV.  3.3. 

18.  I.  78. 

19.  I.  21-22,  60. 

20.  Xn.  76.  6-25. 

21.  I.  66. 

22.  I.  95. 

23.  II.  212. 

24.  II.  231. 

25.  HI.  50. 

26.  I.  121. 

27.  I.  25-28. 

28.  I.  188. 

29.  I.  170. 

30.  I.  84-87. 

31.  I.  28-35. 

32.  IV.  7.  332-33. 

33.  XII.  79.  15-20. 

34.  m.  48-49. 

35.  III.  43-46;  TV.  1.1.3. 

36.  II.  274-75.  „  ,  , 

37.  El,  XI.  142;  XII.  210;  XXI.  95.  For  the  significance  of  the  above  titles  see  E.J. 
Rapson’s  paper  in  Woolner  Commemoration  Volume.  Less  satisfactory  is  the 
explanation  of  R.  S.  Tripathi,  History  of  Kanauj ,  338,  namely,  that  they  signify 
various  classes  of  feudatories,  or  else  stand  for  lordship  over  three  branches  of 
the  Army. 

38.  El,  II.  175;  XXI.  163. 

39.  El,  Xn.  207,  210. 

40.  El,  XXI.  95. 

41.  EI.  XL  142;  XII.  20. 

42.  EI,  II.  175. 

43.  EI,  XXI.  95. 

44.  EI,  XXV.  5. 

45.  EI,  XVT.  271. 

46.  EI,  XVI.  12,  274. 

47.  I  A,  VI.  191;  EI,  X.  76. 

48.  See- above,  Vol.  TV.  p.  97. 

49.  EI,  X.  95;  XIX.  293. 

50.  EI,  V.  117. 

51.  EI,  IV.  118. 

52.  EI,  XI.  22;  XIV.  193,  197. 

53.  EI,  XIV.  159;  XV.  282. 


285 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


54.  El,  XII.  6;  XIV.  156,  161;  XV.  282. 

55.  For  the  administrative  system  of  the  Senas,  cf.  B.  C.  Sen,  Some  Historical 
Aspects  of  the  Inscriptions  of  Bengal  (Part  III),  and  HBR,  280-83  and  287-88. 
For  land-revenue  assessment,  cf.  Dr.  U.  N.  Ghoshal,  Hindu  Revenue  System , 
pp.  265-6. 

56.  See  above,  pp.  81-89. 

57.  I  A,  XLHL  60. 

58.  Ely  XI.  39. 

59.  El,  XII.  274,  334. 

60.  El,  XV.  27. 

61.  El,  Xn.  274. 

62.  El,  XV.  350. 

63.  El,  Xin.  41. 

64.  El,  XU.  154,  283,  313. 

65.  El,  XV.  27. 

66.  El,  XVI.  37,  70. 

67.  El,  XV.  335. 

68.  El,  XVI.  338. 

69.  El,  XV,  94,  331;  XVI.  28,  32,  46. 

70.  El,  XVI.  74,  77. 

71.  El,  XV.  95;  XVI.  37,  54,  77,  330. 

72.  El,  XVI.  37. 

73.  El,  XVI.  28,  32,  54,  59,  330. 

74.  El,  XV.  78. 

75.  El,  XV.  82. 

76.  El,  XVI. 32,  37,  77. 

77.  El,  XVI.  37. 

78.  El,  XVI.  338. 

79.  El,  XV.  76,  82,  XVI.  77. 

80.  El,  Xin.  301,  320. 

81.  El,  XV.  27. 

82.  El,  XV.  331. 

83.  El,  XV.  336;  XIX.  218f,  232. 

84.  El,  XVin.  171. 

85.  El,  XV.  335. 

86.  El,  XVI.  3. 

87.  El,  XV.  76-100. 

88.  El,  XV.  78. 

89.  El,  XIII.  41;  XV.  95,  101,  336;  XVI.  3,  28,  67,  70;  XVIII.  8;  XIX.  218f,  232. 

90.  El,  XVI.  28;  XVIII.  171. 

91.  El,  XIV.  270. 

92.  El,  XVIIL  188. 

93.  A.  S.  Altekar  takes  (El,  XVIII.  188f.)  pahchapradhana  in  the  above  to  mean 
‘a  body  of  five  ministers.*  But  see  the  remarks  of  the  Editor,  El,  loc  cit. 

94.  El,  XIU.  170;  XVII.  18. 

95.  El,  XVI.  37;  XIX.  180. 

96.  Ibid. 

97.  El,  XXI.  230. 

98.  El,  XXI  189. 

99.  For  a  detailed  account,  cf.  above,  Ch.  X,  Section  H. 

100.  For  the  full  account  see  K.  A.  N.  Sastri,  The  Colas, 2  Chs.  XVI,  XVII]. 

101.  El,  XXV.  211. 

102.  El,  XIX.  194. 

103.  MAR,  1932,  No.  46;  1940,  No.  9,  29,  33. 

104.  MAR,  1929,  No  62,  1937,  No  52. 

105.  MAR,  1930,  No.  49;  1942,  No.  26;  1938,  No.  73;  1937,  No.  18;  1932,  No.  12. 

106.  Cf.  the  observations  of  Marco  Polo  (Yule  and  Cordier,  Travels  of  Marco  Polo, 
370-371),  Wassaf  (HIED,  III.  32.)  and  the  Sinhalese  Mahavamsa  (XC).  See 
also  Ch.  XI. 

107.  El,  XII  45. 

108.  The  above  is  based  upon  the  account  in  K.  A.  Nilakanta  Sastri,  The  Pdndyan 
Kingdom,  215f. 


286 


CHAPTER  XIV 

LAW  AND  LEGAL  INSTITUTIONS 

I.  NORTH  INDIA 

The  period  under  review  was  marked  by  a  vigorous  development 
of  the  juristic  activity  that  had  characterised  the  preceding  epoch. 
Among  the  legal  authorities  to  whom  this  development  is  traceable 
two  stand  out  conspicuously  from  the  rest.  These  are  Jlmutava- 
hana,  the  famous  author  of  the  Dayabhaga  Digest,  and  Vijnanesvara, 
the  eminent  commentator  on  Yajnavalkya-smriti ,  who  became  the 
foremost  representatives  of  the  two  great,  schools  of  Hindu  law 
still  extant.  With  Jlmutavahana  we  may  join  together  Kulluka 
and  Govindaraja,  well-known  commentators  on  Manu-smriti ,  as 
well  as  the  two  authors  of  Digests,  namely  Dharesvara  and  Lakshml- 
dhara,  as  they  all  belonged  to  Northern  India.  We  may  similarly 
associate  with  Vijnanesvara,  as  natives  of  South  India,  Apararka, 
the  commentator  on  Yajnavalkya-smriti,  and  Devannabhatta,  the 
author  of  a  well-known  Digest.1 

Before  considering  the  works  of  Jlmutavahana  we  may  pause 
to  cast  a  glance  at  the  views  of  his  immediate  predecessors.  One 
of  these,  Jitendriya,  declares  that  whatever  is  acquired  by  a  person 
without  the  means  or  materials  jointly  owned  by  the  members  of 
his  family  is  his  exclusive  property.  On  the  law  of  inheritance  he 
says  that  the  widow  shall  succeed  to  the  property  of  her  deceased 
husband,  whether  he  was  separated  or  was  a  member  of  the  joint 
family  at  the  time  of  his  death.  He  also  lays  down  that  the 
daughter's  son  shall  succeed  immediately  after  the  daughter.  We 
may  next  quote  the  views  of  two  somewhat  obscure  authors,  name¬ 
ly,  Balaka  and  Yogloka,  on  a  vexed  question  of  the  law  of  prescrip¬ 
tion.  They  held,  along  with  Srlkara,  that  adverse  possession  of 
immovables  for  twenty  years  and  movables  for  'ten  years  with  the 
owner  being  present  but  taking  no  steps  to  assert  his  right,  entailed 
loss  of  title.2 

The  VyavaharamMrikd  of  Jlmutavahana  covers  within  its  pur¬ 
view  a  wide  range  of  topics  bearing  on  legal  procedure  and  positive 
law.  Such  are  the  constitution  of  the  court  of  justice,  the  grades 
of  courts,  the  four  stages  of  judicial  proceedings,  arrest  before  trial, 
the  role  of  agents  (or  representatives),  sureties  for  satisfaction  of 
judgment,  the  order  of  hearing  of  suitors,  the  amendment  of  the 

287 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR*  EMPIRE 


plaint,  its  defects,  and  the  time  allowed  for  filing  the  same,  the  four 
kinds  of  reply  and  the  defects  thereof,  and  above  all,  and  in  a 
special  measure,  the  kinds  of  proof  (namely,  witnesses,  documents 
and  possession).  Of  the  eighteen  titles  of  law,  says  the  author, 
fourteen  are  concerned  with  ‘wealth’,  and  the  remaining  four  have 
their  roots  in  himsti  (injury).  This  evidently  corresponds  to  the 
division  between  civil  and  criminal  law.  Judicial  proceeding, 
according  to  the  author,  shall  be  conducted  without  violation  of 
dharmasdstra  and  arthasastra;  where  these  are  at  variance,  the 
former  is  to  be  preferred  to  the  latter:  where  the  dharmasdstras 
themselves  are  at  variance,  popular  usage  (which  is  identified  with 
reason)  is  to  be  observed.  The  sabhyas  who  are  guilty  of  giving 
unjust  decision,  of  taking  bribes  and  so  forth,  are  to  be  banished. 
Similarly  a  judge  or  a  sabhya  speaking  secretly  to  a  plaintiff  or  a 
defendant  on  a  case  under  trial  is  to  be  punished.  While  disputes 
of  son  with  father,  of  pupil  with  preceptor,  of  slave  with  master 
and  the  like,  are  not  to  be  entertained,  serious  offences  must  be 
taken  cognisance  of  by  the  king:  such  are  the  cases  of  the  preceptor 
inflicting  improper  punishment  upon  the  pupil,  of  a  father  intend¬ 
ing  to  waste  his  property  on  women  and  the  like,  or  to  sell  or  give 
away  his  only  son,  of  a  husband  intending  to  sell  his  virtuous  wife, 
or  a  master  desiring  to  sell  his  obedient  slave.  Among  the  kinds 
of  proof,  namely,  possession,  documents,  witnesses,  and  inference 
from  examination  of  the  parties,  each  preceding  one  is  more  im¬ 
portant  than  the  one  immediately  following:  where  even  inference 
is  wanting,  recourse  should  be  had  to  ordeal.  Possession  for  three 
generations  must  not  be  disturbed,  provided  it  was  not  simultaneous 
but  successive.3 

The  Dayabhaga  of  Jimutavahana  deals  authoritatively  with 
many  points  of  the  law  of  ownership,  partition  and  inheritance, 
that  had  long  continued  to  agitate  the  minds  of  the  Smrtti  writers. 
Dealing  with  the  concept  of  ownership,  Jimutavahana  ranges  him¬ 
self  on  the  side  of  the  school  that  held  svatva  (ownership)  to  be 
exclusively  indicated  by  the  Sdstras,  and  not  based  upon  popular 
recognition.  This  view  represents  the  dogmatic  standpoint  that 
the  Sdstras  do  not  merely  summarise  modes  of  acquiring  owner¬ 
ship  known  to  popular  usage,  but  that  popular  usage  on  the  contra¬ 
ry  follows  Sastric  rules  laying  down  conditions  for  the  acquisition 
of  ownership.  In  the  second  place,  ownership,  according  to  Jimu¬ 
tavahana,’  implies  absolute  competence  of  the  owner  to  dispose  of 
his  property  at  his  will.  Illustrating  this  point  Jimutavahana  says 
that  alienation  of  property  by  a  father  without  the  consent  of  his 
sons,  though  forbidden  by  some  texts,  is  not  invalid.  For,  as  the 
author  says,  this  alienation  is  operative  by  reason  of  ownership 


LAW  AND  LEGAL  INSTITUTIONS 


which  is  inherent  in  the  father  to  the  exclusion  of  his  sons,  and  “a 
fact  cannot  be  altered  by  a  hundred  texts.” 

Jimutavahana’s  views  on  the  law  of  transfer  of  ownership  are 
equally  important.  Svatva  (ownership),  he  says,  is  created  by 
mere  gift  on  the  part  of  the  donor  and  it  need  not  depend  upon 
acceptance  by  the  donee.  But  property  becomes  capable  of  enjoy¬ 
ment  when  it  is  accepted  by  the  donee  and  not  before.  According 
to  this  view,  therefore,  though  property  is  transferred  to  the  donee 
by  the  mere  act  of  the  donor,  it  is  liable  to  be  defeated  by  a  refusal 
of  the  donee  to  accept  the  gift  or  else  to  be  perfected  by  his  accept¬ 
ance  thereof.4 

The  central  theme  of  Jlmutavahana’s  work  is  concerned  with 
his  law  of  partition  and  inheritance.  He  defines  daya  as  wealth  in 
which  ownership  dependent  upon  relationship  to  the  last  owner 
arises  on  cessation  of  his  ownership  thereof.  In  other  words, 
ownership  even  in  the  case  of  sons  arises  only  after  death  of  the 
father  or  on  his  becoming  patita  or  samnyasin.5  Connected  with  the 
above  is  Jlmutavahana’s  view  of  partition  ( vibhaga ).  According  to 
him  it  “consists  in  manifesting  or  particularising  by  the  casting  of 
lots  or  otherwise  a  property  which  has  arisen  in  lands  or  chattels, 
but  which  extended  only  to  a  portion  of  them  and  which  was  previ¬ 
ously  unascertained,  being  unfit  for  exclusive  appropriation,  because 
no  evidence  of  any  ground  of  discrimination  existed.”  In  other 
words,  before  partition  none  of  the  parties  can  say  that  he  is  the 
owner  of  the  whole,  and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  a  particular 
portion  of  a  property  is  his.  Partition  makes  this  ownership  de¬ 
finite  by  throwing  an  indicative  sign  on  a  certain  portion  of  the 
property  in  question.6 

A  cardinal  feature  of  the  rule  of  succession  in  Jimutavahana  is 
the  principle  of  spiritual  benefit  conferred  by  the  heir,  which  is 
based  principally  upon  a  famous  text  of  Manu.7  This  passage  is 
thus  translated  by  Buhler:  “To  three  (ancestors)  water  must  be 
offered,  to  three  the  funeral  cake  is  given,  the  fourth  (descendant 
is)  the  giver  of  these  (oblations),  the  fifth  has  no  connection  (with 
them).  Always  to  that  (relative  within  three  degrees)  who  is 
nearest  to  the  (deceased)  sapiv4a  the  estate  shall  belong;  after¬ 
wards  a  sakulya  shall  be  (the  heir,  then)  the  spiritual  teacher  of 
the  pupil.”  Basing  his  order  of  succession  on  the  high  authority 
just  quoted,  Jimutavahana  says  that  a  kinsman  belonging  to  the 
familv  of  the  deceased  but  of  different  male  descent,  like  his  own 
daughter’s  son  or  his  father’s  daughter’s  son,  or  belonging  to  a 
different  family  like  his  maternal  uncle,  is  a  sapinda,  as  they  are 
allied  together  by  presenting  offerings  to  the  three  anscestors  in 

289  . 

S,E. — 19 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  paternal  and  the  maternal  line.  In  the  result  “the  bandhus 
(daughter’s  son  and  other  cognates)  are  sifted  in  and  out  among 
the  agnates,  heirs  in  the  female  line  frequently  taking  before  very 
near  sapindas  in  the  male  line  on  the  principle  of  superior  religious 
efficacy”.8 

Unlike  Vijnanesvara  Jimutavahana  defines  stndhana  in  a 
strictly  technical  sense  to  mean  that  which  a  woman  is  entitled  to 
give,  sell  or  enjoy  independently  of  her  husband.  Differing  like¬ 
wise  from  Vijnanesvara  Jimutavahana  fixes  his  rule  of  succession 
to  a  woman’s  strldhana,  and  declares  that  such  property  devolves 
equally  upon  the  sons  and  the  unmarried  daughter. 

We  shall  next  consider  the  fragments  of  the  Smriti  work  of 
Dharesvara  which  have  been  preserved  in  quotations  by  later 
writers.  On  the  old  question  whether  ownership  was  deducible 
from  the  Sastras  alone,  or  else  was  a  matter  of  worldly  recognition, 
Dharesvara  decides  in  favour  of  the  former  alternative.  Connect¬ 
ed  with  the  above  is  his  view  that  the  sons  have  no  ownership  in 
the  father’s  property  while  the  father  is  alive,  and  that  this  owner¬ 
ship  is  acquired  by  them  for  the  first  time  after  partition.  Dealing 
with  the  law  of  partition,  Dharesvara  says  in  agreement  with 
Vijnanesvara  that  the  father  has  no  right  to  give  unequal  shares 
to  his  sons  in  ancestral  property  divided  by  him  in  his  life-time. 
As  regards  the  law  of  succession,  Dharesvara  gives  only  a  grudg¬ 
ing  recognition  to  the  rights  of  the  widow.  For  he  says  that  the 
widow  is  entitled  to  inherit  her  husband’s  property,  provided  he 
was  separated  at  the  time  of  his  death  and  she  herself  is  willing 
to  raise  up  issue  to  him.  Similarly  he  observes  that  the  father’s 
mother  shall  take  the  property  in  preference  to  the  father,  “be¬ 
cause  wealth  taken  up  by  the  father  may  go  even  to  sons  dissimilar 
in  class,  but  what  is  inherited  by  the  paternal  grandmother  goes 
to  such  as  only  appertained  to  the  same  class.”  On  both  the  points 
last  quoted  Vijnanesvara  expresses  his  dissent  from  Dharesvara. 
On  the  other  hand  Dharesvara’s  view  allowing  the  daughter’s  son 
to  succeed  immediately  after  the  daughter  agrees  completely  with 
that  of  Vijnanesvara.9 


II.  SOUTH  INDIA 

We  may  begin  our  survey  of  the  great  jurist  Vijnanesvara 
with  an  analysis  of  his  views  on  the  constitution  of  the  court  of 
justice.  Referring  to  the  members  of  the  king’s  court  Vijnanes¬ 
vara  says10  that  the  learned  Brahmanas  play  only  a  subordinate 
role,  so  that  in  the  event  of  default  in  the  investigation  or  of  false 
decision,  the  guilt  lies  not  with  them  but  with  the  king.  Amplify- 


290 


LAW  AND  LEGAL  INSTITUTIONS 


ing  this  point,  he  observes11  that  unlike  sabhyas  who  are  appoint¬ 
ed  by  the  king,  the  Brahmanas  are  not  so  appointed,  so  that  while 
the  sabhyas  incur  blame  if  they  fail  to  dissuade  the  king  from 
acting  unjustly,  the  Brahmanas  incur  sin  only  if  they  speak  a  false¬ 
hood  or  do  not  speak  at  all.  In  the  same  context  Vijhanesvara 
quotes  Katyayana’s  authority  for  the  association  of  a  few  mer¬ 
chants  with  the  court,  adding  that  this  is  necessary  for  the  satis¬ 
faction  of  the  people.  Again,  while  he  desires  the  sabhyas  to  be 
selected  only  from  the  Brahmana  caste,  he  is  equally  clear12  that  the 
sabhyas ,  by  virtue  of  their  Brahmana  birth,  are  not  exempted 
from  the  penalty  of  a  double  fine  for  a  wilfully  unjust  decision. 
Lastly,  while  referring  to  the  grades  of  courts,  Vijhanesvara13 
observes  that  each  of  them  ( hula ,  sreni,  puga,  ‘an  authorised  per-* 
son’,  and  the  king)  is  entitled  to  hear  appeals  from  the  one  im¬ 
mediately  preceding,  but  not  vice  versa. 

As  regards  the  branch  of  judicial  procedure  Vijhanesvara14 
says  that  the  plaint  shall  be  written  twice,  one  at  the  time  of  the 
first  complaint  when  the  cause  of  action  alone  is  written,  and 
again,  in  the  presence  of  the  defendant,  when  the  year,  the  month 
and  other  particulars  are  to  be  recorded.  This  specification  of  the 
year  and  the  month,  we  are  further  told,  is  essential  in  trials  con¬ 
cerning  deposits  and  pledges,  gifts,  and  sales,  while  that  of  the 
country,  place,  etc.,  would  apply  only  to  transactions  concerning 
immovables.  Revision  and  correction  of  the  plaint,  Vijhanesvara 
adds,  may  be  made  only  while  the  defendant’s  answer  has  not  yet 
been  filed,  and  not  thereafter,  for  “otherwise  there  would  be  the 
risk  of  the  proceeding  never  coming  to  an  end.”  As  regards  sub¬ 
sequent  changes  in  the  plaint  Vijhanesvara16  says  that  in  suits 
relating  to  property  or  title  the  plaintiff  becomes  thereby  liable  to 
punishment  but  does  not  lose  his  suit,  while  in  disputes  arising 
out  of  acts  of  violence  the  plaintiff  further  loses  his  claim  if  he 
makes  a  false  statement. 

On  the  much  discussed  question  of  the  origin  of  ownership 
Vijnanesvara’s  views  are  eminently  sane  and  reasonable.  To  be¬ 
gin  with,  he  contradicts  with  a  great  wealth  of  argument  the  state¬ 
ment  that  ownership  is  deducible  from  Sastras  alone  ( sastraika - 
samadhigamya).  His  own  conclusion  is  that  it  is  understood  from 
worldly  transations  (laukika).  This  view  brings  Vijhanesvara 
into  line  not  only  with  the  famous  authors  of  Digests  like  Mitra- 
misra  but  also  with  the  renowned  authorities  on  Mimamsa  like 
Prabhakhara,  Kumarila,  and  Parthasarathi  Misra.16  Connected 
with  the  above  is  Vijnanesvara’s  view  on  the  vexed  question,  whe¬ 
ther  ownership  arises  on  partition,  or  partition  takes  place  of  that 
which  already  belonged  to  one’s  own  self.  In  deciding  in  favour 


291 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  the  latter  alternative,  Vijnanesvara  relies  partly  on  the  argu¬ 
ment  that  the  son’s  ownership  by  birth  is  well  known  to  people. 

On  the  subject  of  transfer  of  ownership  Vijnanesvara  makes 
some  striking  comments.  Gift,  he  says,17  means  transfer  of 
ownership  from  one  to  another  “if  the  other  accepts  it  as  his  own 
and  not  otherwise.”  This  view,  differing  completely  from  that  of 
Jlmutavahana  quoted  above,  evidently  means  that  ownership  is 
transferred  to  the  donee  only  with  acceptance.  Now  acceptance, 
according  to  Vijnanesvara,  is  of  three  kinds,  namely,  mental,  ver¬ 
bal  and  physical.  In  the  case  of  movable  property  all  the  three 
kinds  of  acceptance  may  take  place  at  the  same  time.  But  where 
immovable  property  is  concerned,  complete  physical  acceptance, 
involving  enjoyment  of  its  profits,  cannot  take  place  all  at  once. 
Hence,  says  Vijnanesvara,  acceptance  of  land,  etc.  shall  be  by 
possession  for  however  short  a  time,  otherwise  a  gift  or  a  sale  does 
not  become  complete.  To  put  the  above  in  technical  language, 
“delivery  of  possession  is  not  absolutely  essential  to  constitute  a 
valid  gift,  but  a  gift  unaccompanied  by  possession  is  of  a  very  risky 
kind,  because  in  case  of  conflict  between  two  apparent  titles,  in 
the  absence  of  any  evidence  to  the  contrary,  that  which  is  accom¬ 
panied  by  possession  must  prevail.”18 

The  topic  of  possession  as  the  basis  of  title  forms  in  Vijnanes- 
vara  the  basis  of  some  important  remarks.  Explaining  Yajha- 
valkya19  he  observes: — “in  case  of  possession  within  memory,  it 
has  evidentiary  value  only  when  it  co-exists  with  the  means  of 
knowledge  of  title  ...  In  case  of  immemorial  possession,  however, 
long-continued  possession  is  itself  evidence  of  ownership,  inde¬ 
pendently  of  the  knowledge  of  title  because  in  that  case  there  is 
an  absolute  absence  of  the  means  by  which  want  of  knowledge  of 
the  origin  or  title  is  accounted  for.”20  In  other  words,  “under 
ordinary  circumstances  mere  possession  does  not  exclude  an  en¬ 
quiry  into  the  title,  for  possession  may  be  with  one  person  and 
title  with  another  ....  It  is  only  when  the  origin  of  possession  is 
lost  in  obscurity  by  reason  of  its  having  commenced  beyond  living 
human  recollection  that  enquiry  into  the  question  of  title  is  super¬ 
seded,  and  possession  standing  alone  is  justified,  for  in  such  a  case 
the  presumption  is  that  possession  as  a  matter  of  fact  followed  the 
title.”21 

We  may  consider  in  this  connection  Vijhanesvara’s  view  on 
the  effect  of  adverse  possession  upon  the  title.  According  to  a 
famous  text  of  Yajhavalkya,22  he  who  sees  his  land  enjoyed  by 
another  for  twenty  years  or  his  money  for  ten  years  without 
asserting  his  right,  loses  them.  Explaining  this  verse  Vijnanes- 


292 


LAW  AND  LEGAL  INSTITUTIONS 


vara  says  that  omission  to  assert  one’s  title  does  not  lead  to  loss 
of  ownership,  “non-protest  not  being  known  either  in  popular 
usage  or  in  the  Sastra  as  a  cause  of  extinguishing  ownership.” 
Similarly,  possession  for  twenty  years  does  not  confer  title,  “be¬ 
cause  possession  is  not  the  means  of  proof  of  ownership.”  Vijnanes- 
vara’s  own  conclusion  is  that  the  loss  referred  to  in  the  text  means 
the  loss  of  profit  of  the  land  as  well  as  of  the  wealth,  and  not  that 
of  the  corpus  itself  or  of  the  right  of  a  suit  at  law.  It  therefore 
follows  that  “the  owner  shall  not  be  entitled  after  the  prescribed 
period  to  recover  the  profits  already  appropriated  by  the  person  in 
possession,  but  the  title  to  the  property  itself  and  the  right  to  re¬ 
cover  the  same  shall  remain  intact.”23 

Vijnanesvara’s  view  on  the  subject  of  partition  and  inheri- 
ance  entitles  him  to  be  regarded  as  the  principal  representative  of 
his  school  on  the  subject.  Introducing  Yajnavalkya,24  he  defines 
ddya  as  wealth  which  becomes  the  property  of  another  solely  by 
reason  of  his  relationship  to  the  owner.  Comparison  with  the 
parallel  definition  of  Jlmutavahana  indicates  the  fundamental 
difference  between  the  two  masters.  According  to  Jlmutavahana, 
ownership  to  a  person’s  property  by  virtue  of  relationship  to  him 
arises  only  when  his  own  ownership  comes  to  an  end.  On  the 
other  hand  Vijnanesvara  thinks  that  certain  relations  acquire 
ownership  at  the  moment  of  their  birth  and  in  fact  become,  along 
with  the  previous  owners,  co-owners  in  the  same  property.  As 
regards  the  extent  of  the  son’s  right  in  the  father’s  property 
Vijnanesvara25explains  that  this  right  extends  over  the  whole  of 
the  father’s  property  whether  ancestral  or  self-acquired,  but  the 
son  cannot  prevent  alienation  by  the  father  except  in  the  case  of 
ancestral  property.  With  this  may  be  connected  Vijnanesvara’s 
view  given  in  another  context,26  that  unequal  distribution  of  pro¬ 
perty  by  the  father  among  his  sons  is  allowable  only  for  self- 
acquired,  but  not  for  ancestral  property.  Introducing  a  text  of 
Yajnavalkya  quoted  above,27  Vijnanesvara  defines  partition  as  the 
“adjustment  of  diverse  rights  regarding  property  held  collectively 
by  assigning  severally  (to  individuals)  particular  portions  of  the 
aggregate.”  Comparison  with  the  corresponding  definition  of 
Jlmutavahana  given  above  reveals  an  essential  difference  in  the 
conception  of  co-ownership  between  the  two  schools.  This  diffe- 
ence  is  usually  indicated  by  saying  that  “a  Dayabhaga  co-parcener 
holds  the  property  in  quasi-severalty  as  if  he  were  a  tenant-in¬ 
common,  whereas  a  Mitakshard  co-parcener  holds  the  entire  pro¬ 
perty  and  every  part  of  it  as  if  he  were  a  joint  tenant.” 

By  contrast  with  Jlmutavahana,  Vijnanesvara28  bases  his 
rule  of  succession  mainly,  though  not  exclusively,  upon  the  prin- 


293 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ciple  of  propinquity.  In  the  result  all  agnates  (relations  through 
males)  are  allowed  by  him  to  succeed  in  preference  to  all  cognates 
(relations  through  females),  the  only  exception  being  the 
daughter’s  son  who  comes  just  after  the  daughter  and  before  the 
parents.  As  between  the  claims  of  the  daughters,  Vijnanesvara 
shows  his  good  sense  by  preferring  the  unmarried  to  the  married, 
and  the  unprovided  to  the  endowed  daughter.  The  striking  origi¬ 
nality  of  Vijnanesvara’s  thought  is  illustrated  by  his  giving  the 
sonless  widow  the  right  to  succeed  to  the  whole  estate  of  her  hus¬ 
band  who  had  died  separate,  on  the  sole  condition  of  her  chastity. 
It  is  also  shown  by  his  allowing  (as  Vishnu  alone  among  the 
Smritikdras  does)  the  daughter’s  son  to  succeed  immediately  after 
the  daughter,  and  before  the  mother  and  the  father.  In  the  same 
spirit  Vijnanesvara  allows  the  mother  to  succeed  before  the  father, 
“for  the  father  is  a  common  parent  to  the  other  sons,  but  the 
mother  is  not  so,  and  since  her  propinquity  is  the  greatest,  it  is 
just  that  she  should  take  the  estate  in  the  first  instance.” 

As  regards  strldhana  Vijnanesvara29  takes  it  in  its  etymologi¬ 
cal  non-technical  sense  to  include  property  acquired  by  a  woman 
“by  inheritance,  purchase,  partition,  seizure  or  finding.”  Equally 
distinctive  is  Vijnanesvara’s  rule  of  succession  to  the  strldhana. 
In  respect  of  two  kinds  of  strldhana  called  anvddheya  and  prltidatta 
(what  was  obtained  by  a  woman  after  marriage  from  the  family 
of  her  husband  or  of  her  parents,  and  what  was  given  to  a  woman 
through  affection),  daughters  are  allowed  to  succeed  equally,  and 
on  their  failure  sons  are  given  the  succession  in  the  same  manner. 
As  regards  other  kinds  of  strldhana  such  as  what  was  given  to  a 
woman  before  the  nuptial  fire  ( adhyagni))  the  heirs  are  given  in 
the  following  order: — unmarried  daughter,  unendowed  married 
daughter,  endowed  married  daughter.  In  case  of  the  bridal  price 
( sulka )  the  heirs  are  the  uterine  brethren  alone.  The  strldhana  of  a 
childless  woman,  married  according  to  the  four  approved  forms, 
goes  to  her  husband,  and  that  of  one  married  after  the  four  un¬ 
approved  forms  goes  to  her  parents. 

Apararka’s  views  on  various  points  of  law  cannot  compare  in 
depth  or  originality  with  those  of  Vijnanesvara,  and  it  will  be 
enough  to  illustrate  them  by  a  few  examples.  Apararka  takes 
Yajnavalkya,  II,  24,  to  mean  that  adverse  possession  of  immov¬ 
ables  for  twenty  years  and  movables  for  ten  years,  with  the  owner 
being  present  but  taking  no  steps  to  assert  his  right,  definitely 
extinguishes  his  title.  As  regards  the  law  of  succession  Apararka 
prefers  the  brother  to  the  grandson  and  the  great-grandson  on  the 
ground  of  superior  spiritual  benefit  conferred  by  the  former  upon 
the  deceased — a  principle  which  brings  him  into  line  with  Jimu- 


294 


LAW  AND  LEGAL  INSTITUTIONS 

tavahana.  As  between  the  claims  of  the  parents,  Apararka  inter¬ 
prets  the  vague  text  of  Yajnavalkya30  to  mean  that  the  father 
succeeds  before  the  mother — a  view  just  the  reverse  of  Vijnanei- 
vara’s  opinion  quoted  above. 

We  shall  conclude  this  chapter  with  a  few  references  to 
Devannabhatta,  whose  Digest  called  the  Smriti-chandrika  takes  al¬ 
most  equal,  but  not  the  same,  rank  with  Vijnanesvara’s  com¬ 
mentary  as  the  leading  authority  on  Hindu  Law  in  South  India. 
Like  Vijhanesvara  the  author  of  the  Smriti-chandrika  assails  with 
numerous  arguments  the  view  that  ownership  is  deducible  from 
the  Sastras  alone,  and  he  concludes  that  it  is  based  upon  worldly 
transactions.  The  same  agreement  is  found  in  the  view  of  our 
author  that  sons  acquire  by  very  birth  ownership  in  ancestral  - 
property.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Smriti-chandrika  expresses  its 
dissent  from  Vijnanesvara’s  view  that  unequal  distribution  of 
property  by  the  father  among  his  sons  should  not  be  resorted  to 
as  being  repugnant  to  the  people.  The  order  of  succession  in  the 
Smriti-chandrika,  again,  is  somewhat  different  from  that  of  Vijha¬ 
nesvara.  It  prefers,  as  between  the  claims  of  the  daughters,  one 
having  sons  to  one  who  is  sonless,  for  the  former  unlike  the  latter 
is  capable  of  conferring  spiritual  benefit  upon  the  deceased. 
Again,  instead  of  allowing  with  Vijhanesvara  the  mother  to 
succeed  before  the  father,  it  declares  that  the  father  and  the 
mother  shall  succeed  together.81 

1.  The  works  of  Smriti  authors  of  this  period  with  their  place  of  origin  and 


approximate  dates  according  to  Kane  (KHDS..  I.  296; 

TV.  x-xi)  are  given 

below: — 

Name  of  author. 

Name  of  work 

Place  of 
origin. 

Date 

JImutavahana 

1.  VycLvaharamatrikU 

2.  Dayabhaga 

Bengal 

Between  A.D.  1100 
and  1150 

Kulluka 

Manvarthamuktavall 

Bengal 

Between  A.D.  1150 
and  1300 

Govindaraja 

Manuptka 

North 

India 

Between  A.D.  1080 
and  1110 

Dharesvara 
(Bhoja  I,  king 
of  the  Paramara 

Unknown 

Malwa 

Between  A.D.  1000 
and  1050 

Cf.  also  Ch.  II. 

dynasty  of  Malwa) 

Lakshmldhara 

Krityakalpataru,  XII 

Middle 

Between  A.D.  1100 

- 

( Rajanitikandia ) 

Ganga 

Valley 

Maharashtra 

and  1130 

Vijhanesvara 

Mitdkshara 

Between  A.D.  1080 
and  1100 

Apararka 

Yajhavalkyadharma- 

sdstranibandha 

Konkan 

Between  A.D.  1110 
and  1130 

Devannabhatta 

Smriti-chandrika 

Between  A.D.  1200 
and  1225 

Gopala 

Kdmadhenu 

Between  A.D.  1000 
and  1100 

For  different  views,  particularly  about  the  date  of  Mitdkshara ,  cf.  Ch  XV 
4  (II)  [Ed.]. 


295 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


2.  For  the  above  passages  in  Jitendriya,  B&laka  and  Yogloka,  see  quotations  in 
Ddyabhaga  of  Jlmutavahana  and  Vyavahdratattva  of  Raghunandana. 

3.  For  references,  see  the  Vyavaharamdtrikd  of  Jlmutavahana  edited  by  Sir  Asu- 
tosh  Mookerjee,  MASB,  IH,  No.  5,  277,  283,  285,  314,  341. 

4.  Cf.  Priyanath  Sen,  General  Principles  of  Hindu  Jurisprudence ,  67. 

5.  It  is  nevertheless  remarkable  that  Jlmutavahana  does  not  allow  the  father,  when 
dividing  his  property  with  sons,  to  make  unequal  distribution  of  the  ancestral 
movable  property,  corrody  and  slaves. 

6.  The  above  is  based  upon  the  discussion  in  Kane,  Vyavaharamayukha  of  Bhatfca 
Nllakantha,  Notes,  134. 

7.  IX.  186-7. 

8.  Mayne,  Hindu  Law  (10th  Edition),  p.  702. 

9.  For  the  above  passage  see  quotations  in  Viramitrodaya ,  528-536,  Vyavahara¬ 
mayukha  and  Mitdkshara  on  Yajhavalkya  II.  135-136  (J.  R.  Gharpure’s  Tr.). 

10.  On  Ydj,  H.  1. 

11.  On  Ydj,  II.  2. 

12.  On  Ydj,  H.  3-4. 

13.  On  Yaj,  II.  30. 

14.  On  Yaj,  II.  6. 

15.  On  Ydj,  II.  9. 

16.  Cf.  Priyanath  Sen  op.  cit.,  46. 

17.  On  Ydj,  II.  27. 

18.  Priyanath  Sen,  op.  cit.,  70-71. 

19.  II.  27. 

20.  In  the  present  and  following  passages  the  translations  from  Vijnanesvara  are 
taken  from  the  work  Ydjnavalkya-Smriti  with  the  commentaries  of  Mitdkshara, 
Viramitrodaya  and  Dipakalika,  Vyavaharddhy&ya,  translated  by  J.  R.  Gharpure, 
Bombay,  1937-38. 

21.  Priyanath  Sen,  op.  cit,  118-119. 

22.  II  24. 

23.  Priyanath  Sen,  op.  cit.,  104-105. 

24.  II.  114. 

25.  On,  Ydj,  II.  121. 

26.  On  Ydj,  II.  114. 

27.  II.  114. 

28.  On  Ydj,  II.  135-136. 

29.  On  Ydj,  II.  143. 

30.  II.  135-136. 

31.  For  the  above  references,  see  Smriti-chandrika,  Mysore  ed.,  Ill,  Part  II,  601- 
6Q3f,  621,  686,  688. 


296 


CHAPTER  XV 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

A.  SANSKRIT 

\ 

1.  INTRODUCTION 

The  close  of  the  last  period,  as  we  have  already  seen,1  witness¬ 
ed  the  decline  of  Sanskrit  literature  in  poetry,  drama,  and  other 
branches.  The  literature  lost  touch  with  common  man,  began 
to  cater  for  the  Pandit  and  the  court,  and  gradually  tended  to  be¬ 
come  a  copy-book  pattern  according  to  rules  of  poetics,  dramaturgy, 
etc.  There  was  an  ever-widening  breach  between  the  languages 
of  the  drama  and  those  in  every-day  life.  The  highly  cultivated 
poetry  meant  for  the  cultured  audience,  indicating  the  general 
prevalence  of  scholastic  learning,  showed  a  wide  gulf  between  litera¬ 
ture  and  the  common  man.  All  these  characteristics  equally 
marked  the  period  under  review. 

The  break-up  of  the  empires  during  the  previous  period  saw 
the  rise  of  small  principalities  whose  ruler  encouraged  Sanskrit 
learning.  But  although  the  output  was  thus  maintained,  the  lite¬ 
rary  productions  are  all  stereotyped  and  laboured;  they  lack  vigour, 
inspiration,  and  originality.  They  are  merely  mechanical  re¬ 
productions  of  earlier  models,  without  their  vitality  and  living 
touch.  It  is  an  age  of  scholastic  elaboration  and  systematic 
analysis,  of  technical  skill  and  learning,  of  commentaries  and  sub¬ 
commentaries,  and  of  manuals  and  sub-manuals.  Practically  all 
branches  of  literature  are  well  represented  during  this  period  and 
their  volume  is  also  immense.  But  there  is  no  life  in  the  whole 
range  of  literature.  It  is  imitative,  insipid,  artificial  and  laboured, 
not  spontaneous  and  natural.  The  creative  age  was  over  by  the 
tenth  century,  and  the  process  of  decadence  had  already  set  in. 
No  genius  or  inspired  poet  or  dramatist  arose  during  the  period, 
and  there  was  no  originality  either  in  conception  or  execution. 

Muslim  incursions  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  responsible  for 
the  decadence  in  Sanskrit  literature.  For  the  decadence,  as  we  have 
seen  in  the  previous  volume,  had  already  set  in,  and  the  literature 
may  well  be  said  to  have  come  to  its  natural  end.  Foreign  rule 
and  its  attendant  disturbances  during  this  period  are  not  known 
to  have  actively  discouraged  literary  production,  nor  affected  the 
‘atmosphere’  surrounding  the  literary  craftsmen.  In  fact,  in  the 

297 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


next  period  we  find  a  number  of  Muslim  rulers  patronising  San¬ 
skrit  learning.  Special  interest  attaches  to  the  Sandesa-rasaka,  a 
Sandesa-kavya  in  Apabhrariisa  composed  in  the  twelfth  century 
by  a  Muhammadan,  Abdala  Rahamana  (Abdul  Rahman). 

The  tightening  up  of  the  Smriti  rules  and  the  insular  tendency 
it  created  contributed  not  a  little  to  stifle  the  free  spirit.  All  this 
resulted  in  the  growth  of  stereotyped  literature.  With  the  loss  of 
contact  with  the  outside  world  our  literature  became  stagnant  and 
lost  freshness  of  outlook.  The  general  surrounding  was  uncongenial 
to  the  rise  of  a  genius  or  development  of  an  imaginative  spirit,  and 
all  writers  of  the  period  were  mere  intellectuals  concerned  with 
multiplying  according  to  pattern. 

Before  making  a  survey  of  the  different  branches  of  literature, 
it  would  be  interesting  to  note  some  prominent  charecteristics  of 
this  period.  In  the  first  place,  the  large  number  of  royal  authors 
and  patrons  of  learning  is  striking.  Bhoja,  Yasahpala,  Somes  vara, 
Kuiasekhara,  Apararka,  Ravivarman,  Prahladanadeva,  Vigraharaja 
(Visaladeva),  and  Ballalasena  figure  among  the  crowned  men-of- 
letters  who  composed  poetry,  drama,  poetics,  Dharmasastra,  etc. 
Another  important  feature  is  the  growing  number  of  polymaths, 
such  as  Kshemendra,  Bhoja,  Hemachandra,  and  Ramachandra. 
There  were  also  encyclopaedic  works  like  &rihgaraprakdsa ,  Mdna- 
sollasa,  Krityakalpataru,  Chatiirvargachintamani,  etc.  The  contri¬ 
bution  of  Jain  monks,  especially  to  the  Kavya  literature,  is  consider¬ 
able.  The  regional  survey  indicates  that  from  Kashmir  and  Gujarat 
comes  the  bulk  of  literary  contribution,  with  Bengal  and  the  South 
coming  next. 


2.  BELLES-LETTRES 
I.  Kavya 

In  common  with  the  other  branches  of  literature,  poetry  of  this 
period  shows  lack  of  originality  and  independence.  It  is  artificial, 
unimaginative,  and  stereotyped,  but  lofty,  cultivated  and  exclusive. 
It  was  apparently  composed  for  an  urban  and  sophisticated  audi¬ 
ence,  and  was  out  of  touch  with  common  life  and  common  realities. 
Tendency  to  uniformity  also  rendered  poetry  of  this  period  a  mono¬ 
tonous  reading. 

(A)  Mahakavya 

The  only  outstanding  work  of  this  period  is  the  Naishadha - 
charita  of  £rlharsha,  son  of  Srihira  and  Mamalladevi,  who  probably 
flourished  under  Jayachandra  and  Vijayachandra  of  Kanauj  in  the 
latter  half  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  poem,  as  it  exists  today, 


298 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


comprises  twenty-two  cantos,  though  tradition  makes  it  run  into 
sixty  or  even  a  hundred  and  twenty  cantos,  and  describes  the  life  of 
Nala  up  to  his  marriage  with  Damayantl.2  Indian  tradition  has 
recognised  the  merit  of  this  work  by  raising  it  to  the  status  of  a 
Mahakavya  and  by  placing  Srlharsha  by  the  side  of  Kalidasa, 
Bharavi  and  Magha.  An  anecdote  is,  however,  current  which  is 
a  merciless  criticism  of  this  poem.  According  to  it  Mammata,  the 
celebrated  rhetorician,  found  Naishadha-charita  full  of  poetic 
blemishes  of  all  kinds.  The  poet  no  doubt  shows  undue  fondness 
for  double  entendre  and  other  sound  plays,  and  for  this  there  runs 
the  proverbial  expression  ‘Naishadham  vidvadaushadham,’  but 
these  defects  should  not  overshadow  the  merits  of  the  poem.  It 
is  a  repository  of  traditional  learning,  and  a  storehouse  of  literary 
dexterity.  The  work  “unquestionably  has  a  definite  interest  in 
the  history  of  Sanskrit  literature,  for  it  exhibits  the  application  to 
the  charming  episode  of  the  Mahabharata,  familiar  to  all  students, 
of  the  full  resources  of  a  master  of  diction  and  metre,  possessed 
of  a  high  degree  of  skill  in  the  difficult  art  of  playing  on  words, 
and  capable  of  both  delicate  observation  of  nature,  and  of  effective 
expression  of  the  impressions  thence  derived.”3  Twenty  different 
metres  are  employed,  and  it  is  the  last  masterpiece  exhibiting  the 
industry  and  ingenuity  that  a  Mahakavi  is  capable  of.  §riharsha 
is  also  credited  with  the  authorship  of  some  other  works,  among 
which  ranks  the  Khandana-khandakhadya ,  a  philosophical  treatise 
in  support  of  the  standpoint  of  Sankara. 

Kshemendra,  the  eleventh  century  polymath  and  court-poet 
of  king  Ananta  of  Kashmir,  gives  us  the  epitomes  of  the  two  great 
epics  in  his  Rharata-manjari  and  Rdmdy ana-man j an;  his  Padya- 
Kadambari  is  the  metrical  rendering  of  Baina’s  masterpiece;  the 
Dasavatara-charita,  which  is  not  strictly  a  Mahakavya  nor  a  religi¬ 
ous  poem,  describes  the  ten  incarnations  of  Vishnu.  The  life  of 
Buddha  is  told  in  the  ninth  canto,  in  which  the  Buddha  and 
Krishna  legends  have  been  intermingled.  Kshemendra,  surnamed 
Vyasadasa,  was  the  son  of  Prakasendra  and  grandson  of  Sindhu, 
and  his  literary  activity  extended  also  to  the  period  of  Kalasa,  son 
and  successor  of  Ananta.4 

Mankha  or  Mankhaka,  son  of  Visvavarta,  was  another  Kash¬ 
mirian  poet  of  the  twelfth  century.  His  brothers,  Srihgara,  Bhahga, 
and  Alamkara  were,  like  himself,  scholars  and  employed  as  state 
officials.  His  gnkantha-charita  narrates  in  twenty-five  cantos,  the 
destruction  of  Tripura  by  Siva  in  the  usual  epic  style.  The  last  canto, 
however,  is  of  some  historical  and  literary  interest.  It  gives  us  a 
glimpse  of  the  way  in  which  compositions  of  learned  scholars  found 


209 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


publicity  in  those  days.  The  Haracharitachintamani  of  Jayadra- 
tha,5  belonging  to  the  same  century,  is  not  really  a  Mahakavya  but 
a  Mahatmya.  It  is  important  only  in  so  far  as  it  embodies  some 
old  and  new  Saiva  practices  and  legends,  some  of  which  are  directly 
connected  with  places  of  pilgrimage  in  Kashmir.  In  the  same 
century  again  Kaviraja  wrote  his  Parijdtaharana  describing  the 
removal  by  Krishna  of  the  heavenly  tree  from  Indra’s  garden.  Surat - 
hotsava  of  Somesvara,  son  of  Kumara  and  Lakshml  and  court-poet 
of  Vlradhavala  and  Visaladeva,  describes  in  fifteen  cantos  the  mythi¬ 
cal  story  of  Suratha,  comprising  his  penance  in  the  Himalayas  and 
slaying  the  demons.  Because  of  its  allusion  to  Vastupala  the 
account  of  the  poet  and  his  patrons  at  the  end,  the  Surathotsava 
has  been  regarded  as  a  political  allegory,  but  Dr.  De  demurs  to 
this  view.6  Lolimbaraja,  who  probably  flourished  in  the  eleventh 
century,  but  whom  Prof.  Gode  places  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
against  the  views  of  Drs.  Keith,  Krishnamachariar,  De  and  others,7 
relates  the  early  exploits  of  Krishna  up  to  his  slaying  Kamsa  in  the 
Harivildsa ,  in  five  cantos. 

Although  Slesha  (paronomasia)  was  a  favourite  figure  of 
speech  with  Sanskrit  poets,  regular  practice  of  Slesha-kavya  does 
not  seem  to  have  been  cultivated  before  the  eleventh  century.  The 
device  of  the  Slesha,  by  which  an  entire  Kavya  is  made  to  have  a 
twofold  or  even  threefold  significance  applicable  to  totally  differ¬ 
ent  themes,  is  possible  only  in  Sanskrit  on  account  of  its  special 
characteristics.  Its  pliability  and  adaptability,  flexible  and  com¬ 
plex  grammatical  forms,  multiple  meanings  of  the  same  words  with 
delicate  subtleties,  peculiar  modes  of  compounding  different  words, 
and  the  various  ways  in  which  compound  words  or  sentences  can 
be  split  up,  render  Sanskrit  an  ideal  language  for  the  practice  of 
Slesha-kavya. 

With  the  exception  of  a  single  canto  in  the  Kichaka-vadha 
which  is  in  Slesha,  the  first  sustained  instance  of  a  Slesha-kavya 
is  the  Rama-charita  of  Sandhyakaranandin,  which  will  be  dealt  with 
under  the  ‘Historical  Kavya.’  It  describes  both  the  story  of  Rama 
and  the  life  of  king  Ramapala  of  Bengal.  Dhananjaya  and  Kavi¬ 
raja,  who  come  next,  have  each  written  a  Raghava-Pdndaviya  in 
which  the  stories  of  the  two  epics  are  simultaneously  narrated. 
Dhananjaya,  known  as  Dhananjaya  Srutakirti,  was  the  son  of 
Vasudeva  and  Sridevi.  His  Raghava-Pdndaviya  or  Dvisandhdna , 
when  read  from  left  to  right  (in  the  usual  way)  describes  the  story 
of  Rama;  but  while  read  from  right  to  left  it  gives  the  story  of  the 
Pandavas.  The  Raghava-Pdndaviya  of  Kaviraja,  whose  personal 
name  was  probably  Madhavabhatta,  and  who  flourished  under 


300 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

Kadamba  Kamadeva,  is  better  known.  It  delineates  in  thirteen  can¬ 
tos  the  double  story  of  Raghava  and  the  Pandavas.  Vidyamadhava, 
the  court-poet  of  the  Chalukya  king  Somadeva,  evidently  Somes- 
vara  III  (A.D.  1126-1138),  similarly  describes  in  his  Parvati - 
Rukminiya ,  in  nine  cantos,  the  marriages  of  Siva  and  Parvati  and 
of  Krishna  and  Rukmini. 

This  device  of  handling  different  tales  in  the  same  poem  has 
been  very  fruitful  in  later  imitations,  which  develop  it  further  to 
treble  entendre,  relating  three  stories  at  a  time.  Hemachandra  is 
reputed  to  have  composed  a  poem  Saptasandhana  (having  seven 
applications)  which  is  not  extant.  The  highest  degree  of  alter¬ 
native  interpretations  is  found  in  the  Satartha-kavya  of  Somapra- 
bhacharya,  written  about  A.D.  1177,  in  which  a  single  verse  is 
interpreted  in  a  hundred  ways!8 

Some  Jain  writers  have  adopted  the  form  and  spirit  of  the 
Mahakavya  for  presenting  the  Jain  legends  in  a  poetic  garb,  as 
also  for  historical  or  biographical  accounts.  Among  the  Jain 
epics  may  be  mentioned  the  Yasodhara-charita  of  Kanakasena  Vadi- 
raja  (tenth  century)  and  of  Manikya  Suri  (eleventh  century),  the 
former  being  the  Digambara  and  the  latter  the  gvetambara  version 
of  the  same  narrative.  Superior  in  merit  and  extent  is  the  Trisha - 
shti-saldkapurusha-charita  of  Hemachandra  (twelfth  century)  de¬ 
scribing  in  ten  cantos  the  lives  of  the  sixty-three  best  men  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  Jain  belief.  To  Vaghbhata  of  the  same  period  is  assigned 
the  Neminirvana  dealing  with  the  life  of  Neminatha.9 

The  Jains  have  made  a  considerable  contribution  to  the 
Sanskrit  Kavya  during  this  period,  and  reference  can  be  made 
here  only  to  some  of  the  important  works.10  The  Kshatrachudd - 
mani  of  Odeyadeva  Vadlbhasimha,  pupil  of  Pushpasena,  treats  of 
the  Uttar apurdna  legend  of  Jivandhara  in  eleven  chapters,  mostly  in 
Sloka  metre,  and  is  said  to  be,  in  most  places,  a  Sanskrit  render¬ 
ing  of  the  Tamil  work  Jivakachintamam -11  Abhayadeva,  who 
received  the  title  of  Vadisiihha  from  the  king  of  KasI,  relates  the 
birth  and  life  of  Jayanta  in  his  Jayantavijaya  (composed  in  V .  S.  1278, 
i.e.  A.D.  1221)  in  nineteen  cantos.  The  Pandava-charita  by 
Maladharin  Devaprabhasuri,  pupil  of  Munichandra  and  tutor  of 
Devananda,  describes  in  eighteen  cantos  the  story  of  the  Mahabhd- 
rata  mainly  with  the  object  of  glorifying  virtue.  It  remodels  many 
details,  but  hardly  rises  above  the  Puranic  style.  Another  epitome 
of  the  Mahabhdrata  is  the  Balabharata  in  nineteen  cantos  by  Amara- 
chandra,  a  pupil  of  Jinadatta,  who  flourished  under  Visaladeva  of 
Gujarat.  Abhyachandra  appears  to  have  composed  several  works 

301 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


on  poetics,  metrics,  and  technical  sciences.  At  the  request  of 
minister  Padma,  he  wrote  the  Padmananda  Mahakavya  which, 
though  intended  to  give  the  lives  of  all  the  twenty- three  Jinas,  de¬ 
scribes  in  nineteen  cantos  only  the  life  of  Rishabha,  the  first  Jina,  in 
an  ornate  style.  Vastupala’s  Naranarayanananda,  which  is  full  of 
imagery,  describes  the  friendship  of  Krishna  and  Arjuna  in  eighteen 
cantos,  the  abduction  and  marriage  of  Subhadra  coming  at  the  end. 
Vastupala  was  a  patron  of  learning, « who  patronised  Somesvara, 
Arisimha,  Harihara  and  Nanaka.  Vastupala’s  religious  teacher 
Udayaprabha  Suri  wrote,  in  collaboration  with  Narendraprabha,  a 
Mahakavya  entitled  Dharmabhyudaya  or  Sahghadhipati-charitra 
which  was  composed  on  the  occasion  of  Vastupala’s  pilgrimage  to 
the  Jain  shrines  in  Western  India.  Dharmakumara’s  Salibhadra- 
charita  tells  in  seven  cantos  the  legend  of  §alibhadra  which  was  al¬ 
ready  dealt  with  briefly  by  Hemachandra.  Amama-charita  by  Muni- 
ratna,  a  pupil  of  Samudragupta,  describes  in  melodious  verses  the 
life  of  x^mamasvami  in  thirty  cantos.  Munisuvrata-charita  is  another 
poem  by  Munir atna  giving  the  lives  of  some  Suris  of  his  clan. 

These  Jain  productions  possess  practically  all  the  regular 
features  of  the  Kavyas.  They  deal  with  the  usual  Kavya  topics 
and  contain  elaborate  descriptions  of  nature,  seasons,  battles,  and 
erotic  sports,  the  last  topic,  curiously  enough,  being  treated  with 
equal  zeal  by  the  Jain  monks,  including  even  the  pious  Hema¬ 
chandra. 

(B)  Shorter  Poems 
(a)  Lyrics 

In  the  direct  line  of  Bhartrihari  and  Amaru  come  during  this 
period  Bilhana  and  Jayadeva.  The  former  has  written  the  Chaura - 
panchasika,  a  small  but  elegant  poem  of  fifty  stanzas  describing  in 
a  simple  style  a  variety  of  love  scenes.  The  title  of  the  poem  has 
given  rise  to  various  interpretations,  some  of  which  involve  the 
author  himself  in  a  love  intrigue  with  a  princess.  The  poem  itself 
narrates  how  a  robber,  when  making  love  to  a  princess,  was  dis¬ 
covered  and  condemned  to  death,  and  as  he  was  being  taken  to  the 
execution  ground,  gave  expression  in  these  stanzas  to  the  love  en¬ 
joyed  by  him  with  his  beloved. 

To  Bengal  goes  the  credit  for  having  produced  in  Jayadeva  a 
master  of  Sanskrit  diction  who' in  his  Gita-govinda  has  attained  to 
very  great  heights  of  Sanskrit  lyric  poetry.  He  lived  in  the  court 
of  king  Lakshmanasena  of  Bengal  (twelfth  century)  and  was  a 
devout  worshipper  of  Krishna.  The  poem  describes  in  a  very  attrac- 


302 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

tive  style  the  love  of  Krishna  and  Radha.  The  hero  and  the 
heroine  are  in  separation  and  both  long  to  meet  each  other;  when 
Krishna  presents  himself,  Radha  feigns  anger  and  pretends  reluc¬ 
tance  to  meet  him;  but  in  the  end  these  minor  difficulties  are 
smoothed  and  reconciliation  brought  about  by  Radha’s  friend.  The 
form  of  the  poem  is  extremely  original  and  so  it  has  been  variously 
styled  as  a  pastoral  (Jones),  a  lyric  drama  (Lassen),  a  melodrama 
(Pischel),  an  opera  (Levi),  and  a  refined  Yatra  (von  Schroeder) . 1 2 
It  soon  became  so  popular  that  it  inspired  many  other  works  of 
similar  nature.  The  various  stanzas  are  accompanied  by  indica¬ 
tions  as  regards  the  tala  and  raga.  Still  the  work  is  a  blending  of 
the  stanzas  that  are  to  be  recited  and  those  to  be  sung.  Jayadeva’s 
style,  despite  the  occasional  use  of  long  compounds,  is  very  simple. 
His  poetry  is  the  best  specimen  in  the  whole  of  Sanskrit  literature 
of  complete  harmony  in  sound  and  sense.  “It  has  all  the  perfec¬ 
tion  of  the  miniature  word-pictures  which  are  so  common  in  Sans¬ 
krit  poetry,  with  the  beauty  which  arises,  as  Aristotle  asserts,  from 
magnitude  and  arrangement.  All  the  sides  of  love,  save  that  of 
utter  despair  and  final  separation,  are  brilliantly  described;  all  the 
emotions  of  longing,  of  awakened  hope,  of  disappointment,  of  hot 
anger  against  the  unfaithful  one,  of  reconciliation,  are  portrayed 
by  the  actors  themselves  or  Radha’s  friend  in  songs  which  are  per¬ 
fect  in  material  form  and  display  at  its  highest  point  the  sheer  beauty 
of  words  of  which  Sanskrit  is  pre-eminently  capable.”13 

A  contemporary  of  Jayadeva  was  Govardhana  whose  Aryd- 
saptasati  is  a  collection  of  seven  hundred  erotic  stanzas  in  the  Arya 
metre.  Govardhana  seems  to  have  used  Hala’s  Sattasai,  a  Prakrit 
poem,  for  his  model.  The  stanzas  are  arranged  in  an  alphabetical 
order  and  the  scenes  depicted  lack  the  variety  of  Hala’s  poem. 
Bhikshdtana  by  Utprekshavallabha  (before  fourteenth  century)  is 
more  an  erotic  than  a  religious  poem,  while  his  Sundansataka  in 
Arya  metre,  composed  at  the  request  of  king  Madanadeva,  eulo¬ 
gises  the  beauty  of  the  female  form  in  a  highly  artistic  style. 

The  Meghaduta  of  Kalidasa  was  responsible  for  the  production 
of  numerous  Duta-Kavyas  in  this  epoch  of  imitations  and  counter 
feits.  These  show  innumerable  variations  in  the  form  and  motif 
which  have  been  utilized  in  different  ways  and  for  different  purposes. 
Notable  among  them  is  the  Pavanaduta  of  Dhoyl  in  which  prin¬ 
cess  Kuvalayavatl,  a  Gandharva  maiden  of  the  Malaya  hills, 
sends  the  wind  as  a  messenger  to  king  Lakshmanasena  of  Bengal. 


803 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(b)  Devotional  Poems 

Erotic  poetry  is  closely  associated  with  the  devotional  and 
didactic  poetry  of  this  period,  as  Sringdra  (Love),  Niti  (Wisdom), 
and  Vairdgya  (Renunciation),  though  differentiated  in  commonsense 
and  poetics,  are  often  found  to  intermingle.  The  trio  goes  hand  in 
hand,— the  lover,  the  moralist,  and  the  devotee  each  adding  a  zest 
and  piquancy  to  the  other.  The  devotional  poetry  of  the  period 
is  found  in  two  different  strands,  which  occasionally  blend,  but  do 
not  stand  in  any  constant  relation.  In  contrast  to  the  Stotra  lite¬ 
rature  of  a  descriptive  or  philosophical  character,  there  are  highly 
impassioned  devotional  poems  which  pass  through  the  whole  gamut 
of  erotic  motif,  imagery  and  expression. 

The  majority  of  the  Vedantic  Stotras,  Kashmirian  Saivite  poems, 
South-Indian  Vaishnava  and  Saiva  panegyrics  of  deities,  Bengal 
Tantrik  and  Vaishnava  glorifications,  as  well  as  the  Jain  and  Buddhist 
Mahayana  hymns  owe  their  inspiration  to  the  various  religious  ten¬ 
dencies  of  the  period.  The  literary  stotra-kavyas  either  give  a  highly 
sensuous  account  of  the  amorous  adventures  of  the  deities,  or  describe 
elaborately  their  physical  charms.  The  erotic  element  has  been 
carried  to  an  excess  by  Lakshmana  Acharya  who  describes  the 
breasts  of  Chandi  in  fifty  verses  in  his  Chandi-kucha-panchasika. 
The  Bhaktisataka  of  Ramachandra  Kavibharati  of  Bengal,  who  went 
to  Ceylon  about  A.D.  1245  during  the  reign  of  king  Parakramabahu 
II  and  became  a  Buddhist,  is  interesting  as  an  example  of  the  appli¬ 
cation  of  Hindu  ideas  of  Bhakti  (devotion)  to  an  extravagant  eulogy 
of  Buddha  in  the  regular  kavya  style  and  diction.  The  Jain  poets, 
besides  eulogising  individual  saints  or  Jains,  extol  all  the  twenty-four 
Jinas,  in  stotras  known  as  Chaturvimsati  Jinastuti  or  Chaturvimsika . 


(c)  Didactic  and  Satiric  Poems 

The  traditional  form  of  Sataka  is  generally  used  in  the  didac¬ 
tic  poetry  like  the  erotic  and  devotional.  §ambhu  wrote  in  the 
eleventh  century  his  Anyoktimuktalatasataka,  a  collection  of  108 
stanzas.  The  Drishtantasataka  of  Kusumadeva  is  more  simple.  It 
derives  its  title  from  the  fact  that  every  stanza  illustrates  a  parti¬ 
cular  maxim.  Kashmirian  Silhana,  perhaps  to  be  identified  with 
the  famous  Bilhana,  wrote  his  gantisataka  in  the  twelfth  century. 
Still  later  is  the  Bhavasataka  of  king  Nagaraja  of  the  Taka  family, 
or  of  his  protege  Bhava.  The  Upadesasataka  of  Gumani  moralises 
on  some  myths  and  legends  from  the  epics  and  Puranas. 


304 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  Kashmirian  polymath  Kshemendra  has  written  on  several 
subjects,  and  is  a  versatile,  accomplished  and  methodical  writer. 
In  his  Samayamatrika,  which  deals  with  the  snares  and  trickeries 
of  harlots,  he  gives  clever  instructions  to  novices  in  the  profession. 
Inspired  by  Damodaragupta,  the  author  gives  the  story  of  a  young 
courtesan  Kalavati  in  eight  chapters  composed  mostly  in  Sloka 
His  Kalavilasa  in  Arya  metre  speaks  of  numerous  occupations  and 
the  tricks  and  follies  of  wandering  singers,  doctors,  goldsmiths,  and 
astrologers.  The  Darpadalana,  in  seven  sections,  seeks  to  establish 
the  vainness  of  pride  felt  by  a  man  endowed  with  wealth,  knowledge, 
beauty,  etc.,  which  springs  from  seven  sources.  Sevyasevakopadesa 
in  sixty-one  stanzas  displays  shrewd  observations  on  the  relation  of 
master  and  servant.  Charucharya  is  a  century  of  Slokas  on  virtuous 
conduct.  Desopadesa  and  Narmamald  give  pen  pictures  of  the  op¬ 
pression,  hypocrisy,  and  corruption  prevalent  in  contemporary 
Kashmir. 

The  Mugdhopadesa  by  Jalhana  contains  reflections  on  the  lures 
and  tricks  of  the  traditional,  rather  than  real,  courtesan  in  sixty-six 
stanzas  in  Sardulavikridita  metre.  The  style  is  erotically  didactic 
rather  than  satiric.  Amitagati’s  Subhashitaratnasandoha  deals  with 
Jain  ethics,  while  the  Dharmaparlkshd  constitutes  an  attack  on  Brah¬ 
manism.  Somaprabha’s  Srihgaravairdgyaiarahgini,  in  forty-six  stan¬ 
zas,  utilises  the  device  of  Slesha  for  two  simultaneous  themes. 

(d)  Anthologies  and  Women  Poets 

Of  anthologies,  a  literary  form  which  originated  shortly  before 
A.D.  1000,  there  are  several  valuable  specimens  during  the  period 
under  review.  The  importance  of  anthologies  for  a  historian  of 
literature  cannot  be  over-emphasised.  They  rescue  from  oblivion 
many  an  unknown  author,  bring  forth  unknown  “beauties”  of  well- 
known  authors  not  found  in  their  extant  works,  and  often  form 
important  landmarks  for  fixing  dates.  The  earliest  anthology  during 
this  period,  the  Subhashitavall  of  Vallabhadeva,  is  definitely  prior 
to  A.D.  1160  as  it  is  quoted  by  Vandyaghatlya  Sarvananda.14  In 
its  present  form,  however,  the  text  is  not  earlier  than  the  fifteenth 
century.  The  Subhashitavall  is  an  extensive  anthology,  incorporat¬ 
ing  3527  stanzas  in  101  Paddhatis  or  sections.  The  number  of  poets 
cited,  according  to  Peterson,  is  about  360.  The  author,  a  Kashmirian, 
has  mostly  drawn  on  works  from  the  North.  Srldharadasa,  son  of 
Vatudasa,  compiled  his  Saduktikarndmrita  in  A.D.  1206  during  the 
reign  of  Lakshmanasena.  The  book  is  divided  into  five  Pravdhas 
(streams)  or  parts,  which  have  various  Vlchis  (waves)  i.e.  sections, 
each  containing  five  stanzas.  The  total  number  of  stanzas  is  2370, 

305 


S.E,~  20 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


that  of  the  poets  and  works  cited  being  485.  The  SuktimuktavaU 
was  compiled  on  the  model  of  Vallabhadeva’s  Subhashit avail  by 
Jalhana  in  A.D.  1257.  Jalhana  was  the  son  of  Lakshmidhara,  and 
the  minister  of  the  Yadava  king  Krishna.  Though  there  appear  to 
have  been  two  recensions,  short  and  long,  the  printed  edition  gives 
the  eclectic  text  comprising  2790  stanzas  divided  in  133  sections, 
the  number  of  poets  and  works  referred  to  being  over  240.  At  the 
outset  there  are  traditional  verses  on  Sanskrit  poets  and  poetry,  of 
great  interest  for  literary  history. 

These  anthologies  bring  to  light  several  women  authors  of 
whom  some  have  been  dealt  with  in  the  previous  volume.  Their 
works,  from  which  the  stanzas  were  extracted,  are  unknown.  It 
would  certainly  be  unjust  to  judge  these  writers  from  the  meagre 
specimens  of  stray  stanzas;  but  if  an  opinion  may  be  hazarded,  the 
specimens  show  neither  originality,  nor  imagination,  nor  variety. 
There  is  nothing  specifically  feminine  about  the  stanzas,  which 
could  well  have  been  written  by  men.  The  specimens  do  not  illus¬ 
trate  the  highly  artistic  or  creative  productions  of  women,  if  there 
were  any. 


(C)  Historical  Poems 

“Real  History  finds  no  place  in  Sanskrit  literature,  nor  is  there 
any  conscious  historical  element  in  any  of  the  works  comprising 
it” — thus  observes  Whitney  in  his  introduction  to  A  Sanskrit  Gram¬ 
mar.  1 5  The  more  recent  pursuits  of  scholars  in  Sanskrit  literature 
have  not  yet  unearthed  anything  which  would  modify  the  learned 
savant’s  remark.  Before  Kalhana  there  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
any  author  who  took  to  historical  writing  with  a  degree  of  serious¬ 
ness.  The  Purana  works  aoart,  even  the  Harsha-charita  of  Sana 
smacks  more  of  romance  than  of  history. 

It  is  indeed  curious  that  despite  her  achievements  in  other  bran¬ 
ches  as  also  her  abundance  of  intellect,  India  failed  to  produce  any 
historical  works  in  the  modern  sense.  The  so-called  historical  Kav- 
yas  are  more  poetical  works  than  historical  documents.  Though 
dealing  ostensibly  with  historical  themes  they  are  mainly  concern¬ 
ed  with  the  poetic,  dramatic  or  romantic  possibilities,  and  conse¬ 
quently  are  indifferent  to  chronology,  mix  divine  and  human  action, 
believe  in  magic  and  miracle,  and  have  deep  faith  in  the  incalculable 
human  destiny.  Differnt  scholars  seek  to  explain  the  absence  of 
any  clear,  consistent,  and  adequate  historiography  as  due  to  various 
causes.  It  is  said,  for  instance,  that  the  idea  of  composing  realistic 
history  aiming  at  objective  accuracy  is  entirely  out  of  harmony 
with  the  spirit  of  Sanskrit  literature  and  its  conception  of  art  with 


300 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


its  emphasis  on  imaginative  and  impersonalized  creation.  Thus  it 
is  that  in  historical  Kavyas  authors  cared  more  for  poetic  merit  than 
for  historical  accuracy.  It  is  also  held  that  Indian  mind  was  little 
interested  in  historical  incident  as  such.  Then,  again  according  to 
the  Indian  view,  as  presented  in  the  Mahabhdrata  and  other  works, 
truth  is  not  mere  verbal  accuracy  or  objective  agreement  of  words 
with  facts,  but  that  which  is  beneficial  for  humanity.  Truth  is  there¬ 
fore  valid  so  far  only  as  it  leads  to  human  good.  The  poet,  further, 
was  to  concentrate  on  the  creation  of  ideals  and  aesthetic  emotion 
which  he  achieved  by  descriptions,  portraying  of  sentiments,  exag¬ 
geration  of  facts  through  imagery,  etc.  It  is  also  likely  that  it  was 
the  firm  belief  of  Indians  in  the  doctrine  of  Karman  that  prevented 
them  from  making  any  realistic  and  historical  survey  of  the  events 
in  the  nast. 

JL 

We  may  now  refer  to  the  few  historical  works  whose  existence 
is  so  far  known  to  us.  According  to  Kalhana,  Sankuka  wrote  the 
Bhuvanabhyudayci  describing  the  battle  of  Mamma  and  Utpala 
(c.  A.D.  850),  but  unfortunately  nothing  is  known  of  this  work. 
Padmagupta  or  Parimala,  son  of  Mrigankadatta,  wrote  early  in  the 
eleventh  century  his  Navasahasahka-charita  describing  in  eighteen 
cantos  the  life  of  king  Sindhuraja  Navasahasanka  of  Malwa.16  That 
the  author  does  not  aim  at  history  is  obvious  from  the  fact  that  the 
work  primarily  deals  with  the  mythical  event  of  the  winning  of 
the  Naga  princess  Sasiprabha  by  Sindhuraja. 

Of  a  little  more  historical  interest  is  the  Vikramdnkadeva-charita 
of  the  Kashmirian  Bilhana,  son  of  Jyeshthakalasa  and  NagadevL  It 
glorifies  the  life  of  the  author’s  patron  king  Vikramaditya  VI,  the 
Chalukya  king  of  Kalyana. 1 7  The  work  begins  with  the  origin 
of  the  Chalukya  dynasty  and  goes  on  to  describe,  in  the  usual 
style  of  a  Mahakavya,  the  battles  fought  and  the  pleasures  enjoyed  by 
king  Vikramaditya.  The  last  canto,  like  the  first  Uchchhvdsa  of  the 
Harsha-charita,  gives  us  an  account  of  the  author  himself  and  his 
literary  adventures,  of  his  family,  his  country  and  its  rulers.  As  a 
piece  of  history  the  work  is  full  of  blemishes.  It  seeks  the  inter* 
vention  of  Siva  to  explain  away  certain  unhappy  incidents  in  the 
life  of  the  king.  Accurate  chronology  is  also  lost  in  the  medley  of 
vague  expressions.  As  a  piece  of  poetry,  on  the  other  hand,  Bilhana  s 
work  deserves  much  praise. 

After  Bilhana  comes  the  celebrated  Kashmirian  Kalhana  who 
flourished  in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century.  He  gives  us  in  the 
Rdjaiarangini  the  chronicles  of  the  kings  of  Kashmir  right  from  the 
beginning  to  his  own  days.  A  Brahmana  by  birth  and  devoted  to  Siva, 


807 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


he  was  free  from  the  narrow  sectarian  outlook.  From  his  work 
it  appears  that  he  had  carefully  studied  the  epics,  the  works  of 
classical  authors  and  earlier  historians,  and  many  other  sciences. 
As  a  basis  for  his  excellent  Rdjatarangini  Kalhana  seems  to  have 
used  the  works  of  early  chroniclers  in  the  field,  and  also  gathered 
first-hand  information  from  inscriptions,  copper-plates,  various 
eulogies,  and  family  records.  Yet  there  is  very  little  element  of 
historicity  in  the  first  three  chapters  of  the  work  which  are  devoted 
to  earlier  dynasties.  With  the  dynasty  of  Karkota,  however,  we 
come  across  historical  realities  more  and  more.  Even  in  this  work, 
belief  in  the  working  of  fate,  magic  and  witchcraft  is  responsible 
for  some  blemishes.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be  noted  that  Kalhana 
does  not  spare  even  his  patron  from  honest  criticism.  “All  that  we 
have  points,  therefore,  to  a  mind  very  busily  in  contact  with  reality, 
observing  intently  the  process  of  current  events  in  lieu  of  becoming 
a  mere  book- worm,  and  endeavouring  to  find  satisfaction  for  a  keen 
intellect  in  recording  the  events  around  him  and  those  of  earlier 
days  in  lieu  of  the  participation  in  affairs  traditional  in  his  family 
and  congenial  to  his  tastes.”18 

Reference  has  already  been  made  to  the  Rama-charita  of 
Sandhyakaranandin,  who  calls  himself  Kalikala-Valmiki.  The  work 
simultaneously  tells  in  four  cantos  the  story  of  Rama  and  the  history 
Of  Ramapala.  It  deals  mainly  with  the  successful  revolution  in  North 
Bengal,  the  murder  of  Mahipala  II,  and  the  restoration  of  the  pater¬ 
nal  kingdom  by  Ramapala.  The  story  is  continued  even  after  Rama- 
pala’s  death,  and  ends  with  Madanapala. 1 9  The  work  possesses  great 
historical  value  as  a  contemporary  record,  but  fails  as  a  poetical 
composition.  It  was  soon  forgotten  on  account  of  its  limited  and 
local  interest. 

Among  the  few  other  minor  historical  works  of  this  period  none 
is  comparable,  even  distantly,  with  the  work  of  Kalhana.  Atula’s 
Mushikavamsa  (eleventh  century)  narrates  in  fifteen  cantos  the  line  of 
kings  which  ruled  over  the  Mushika  kingdom,  i.e.  south  Travancore. 
Sambhu  (eleventh  century)  wrote  the  Rajendrakarnapura  in  praise 
of  his. patron  Harsha.  Similarly  Jalhana  wrote  Somapalavilasa  in 
honour  of  the  king  of  Rajapuri.  Jain  writers  also  proved  their  abi¬ 
lity  in  this  branch  of  Sanskrit  literature,  and  among  Jain  writers  of 
the  period  prominent  place  must  be  given  to  the  polymath  Hema- 
chandra.  He  narrates  the  life  of  king  Kumarapala  of  Anahilwad 
(Anahillapataka)  in  the  Kumdraptila-charita .  The  poem  is  also 
entitled  Dvyasraya-kavya ,  either  because  it  is  written  both  in  Sans¬ 
krit  and  Prakrit,  or  because  the  work,  besides  being  a  history,  also 
serves  the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  rules  of  grammar.  To  the 


308 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

end  of  the  twelfth  century  belongs  the  unfinished  Prithvirdja-vijaya 
of  unknown  authorship  (probably  by  Kashmirian  Jayanaka),20 
which  describes  the  victories  of  the  Chahamana  king  Prithvlraja  of 
Delhi  over  Sultan  Sihab-ud-dln  Ghuri.  To  the  thirteenth  century 
belong  the  two  panegyrics,  the  Kirtikaumudi  of  Somesvaradatta, 
and  the  Sukritasamkirtana  of  Arisimha,  both  in  praise  of  Vastupala, 
a  minister  of  the  Vaghela  princes  of  Gujarat.  The  former,  which 
has  some  poetic  value,  deals  with  the  history  of  the  Vaghela  dynasty 
of  Gujarat.  The  first  two  cantos  of  the  latter  give  an  account  of 
the  Chapotkata  and  Chaulukya  rulers.  There  is  also  a  short  eulo¬ 
gistic  poem  on  Vastupala,  called  Sukritakirtikallolini ,  by  Udaya- 
prabha  Suri.  Another  work  on  the  rulers  of  Gujarat,  and  dealing 
with  the  various  episodes  in  Vastupala’s  career,  is  the  Vasantavilasa 
of  Balachandra  Suri,  pupil  of  Haribhadra  Suri.  Jinaprabha,  the 
prolific  writer  of  numerous  stotras,  has  also  written  a  Dvydsraya - 
kavya  (A.D.  1300)  on  the  life  of  Srenika. 

II.  Drama 

The  dramatist  was  not  a  poet  of  the  people  but  of  the  court,  and 
drama,  like  poetry,  was  isolated  from  real  life.  There  was  a  wide 
separation  of  the  language  of  the  drama  from  the  language  of  the 
people.  Instead  of  becoming  pictures  or  mirrors  of  life,  dramas  be¬ 
came  rigid  exercises  in  literary  skill  and  ingenuity,  and  strict  adher¬ 
ence  to  dramaturgic  injunctions  became  a  general  feature  of  these 
works. 


(A)  Legendary  Plays 

The  legendary  plays  derive  their  plots  from  the  epics  and  the 
Puranas.  The  Kashmirian  polymath  Kshemendra  speaks  of  a  drama, 
Chitrabharata,  by  himself,  which  has  not  survived.21  The  earliest 
extant  drama  during  the  present  period  is  probably  the  Prasanna- 
rdghava  of  Jayadeva,  who  is  to  be  distinguished  from  several  name¬ 
sakes  by  his  statement  that  he  was  the  son  of  Mahadeva,  of 
Kaundinya  gotra ,  and  Sumitra.22  The  Prasanna-mghava  is  a  Nataka 
in  seven  acts  describing  the  life  of  Rama  from  his  wedding  to  his 
return  from  Lanka.  The  author  does  not  strictly  follow  the  story 
in  the  epic  and  takes  some  liberty  with  the  original.  Umapatidhara, 
a  contemporary  of  Jayadeva,  author  of  Gita-govinda,  wrote  Pdrijata- 
harana  dealing  with  the  fight  between  Indra  and  Krishna  for  the 
celestial  flower.  Of  the  polymath  Ramachandra,  pupil  of  Hema- 
chandra,  two  dramas  are  available,  viz.  Nalavilasa,  dealing  with  the 
story  of  Nala,  in  seven  acts,  and  Nirbhayabhima,  a  one-act  Vyayoga 


309 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


on  the  slaying  of  Baka.  The  Kerala  king  Kulasekhara,  whom  Dr.  De 
places  between  the  first  half  of  the  tenth  and  the  first  half  of  the 
twelfth  century,  treats  of  the  Mahabharata  stories  in  his  two  plays: 
Tapati-Samvarana  treats  of  the  legend  of  the  Kuru  king  Samvarana 
and  Tapati,  the  daughter  of  the  sun  god,  in  six  acts;  and  Subhadra- 
Dlnananjaya,  in  five  acts,  deals  with  the  well-known  story  of  the 
marriage  of  Arjuna  and  Subhadra.  The  marriage  of  Draupadi  is 
dramatized  in  two  acts  by  Vijayapala,  son  of  Siddhapala,  in  his 
Draupadisvayamvara.  The  Pradyumndbhyudaya  of  another  Kerala 
prince  Ravivarman  (thirteenth  century)  is  also  based  on  the  Krishna 
legend.  The  Harakelinataka  of  the  Chahamana  king  Vlsaladeva 
Vigraharaja  of  Sakambharl  (twelfth  century)  having  the  same  theme 
as  Bharavi’s  poem,  is  only  partially  known  from  a  few  fragments 
inscribed  on  a  stone  which  has  been  built  up  in  mosque  at  Ajmer 

(B)  Court  Comedies 

There  are  a  few  Natakas  which  deal  generally  with  stories  of 
court  life  based  on  legendary,  semi-historical  or  fictitious  themes. 
The  Karnasundart  of  Bilhana  is  a  Natika  in  four  acts  celebrating  the 
marriage  of  king  Karnadeva  of  Anahilwad  under  the  guise  of  a 
romantic  story.  It  is,  however,  a  poor  recast  of  the  Ratndvalt  and 
Viddlicisdlabhanjikd.  To  the  same  dramatic  category  belongs  the 
Vi  jay  air  I  or  Pdrijdtamanjari  of  Madana  Balasarasvatl  (thirteenth 
century),  preceptor  of  the  Paramara  king  Arjunavarman.  It  depicts 
the  marriage  of  king  Arjunadeva  with  the  Chaulukya  princess  who 
is  introduced  into  the  play  as  a  garland  of  Parijata  flowers  which, 
on  dropping  on  the  breast  of  the  king,  is  miraculously  transformed 
into  a  beautiful  maiden.  In  honour  of  the  Chahamana  king  Vlsala¬ 
deva  was  written  the  Lalitavigraharajandtaka  by  his  protege  Soma- 
deva  describing  the  king’s  love  for  princess  DesaladevT  of  Indrapura; 
the  play  is  partly  preserved  in  a  stone  inscription  at  Ajmer.  In  a 
similar  vein  Vidyanatha  wrote  his  model  play,  the  Pratdparudra - 
kalyana,  which  serves  the  double  purpose  of  eulogising  the  king  of 
Warangal  and  illustrating  the  author’s  views  on  dramaturgy. 

The  extreme  reaction  of  the  dramatic  conventions  on  the  mind 
of  the  aspiring  dramatist  is  reflected  in  a  series  of  six  dramas, 
of  which  four  are  mythological  and  two  erotic  and  comic, 
deliberately  written  to  illustrate  six  out  of  ten  types  of  Sanskrit 
drama.  They  are  the  work  of  Vatsaraja,  minister  of  king  Paramardi- 
deva  of  Kalanjara.  There  is  a  Vyayoga  named  Kirdtdrjumya,  based 
on  the  well-known  epic  of  Bharavi,  in  which  the  Sutradhara  recites 
the  Nandi  verses  twice;  an  ihamriga  named  Rukminiharana;23  a 


310 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


Dima  called  Tripuradaha ;24  and  a  Samavakara  called  Samudra- 
manthana.  These  deal  with  mythological  subjects.  There  is  a 
Bhana,  Karpura-clnarita,  on  the  love  of  a  gambler  with  a  courtesan, 
and  a  Prahasana,  Hasyachudmani,  in  which  a  preceptor  of  the 
Bhagavata  school  is  ridiculed.  Attention  may  be  drawn  in  this  con¬ 
nection  to  another  Vyayoga  named  Parthaparakrama  of  Prahladana- 
deva  (twelfth  century)  describing  how  Arjuna  won  the  cows  of 
Virata.  Two  points  in  particular  deserve  notice  here — the  author 
claims  to  excite  in  the  audience  a  new  sentiment,  diptarasa,  and  the 
final  benediction  is  invoked  not  by  the  hero  but  by  Vasava. 

(C)  Erotic  and  Farcical  Plays 

Bhana  and  Prahasana,  types  of  one-act  plays,  are  farcical  in 
character,  the  former  being  predominantly  erotic  and  having 
merely  a  prolonged  monologue  sustained  by  suppositious  dialogues. 
Though  dramaturgic  treatises  mention  several  Prahasanas,  only  a 
few  have  survived.  After  the  Chaturbhwni,  described  in  the  last 
volume,  the  earliest  instance  is  the  Karpura-charita  of  Vatsaraja. 
which  has  already  been  dealt  with  in  the  previous  section  along 
with  his  other  works.  The  Latakamelaka  of  Sankhadhara  Kaviraia 
(twelfth  century),  written  during  the  reign  of  Govindachandra  of 
Kanauj,  describes  in  two  acts  the  conference  of  rogues  at  the  house 
of  a  go-between  Dantura,  for  winning  the  favour  of  her  daughter 
Madanamanj  ari. 

(D)  Prakaranas  and  Semi-historical  Plays 

Later  writers  of  Parakaranas,  which  deal  with  middle-class  life, 
follow  the  Malatimadhava  rather  than  the  Mrchchliakatika  as  their 
general  model.  There  is  little  of  poetic  realism  but  free  use  of  fancy, 
sentiment,  magic  and  marvel.  Out  of  the  four  Prakaranas  mentioned 
by  Ramachandra  in  the  Natyadarpana,  only  the  Kaumudi-Mitrananda 
by  the  same  Ramachandra  is  published.  It  describes  the  adventures 
of  a  merchant’s  son  Mitrananda  and  his  wife  Kaumudi.  The  story 
resembles  those  of  the  Dasakumara-charita.  The  Prabuddharauhineya 
of  Ramabhadra,  pupil  of  Jinaprabha  Suri  (thirteenth  century),  nar¬ 
rates  in  six  acts  the  circumstances  which  led  the  robber  Rauhineya 
to  change  his  profession.  The  Mudritakumudachandra  of  Yasas- 
chandra,  son  of  Padmachandra,  records  in  five  acts  the  controversy 
between  two  Jain  teachers,  Svetambara  Devasuri  and  Digambara 
Kumudachandra,  in  which  the  latter  was  completely  sealed  up 
( mudrita ). 

Of  the  type  of  Mudrarakshasa,  having  a  historical  interest, 
is  the  Hammiramadamardana  by  a  temple  priest  Jayasiihha  Suri 


311 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(thirteenth  century)  of  Broach,  written  at  the  instance  of  Vastupala’s 
son  Jayantasimha.  The  drama  is  full  of  intrigues  and  incidents  and, 
though  purported  to  commemorate  the  victory  of  king  Viradhavala 
over  the  Mlechchha  ruler  Hammira,  in  reality  eulogises  the  two  mi¬ 
nisters  Vastupala  and  Tejahpala,  describing  Vastupala’s  skill  in  diplo¬ 
macy  and  repulsion,  by  him,  of  the  Muslim  invasion  of  Gujarat. 

(E)  Allegorical  Dramas 

Though  one  of  Asvaghosha’s  fragments  contains  personification 
of  abstract  virtues  as  dramatis  personae ,  there  is  yet  no  evidence  that 
allegorical  drama  played  any  important  part  in  the  evolution  of  the 
dramatic  literature  in  Sanskrit.  The  Prabodhachandrodaya  of 
Krishnamisra  (eleventh  century)  is  the  earliest  known  drama  of  this 
type.  It  is  an  allegory  glorifying  the  Advaita  form  of  Vishnuism.  It 
derives  its  name  from  the  prophecy  that  there  will  be  the  rise  of 
Knowledge  ( prabodha. )  and  Judgment  ( vidyd )  from  the  union  of  Dis¬ 
crimination  and  Theology.  The  Moharajaparajaya  of  the  Jain  Yasati- 
pala  (thirteenth  century)  mixes  allegory  with  reality  as  it  introduces 
real  human  beings  like  king  Kumarapala  and  the  Vidushaka  with 
different  personifications  of  good  and  bad  qualities.  The  play  depicts 
the  conversion  of  the  king  to  Jainism  and  in  consequence  his  pro¬ 
mulgating  the  doctrine  of  ahimsa  and  prohibiting  the  practice  of 
confiscating  the  property  of  those  who  died  without  heirs. 

(F)  Irregular  Dramas 

The  question  about  the  so-called  shadow-plays,  irregular  types  of 
dramas,  has  already  been  dealt  with  in  connection  with  the  Mahd- 
nataka ,25  The  Dutdngada  of  Subhata  exhibits  similar  features.  Out¬ 
wardly  dramatic  in  form,  it  is  devoid  of  any  dramatic  action,  being 
merely  a  collection  of  poetical  stanzas.  The  work  styles  itself  as  a 
Chhaya-nataka,  and  has  been  taken  as  a  typical  instance  of  the 
shadow-play.  In  four  scenes,  it  describes  the  embassy  of  Angada  in 
connection  with  the  recovery  of  Slta  from  Ravana.  There  are  long¬ 
er  and  shorter  recensions  of  the  work.  Some  other  plays  also  call 
themselves  Chhaya-nataka  in  their  prologue  or  colophon;  but  they 
cannot  be  taken  as  instances  of  the  shadow-play.  Probably,  these 
pieces  were  intended  for  popular  entertainment,  and  it  is  not  neces¬ 
sary  to  postulate  the  existence  of  the  shadow-play  to  explain  the 
peculiarities  possessed  by  these  plays.26 

III.  Prose  Romances  and  Champus 

There  is  not  much  prose  outside  scholastic  and  exegetical  writ¬ 
ings,  and  the  small  amount  of  literary  prose  is  not  of  much  conse- 


312 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

quence.  The  prose  romances  and  Champus  being  usually  heavily 
constructed  and  dexterously  stylistic,  one  has  to  turn  to  story  lite¬ 
rature  for  simple  and  direct  prose  style. 

(A)  Later  Romances 

None  of  the  later  authors  had  composed  anything  comparable 
to  the  earlier  works  of  Bana,  Dandin,  and  Subandhu.  Soddhala 
(eleventh  century),  who  was  patronised  by  Chitta,  Nagarjuna,  and 
Mummuni  Raja  of  Konkana,  wrote  the  Udayasundankatha  describing 
the  marriage  of  a  Naga  princess  with  the  king  of  Pratishthana 
Odeyadeva  or  Vadlbhasimha  (twelfth  century)?,  a  Digambara  Jain, 
closely  imitates  the  Kadambari  of  Bana  in  his  Gadyachintamani.  It 
describes  the  life  of  king  Satyadhara  and  his  son  Jivandhara.  The 
Gadyakarndmrita  of  Vidyachakravartin  describes  the  battle  between 
the  Hoysala  Narasimha  II  and  the  combined  forces  of  the  Panijya, 
Magadha,  and  the  Pallava  kings. 

(B)  Champus 

A  peculiar  type  of  literary  composition  written  in  indifferent 
prose  and  verse,  styled  as  Champu,  became  popular  with  authors 
from  the  tenth  century  onwards  and  was  a  special  favourite  of  South 
India.  A  part  of  the  Ramdyanachampu  leading  the  Rama  story  up 
to  the  Kishkindhakanda  is  ascribed  to  Bhoja  (eleventh  century),  and 
the  remainder  was  finished  later  by  one  Lakshmana  Kavi  who  also 
wrote  another  work,  the  Bharatachamputilaka.  Abhinavakalidasa 
(eleventh  century),  which  sounds  more  like  a  title  than  a  personal 
name,  wrote  the  Bhagavatachampu  and  the  Abhinavabharatachampu. 

IV.  Story  Literature 

(A)  The  ‘Brihatkatha’  and  its  Later  Versions 

The  Brihatkatha  of  Gunadhya,  which  is  supposed  to  have  been 
written  in  the  Paisachi  Prakrit,  is  unfortunately  lost  to  us  almost 
beyond  any  hope  of  recovery.  Still  we  can  form  some  idea  of  the 
original  from  the  three  versions — two  Kashmirian  and  one  Nepalese 
— that  are  available  to-day.  From  these  versions  it  appears  that  the 
form  of  the  original  was  metrical,  but  Dandin  probably  hints  that 
it  was  prose.  The  main  theme  of  the  narrative  was  no  doubt  the 
marriage  of  Naravahanadatta  with  Madanamahchuka  who,  like 
Vasantasena,  was  a  courtesan.  It  is  also  possible  that  the  original 
work  contained  many  other  stories  of  the  love  adventures  of  the 
hero.  As  regards  the  date  of  the  original  it  is  very  difficult  to  dogma- 


313 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


tise,  though  its  influence  over  Bhasa  suggests  first  century  A.D.  as 
the  probable  period  of  its  composition. 

One  of  the  three  versions  of  the  Brihatkatha  is  the  Brihatkathi- 
slokasamgraha  of  Budhasvamin,  the  manuscripts  of  which  are  from 
Nepal.  It  may  be  dated  in  the  eighth  century  A.D.  The  work 
is  available  only  in  a  fragment;  still  a  comparison  with  the  other 
versions  shows  that  this  one  is  more  faithful  to  the  original  than 
the  two  Kashmirian  versions.  The  stories  here  are  told  with  a  sense 
of  moderation  and  the  language  betrays  a  few  Sanskritizations  of 
Prakrit. 

The  Brihatkathd-manjari  of  Kshemendra  (eleventh  century)  is 
one  of  the  two  Kashmirian  versions.  Both  Kshemendra  and  Soma- 
deva,  the  author  of  the  Kathdsaritsagara,  have  added  much  matter, 
to  wit  the  Panchatantra  and  the  Vetalapanchavimsatika,  to  the 
original  narrative  of  Guinadhya,  and  from  this  fact  it  seems  permis¬ 
sible  to  surmise  that  the  two  Kashmirian  authors  had  before  them 
not  the  original  Brihatkatha  but  some  later  and  enlarged  version  of 
it.  When  compared  with  Somadeva’s  work,  Kshemendra’s  version 
looks  like  an  abridged  edition,  so  much  so  that  his  brevity  has  some¬ 
times  led  to  obscurity. 

The  Kathdsaritsagara ,  the  other  and  the  more  important  Kash¬ 
mirian  version  of  the  Brihatkatha 9  was  undertaken  by  its  author 
Somedava  (eleventh  century)  to  divert  the  mind  of  Suryamati,  the 
wife  of  king  Ananta  of  Kashmir.  While  writing,  it  was  the  avowed 
aim  of  the  author  to  narrate  the  substance  of  the  work  before  him 
and  at  the  same  time  to  endeavour  to  produce  a  unified  effect  and 
maintain  the  flow  of  the  narrative.  As  already  remarked,  Soma- 
deva,  in  the  course  of  his  narration,  tells  much  more  than  what 
Kshemendra  and  Budhasvamin  do.  Thus  there  are  numerous 
stories  of  faithful  and  adulterous  women,  of  fools  and  rogues, 
thieves  and  gamblers,  false  ascetics  and  forest  tribes.  Wonderful 
events  and  feats  of  adventure  are  found  in  abundance,  and  magic 
and  witchcraft  are  a  matter  of  everyday  routine.  In  spite  of  the 
vast  material  contained  in  the  book  the  author  has  certainly  suc¬ 
ceeded  in  narrating  the  stories  in  an  easy,  flowing  style.  From 
the  point  of  view  of  sociology  the  work  is  a  mine  of  information 
about  ancient  customs  and  manners. 

(B)  Romantic  Tales 

The  Vetalapanchavimsatika  narrates  how  an  ascetic  tried  to 
beguile  king  Trivikramasena,  who  was  eventually  saved  by  a  vam- 


314 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


pire  whose  riddles  were  correctly  answered  by  the  king.  It  has 
come  down  to  us  in  more  than  one  version — the  Kashmirian 
version,  incorporated  in  the  works  of  Kshemendra  and  Somadeva, 
the  version  of  Sivadasa  in  prose  and  verse,  the  one  of  Jambha- 
ladatta,  and  still  another  of  Vallabhadasa.  From  these  versions  it 
is  very  difficult  to  decide  whether  the  original  work  was  in  prose 
or  poetry  or  even  both.  The  date  of  the  original  is  similarly  un¬ 
certain,  though  the  version  of  Sivadasa  may  have  belonged  to  the 
twelfth  century  A.D.  As  regards  its  language  Hertel  has  tried  to 
show  that  it  was  much  influenced  by  old  Gujarati  vocabulary  and 
syntax.27  Later  versions  substitute  Vikramaditya’s  name  for  that 
of  Trivikramasena. 

The  Sukasaptati  has  come  down  to  us  in  two  recensions  of  un¬ 
certain  date— the  simplicior  and  the  ornatior  of  Schmidt.  The 
former  seems  to  have  been  written  by  a  Svetambara  Jain  and  the 
latter  by  a  Brahmana,  Chintamani  Bhatta.  The  framework  of  the 
book  consists  of  the  stories,  mostly  of  faithless  women  and  cunning 
hetaerae,  narrated  by  a  clever  parrot  to  the  wife  of  a  merchant  in 
order  to  guard  her  chastity  while  her  husband  had  gone  abroad. 

The  Simhasanadvdtrimsika  is  known  by  different  names  and 
is  available  today  in  at  least  three  important  versions.  It  is  said 
that  king  Bhoja  of  Dhara  (eleventh  century)  discovered  a  throne 
that  was  once  presented  by  Indra  to  Vikramaditya.  When  the 
king  tried  to  ascend  the  throne,  each  of  the  thirty-two  statuettes  on 
it  told  him  a  story  of  king  Vikramaditya  and  obtained  release.  The 
date  of  this  work  seems  to  have  been  somewhere  between  the 
eleventh  and  the  thirteenth  centuries  A.D.28  Similar  in  sub¬ 
stance,  but  of  less  importance,  is  the  anonymous  Vikramodaya 
narrating  tales  of  king  Vikramaditya  in  verse.  The  Viracharita  of 
Ananta,  an  epic  in  thirty-two  cantos,  describes  the  events  of  the  life 
of  king  Salivahana.  A  similar  work,  though  partly  in  prose,  is  the 
Sdlivahanakatha  of  Sivadasa. 


(C)  Didactic  Tales 

The  Parisishtaparvan  of  Hemachandra  is  an  appendix  to  his 
Trishashtisaldkapiirusha-charita  and  deals  with  the  lives  of  the 
oldest  of  the  Jain  teachers.  It  also  includes  some  strange  legends 
about  king  Chandragupta  Maury  a  and  some  other  folk-tales.  The 
Prabhavaka-charita  of  Prabhachandra  and  Pradyumna  Suri 
(thirteenth  century)  forms  a  continuation  of  Hemachandra’s  work. 


315 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(D)  Fables 

The  earliest  glimpses  of  a  fable  are  found  in  the  Mahdbharata 
where  at  one  place  a  particular  policy  recommended  for  adoption 
is  illustrated  by  means  of  a  beast  fable.  But  this  does  not  mean 
that  the  fables  were  collected  and  written  down  in  a  book  form 
from  the  epic  period  itself.  There  are  numerous  similarities  in 
Greek  and  Sanskrit  fables,  but  the  problem  of  their  mutual 
relationship  is  rather  difficult  of  solution.  The  earliest  work  on 
fables  in  Sanskrit  is  the  Panchatantra,  its  purpose  being  to  give 
instructions  to  some  princes  in  morals  and  rules  of  worldly  life. 
It  is  written  in  mixed  prose  and  poetry,  the  former  being  employed 
for  the  narration  of  the  story,  and  the  latter  for  summing  up  its 
moral  and  also  for  incorporating  certain  verses  of  didactic  import. 

As  with  the  Brihatkathd,  the  original  work,  usually  entitled 
the  Panchatantra ,  on  which  are  based  numerous  versions,  is  lost  to 
us.29  Its  author  is  said  to  have  been  Brahmana  Vishnusarman  who 
perhaps  lived  in  the  Deccan  some  time  between  A.D."  200  and  400. 
Book  I  of  the  work  deals  with  the  topic  of  separation  of  friends, 
Book  II  with  winning  of  friends,  Book  III  with  war  and  peace, 
Book  IV  with  loss  of  one’s  earnings,  and  Book  V  with  dangers  of 
hasty  action.  Within  the  framework  of  the  main  narrative  in  each 
book  are  inserted  numerous  other  fables  illustrating  general  rules 
of  life.  The  author  employs  a  fairly  simple  style  which  in  general 
is  free  from  poetic  elaborations. 

Of  all  the  derivative  forms  30  of  the  original  Panchatantra,  the 
Tantrakhyayika,  of  unknown  date,  is  comparatively  more  akin  to 
the  original  than  the  others.  The  textus  simplicior  is  a  Jain 
version  prepared  c.  A.D.  1100,  and  differs  considerably  from  the 
original.  To  the  year  A.D.  1199  belongs  another  Jain  version,  the 
Panchdkhydyika,  prepared  by  monk  Purnabhadra.  The  Brihatka - 
tha-manjari  and  the  Kathasaritsagara  have  each  a  version  of  the 
Panchatantra  representing  the  form  which  the  original  work  as¬ 
sumed  in  the  north-west  of  India.  The  southern  Panchatantra  is 
available  in  five  recensions  and  seems  to  be  a  shortened  account 
of  the  original.  The  Bengal  version  is  represented  by  the  Hitopa - 
desa  ascribed  to  Narayana  (eleventh  or  twelfth  century).  The 
work  includes  many  new  tales  not  found  in  other  versions,  and 
incorporates  even  large  sections  from  the  Kamandakiya-Nitisara. 
Not  satisfied  with  this  the  author  also  rehandles  the  arrangement 
of  the  books.  The  provenance  of  the  work  in  Bengal  is  made  pro¬ 
bable  by  a  story  which  describes  a  ritual  in  honour  of  Gauri,  showing 
the  influence  of  Saktism.  The  style  of  the  author  is  as  simple  and 
attractive  as  that  of  Vishnusarman. 


316 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


3 .  SCIENTIFIC  LITERATURE 
I.  Lexicography 

The  earliest  lexicographer  in  this  period  appears  to  be  Yadava¬ 
prakasa,  the  author  of  Vaijayanti,  who  has  been  identified  with  the 
preceptor  of  Ramanuja.31  Yadavaprakasa  was  born  near  Kanchl- 
puram.  Originally  a  staunch  follower  of  Sankara,  he  was  later 
converted  to  Vaishnavism  by  his  former  pupil  Ramanuja.  The  Vai¬ 
jayanti  has  two  portions,  synonymous  and  homonymous,  which  arc 
fuller  than  the  Amarakosa.  The  homonymous  section  arranges 
the  words  in  the  alphabetical  order  of  their  initial  letters,  and  there 
are  three  Kaodas  containing  homonyms  of  2,  3,  or  more  syllables. 
The  Namamdlika 31a  of  Bhoja  is  of  the  nature  of  a  compilation  ( Sarin * 
grihita).  Its  author  has  been  identified  with  king  Bhoja  of  Dhara 
who  flourished  in  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  The  work  has 
been  much  influenced  by  the  Vaijayanti  of  Yadavaprakasa. 
Purushottamadeva,  a  Buddhist,  wrote  three  lexical  works,  Trikain- 
dasesha,  Har  avail ,  and  Varnadesana.  The  first,  as  indicated  by  its 
title,  is  a  supplement,  in  three  parts  containing  1050  verses,  to  the 
Amarakosa.  It  adopts  the  Paribhasha  (terminology)  and  division 
of  the  Amarakosa ,  and  aims  to  give  only  the  words  left  out  by  the 
Amarakosa.  In  the  short  extent  of  278  verses,  the  Hdravali  deals, 
in  two  parts,  with  the  synonymous  and  homonymous  words  not 
in  common  use.  The  Varnadesana,  which  is  in  prose,  deals  with 
orthographical  variations  giving  a  collection  of  differently  spelt 
words,  and  mentions  such  cases  of  confusion  as  between  ksh  and  kh 
which,  according  to  the  author,  is  due  to  the  similarity  of  the 
characters  employed,  among  others,  .by  the  Gauqlas.  An  Ekakshara- 
kosa  and  Dvirv.pakosa  are  also  attributed  to  him,  of  which  the 
latter  is  a  brief  work  of  75  stanzas,  dealing  with  words  spelt  in 
two  different  ways.  In  view  of  the  quotations  by  Vandyaghatlya 
Sarvananda  (A.D.  1159),  Purushottamadeva  cannot  be  placed  later 
than  the  first  half  of  the  twelfth  century;  but  he  is  not  much 
earlier,  as  one  of  his  works  is  stated  to  have  been  composed  at  the 
request  of  Lakshmanasena,  apparently  before  he  became  king. 

Visvaprakdsa  and  Anekarthakosa  are  homonymous  lexicons 
with  words  arranged  in  the  alphabetical  order  of  final  consonants. 
Visvaprakdsa  by  Mahesvara,  as  stated  in  the  last  verse,  was  com¬ 
posed  in  A.D.  1111.  Mahesvara  was  the  son  of  Srlbrahma  and 
grandson  of  Krishna,  and  his  work  gained  fame  even  during  the 
century  of  its  composition,  as  is  seen  from  quotations  by  Sarva¬ 
nanda  and  Hemachandra.  Mankha,  the  author  of  the  Anekdr- 
thakosa,  is  identified  with  his  namesake,  the  author  of  the 


317 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Srlkantha-charita,  who  lived  in  the  reign  of  Jayasiihha  of  Kashmir 
(A.D.  1128-55).  Anekdrthasabdakosa  by  Medinikara,  also  known  as 
MedinI,  appears  to  be  a  mere  remodelling  of  the  Visvaprakdsa.  Me¬ 
dina  was  the  son  of  Prainakara.  As  he  is  quoted  by  Rayamuku^a 
(A.D.  1431),  Medini  must  be  placed  in  or  before  the  fourteenth  cen¬ 
tury,  but  he  is  probably  much  earlier,  because  the  authorities  cited  by 
him  are  earlier  than  A.D.  1159,  being  all  referred  to  by  Sarvananda.32 
Nanarthasamgrahci  of  Ajayapala,  available  only  in  MSS.,  contains 
about  1730  words  mostly  found  in  the  Sasvatakosa ,  arranged  after 
initial  letters.  Ajayapala  was  a  Buddhist,  and  is  quoted  in  Gaina- 
ratnamahodadhi  (A.D.  1140),  by  Sarvananda,  Kesavasvamin  and 
others.  Kesavasvamin’s  Ndndrthdrnavasamkshepa,  the  biggest  ho¬ 
monymous  lexicon  known  so  far,  contains  about  5800  stanzas, 
which  are  divided  into  six  Kaindas  according  to  the  number  of 
syllables.  In  each  Kanda,  words  are  arranged  after  the 
initial  letters.  Kesava’s  patron  was  Rajaraja  Chola,  son  of  Kulot- 
tunga.  Two  or  three  such  persons  are  known  during  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries.  The  printed  text  of  Dhananjaya’s  Ndma- 
mdla  (in  Dvadasakosasamgraha,  Benares,  1865,  1873)  has  only  a 
synonymous  portion  in  200  verses,  which  appears  to  be  the  original 
recension.  There  are,  however,  other  recensions  which  contain, 
in  addition,  a  homonymous  section  in  50  stanzas,  while  a  Tanjore 
MSS.  has  three  chapters,  viz.  Sabdasamkirnarupana,  Sabdasamklrna- 
prarupana,  and  Sabdavistirnarupana.  Dhananjaya  was  a  Digam- 
bara  Jain  and  native  of  Karnatak.  He  was  also  the  author  of 
Dvisandhanakavya,  quoted  in  Ganaratnamahodadhi  (A.D.  1140). 33 

The  Gujarat  polymath  Hemachandra  wrote  four  lexical  works, 
Abhidhdnachintamani,  Anekarthasamgraha,  Nighantusesha,  and 
Desindmamdla.  The  first  two  deal  respectively  with  synonyms  and 
homonyms,  the  third  is  a  botanical  nighantu,  and  the  last  is  a  Pra¬ 
krit  lexicon.  The  Abhidhdnachintamani,  containing  nearly  1542 
stanzas,  is  divided  into  six  Kandas;  Devadhideva,  dealing  with  Jain 
gods  and  religious  terms;  Deva,  on  Hindu  and  Buddhist  gods  and 
terms;  Martya,  human  beings  in  their  various  relations;  Naraka, 
nether  world;  and  Samanya,  abstract  notions,  adjectives,  and  in- 
declinables.  The  author  has  written  his  own  commentary.  Ane- 
kdrthasamgraha ,  also  in  six  Kandas,  contains  nearly  1829  stanzas. 
The  Kandas  are  arranged  after  the  number  of  syllables,  and  in  a 
twofold  alphabetical  order  after  the  final  and  initial  letters — and 
a  supplementary  Kanda  is  added  on  the  Avyayas  (indeclinables). 
Later  than  Hemachandra  is  Mahipa  who  in  his  Anekdrthatilaka 33a 
gives  a  dictionary  of  homonyms. 

This  period  also  witnessed  some  important  commentaries  on  the 
Amarakosa.  The  earliest  extant  commentary  is  the  Amarakosodgha- 


818 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


tana  by  Kshlrasvamin,  who  may  be  assigned  to  the  latter  half  of  the 
eleventh  century.  The  commentary  is  lucid  and  simple,  and  eluci¬ 
dates  and  criticises  the  text  with  the  help  of  over  a  hundred  autho¬ 
rities.  Next  in  time  and  importance  is  the  Amarakosatikdsarvasva 
written  in  A.D.  1159  by  Sarvananda  Vandyaghatiya,  son  of  Artihara, 
to  whom  frequent  reference  has  been  made  in  this  chapter.  This 
learned  and  valuable  commentary,  written  with  the  help  of  ten 
previous  commentaries,  has  been  the  basis  of  the  works  of  all  later 
Bengal  commentators  including  Rayamukuta.  Kdmadhenu  by  the 
Buddhist  Subhuti  or  Subhutichandra,  which  is  often  quoted  by 
Bengal  commentators,  is  available  in  a  Tibetan  version.  The  author 
is  mentioned  in  the  Durghatavritti  of  Saranadeva  (A.D.  1173). 

Kshlrasvamin,  Sarvananda,  and  MedinI  refer  to  and  quote  from 
several  lexicographers  about  whom  nothing  further  is  known. 

II.  Grammar 

The  period  after  A.D.  1000  marks  the  stage  of  progressive 
deterioration  in  the  study  of  grammar.  There  is  in  the  first  place  the 
rise  of  a  number  of  new  and  popular  schools  of  grammar  intended 
to  simplify  the  science  for  the  enlightenment  of  the  laity.  There  are 
also  numerous  recasts  of  the  Ashtadhyayi.  Among  the  works  of  the 
Paninian  school  may  be  mentioned  the  Dhdtuvritti  of  Kshlrasvamin. 
the  famous  commentator  of  the  Amarakosa.  Kaiyata,  son  of  Jaiy- 
yata,  probably  a  native  of  Kashmir,  wrote  his  Pradlpa  on  the  Maha- 
bhashya  of  Patanjali.  The  Padamanjari  by  Haradatta  is  a  valuable 
commentary  on  the  Kasika.  Haradatta  was  the  son  of  Padmakumara 
and  a  resident  of  the  Telugu  country.  The  only  complete  work  on 
Paniniya  Ganapatha  is  Vardhamana’s  Ganaratnamahodadhi,  which 
is  a  metrical  arrangement  of  the  Ganas  followed  by  a  commentary 
by  the  author.  Durghatavritti ,  written  by  a  Buddhist  writer, 
Saranadeva,  under  the  supervision  of  Sarvarakshita,  deals  with  the 
difficult  passages  of  Panini’s  text. 

Among  non-Paininian  systems,  the  Chandra  school  disappeared 
from  India  during  the  period  under  review.  But  it  is  still  exten¬ 
sively  studied  in  Tibet  and  Ceylon,  thanks  to  the  BaMvabodha,  a 
popular  recast  of  the  Chandra  grammar  by  Kasyapa,  a  Ceylonese 
Buddhist  monk.  The  Jainendra  school  is  represented  by  a  few  works 
in  this  period.  Only  two  commentaries  have  been  preserved;  one 
by  Abhayanandi  (c.  A.D.  1250),  and  the  other,  £abdarnavachandrika 
by  Somadeva  composed  in  A.D.  1205.  Somadeva,  resident  of 
Ajurika  (Ajre,  in  the  old  Kolhapur  State),  was  the  contemporary  of 
Silahara  king  Bhojadeva  (Bhoja  II).  The  Panchavastu  is  a  recast 
of  the  Jainendra  grammar  to  facilitate  its  study  by  beginners. 


319 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Arya  Srutakirti  is  mentioned  as  the  author  in  the  introductory  por¬ 
tion.34  For  the  Sakatayana  school,  there  is  the  Rupasiddhi  of  Daya- 
pala,  pupil  of  Matisagara,  and  a  fellow  student  of  Vadiraja  (or 
Jayasiihha  II,  Chaulukya).  It  is  an  abridgment  of  Sakatayana’s 
grammar,  somewhat  similar  in  scope  to  the  Laghukaumudt.  Prabha- 
chandracharya’s  Nydsa  is  another  work  of  the  school  which  is  in  the 
nature  of  a  commentary  on  the  Amoghavritti.  From  its  non-men¬ 
tion  by  Bopadeva,  the  author  of  Mugdhabodha,  the  origin  of  the 
Sarasvata  school  cannot  be  placed  much  earlier  than  A.D.  1250.  The 
school  arose  in  response  to  a  demand,  probably  from  the  Muslim 
rulers,  who  deemed  it  necessary  to  promote  the  study  of  Sanskrit 
Brevity  of  treatment  and  simplicity  are  the  principal  features  of  the 
Sarasvata  school.  As  against  4000  Sutras  of  Paindni  (3000  of  Jainen- 
dra,  over  1400  in  Katantra,  and  1200  of  Bopadeva),  the  Sarasvata 
treats  the  entire  subject  in  only  700  Sutras.  Anubhutisvarupa- 
charya,  the  traditional  founder,  who  wrote  Sdrasvataprakriyd,  pos¬ 
sibly  had  one  or  two  predecessors.  Vardhamana,  a  protege  of 
Karnadeva,  probably  a  ruler  in  Gujarat,  wrote  Kdtantravistara,  a 
commentary  on  Durgasirhha's  Vritti  which  belongs  to  the  Katantra 
school.  Shortly  after  Vardhamana,  Trilochanadasa,  son  of  Megha 
and  father  of  Gadadhara,  of  the  Kayastha  class,  composed  Katantra - 
vrittipanjikd.  Another  work  of  the  school  is  Sabdasiddhi,  a  com¬ 
mentary  written  by  Mahadeva,  of  which  a  MS.  is  dated  Sam  vat  1340. 
The  Gujarat  polymath  Hemachandra  founded  the  Hemachandra 
school.  His  Sabdanusasana  has,  like  the  Ashtadhydyl ,  8  Adhyayas 
of  4  Padas  each,  the  total  number  of  Sutras  being  4500.  Nearly  a 
fourth  of  these  form  the  last  Adhyaya  dealing  exclusively  with  the 
Prakrit  languages.  Mugdhabodha  by  Bopadeva  is  the  chief  text  of 
the  Bopadeva  school.  Bopadeva,  the  son  of  Kesava  and  a  pupil  of 
Dhanesa,  was  a  native  of  Berar.  He  was  a  voluminous  writer,  his 
other  works  being  Muktdphala,  Harillldvivarana,  Sataclofci,  etc. 
His  object  in  writing  a  new  treatise  on  grammar  was  to  combine 
simplicity  with  brevity.  Religious  element  pervades  this  work,  illus¬ 
trative  examples  referring  to  Hari,  Hara  or  Rama.  To  Bopdeva  be¬ 
longs  also  the  Kavikalpadruma 34a  which  is  a  metrical  Dhatupa^ha. 
It  not  only  gives  the  roots  and  their  meanings  but  also  certain  other 
information  about  the  roots  from  the  grammatical  point  of  view  and 
their  usage.  Kramadlsvara  was  the  founder  of  a  new  system,  which 
however  came  to  be  known  as  Jaumara  school  from  the  name  of 
J umaranandl,  the  most  celebrated  writer  of  the  school.  Krama¬ 
dlsvara  wrote  Samkshiptasara,  which  was  revised  by  Maharajadhiraja 
Jumaranandi.  Rasavati  is  the  name  of  a  Vritti  by  Jumaranandl, 
who  also  revised  the  Paninlya  Dhatupatha  for  this  school. 


320 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


III.  Poetics  and  Dramaturgy 
(1)  Poetics 

The  interval  between  Anandavardhana  and  Mammata  repre¬ 
sents,  according  to  Dr.  De,  the  definitive  period  in  the  history  of 
Sanskrit  poetics,  during  which  details  of  the  new  system  were 
precisely  set  up.35  The  writers  of  this  period  concerned  themselves 
with  summarising  the  results  of  earlier  speculations  and  presenting 
them  in  the  form  of  concise  text  books.  The  complete  scheme  of 
poetics  with  the  Dhvani  theory  at  its  centre,  harmonising  the  diver¬ 
gent  theories  of  earlier  writers,  finds  its  expression  in  the  Kavya- 
prakdsa  of  Mammata  in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century.  Some 
reactionary  theorists  like  Mahimabhatta  and  Kuntala  flourished 
during  this  time.  The  period  following  Mammata  was,  in  tune  with 
the  general  literary  tendency,  a  scholarly  one  of  critical  elaboration, 
which  unquestioningly  accepted  the  Dhvani  theory.  Despite  some 
writers  who  tried  to  expound  the  old  surviving  traditions  like  Bhoja 
or  Vagbhata,  no  new  theory  was  propounded,  the  creative  days  of 
the  science  being  over  long  ago.  Besides  a  number  of  commentaries 
there  was  also  a  large  production  of  popular  books  for  the  general 
reader  as  also  manuals  and  school  books. 

Rajanaka  Mahimabhatta,  the  son  of  Sridhairya  and  pupil  of 
Mahakavi  Syamala,  severely  criticises  the  Dhvani  theory  in  his 
Vyaktiviveka.  He  accepts  only  two  senses  of  Sabda,  viz.  the  vachya 
(the  actually  expressed)  and  the  anumeya  (inferable),  and  includes 
under  the  latter  both  laksliya  and  vyangya  whose  independent  exist¬ 
ence  he  controverts.  Despite  his  logical  acumen,  deep  insight  and 
great  scholarship,  the  work  failed  to  evoke  interest  mainly  because 
he  adds  nothing  to  the  larger  problems  of  poetics.  The  avowed 
object  of  the  book  is  polemical.  It  was  forgotten  in  later  times  and 
the  author  is  cited  only  for  refutation,  probably  on  account  of  his 
pitting  himself  against  the  most  formidable  theory  of  Dhvanikara 
and  Anandavardhana  which  was  destined  to  supersede  his  by  at¬ 
tracting  the  best  thinkers  of  later  times.  Later  theorists  never  re¬ 
cognised  the  Anumana  theory.  As  his  views  are  summarised  in 
the  Alarakdrasanmsva,  Mahimabhatta  is  earlier  than  A.D.  1100,  and 
as  he  criticises  Vakroktijivita  and  Lochana,  and  quotes  the  Bala - 
rdmdyana ,  he  is  later  than  A.D.  1000.  He  therefore  probably 
flourished  between  A.D.  1020  and  1060.  The  Alamkara  portion  of 
the  Agni  Purana,  which  belongs  to  this  period,  apparently  follows  a 
tradition  different  in  many  respects  from  the  orthodox  systems. 
Bhoja  further  develops  the  definition  of  poetry  given  in  the  Agni 
Purana  by  expressly  adding  Rasa  among  its  essential  characteristics. 

821 

S.E.— 21 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Bhoja’s  Sarasvatikanthdbharana  is  a  voluminous  work,  divided  into 
five  Parichchhedas,  but  more  or  less  a  patient  compilation.  Ap¬ 
parently  following  Agni  Purdna,  Bhoja  regards  Upama,  Akshepa, 
Samasokti,  and  several  others  as  figures  both  of  Sabda  and  Artha. 
He  enumerates  six  Ritis:  Vaidarbhl,  Panchall,  Gaudiya,  Avantika, 
Latlya,  and  MagadhI.  He  raises  alb  six  Pramanas  of  Jaimini  to 
figures  of  speech,  and  looks  upon  even  Gunas  and  Rasas  as  Alamkaras. 
Though  speaking  of  eight  Rasas,  his  way  of  treatment  shows  that 
he  looked  upon  Sriiigara  as  the  only  Rasa,  which  he  has  expressly 
stated  in  his  Sringdraprakasa.  The  Sringdraprakasa  in  36  Prakasas 
is  the  largest  known  work  in  Sanskrit  Poetics,  and  has  been  drawn 
on  by  Hemachandra  and  &aradatanaya.  In  the  first  eight  chapters, 
the  author  deals  with  grammatical  technicalities  and  the  theory  of 
Vritti;  the  next  two  deal  with  faults  and  merits  of  thought  and  ex¬ 
pression;  the  eleventh  with  the  Mahakavya,  and  the  twelfth  with 
drama;  and  the  last  twenty-four  are  devoted  to  Rasas.  Bhoja  was 
a  prolific  author  who  wrote  on  a  variety  of  subjects.  He  was  the 
king  of  Dhara  and  known  as  Bhojadeva.36 

Another  voluminous  writer  on  a  number  of  subjects,  and  about 
whom  we  have  already  said  a  great  deal,  is  the  Kashmirian  Kshe- 
mendra.  His  contribution  to  poetics  was,  however,  meagre,  and 
did  not  exert  any  appreciable  influence  on  the  Alamkarasastra.  His 
Auchityavicharacharchd  contains  Karikas  with  his  own  Vritti,  and 
illustrations  taken  from  various  works.  He  states  that  Auchitya 
(appropriateness  or  propriety)  is  the  essence  of  Rasa.  Propriety 
is  the  life  of  all  poetical  compositions  because  Guna,  Alamkara,  and 
Rasa,  used  improperly,  not  only  do  not  beautify  the  poem,  but  lose 
their  own  beauty  also. 

\ 

The  Kdvyaprakdsa  of  Mammata  occupies  a  unique  position  in  the 
Alamkara  literature,  analogous  to  the  Sdnkarabhdshya  in  Vedanta 
or  the  Pdtanjalabhashya  in  grammar.  Summing  up  in  itself  all  the 
activities  that  preceded  it  in  the  field  of  poetics,  it  becomes  itself 
the  fountain-head  of  fresh  streams  of  doctrines.  It  combines  ful¬ 
ness  of  treatment  with  conciseness,  traversing  the  whole  field  in 
142  Karikas  (or  Sutras).  The  work  comprises  the  Karika,  Vritti, 
and  Udaharanas  and  is  divided  into  ten  Ullasas,  dealing  with  all 
topics  of  poetics  except  dramaturgy.  A  late  tradition,  mostly  ob¬ 
taining  in  Bengal,  imputes  the  authorship  of  the  Karikas  to  Bharata 
and  of  the  prose  Vritti  to  Mammata;  but  this  is  unauthentic  and 
fanciful.37  The  earliest  known  commentator  of  the  Kdvyaprakdsa , 
Manikyachandra  (A.D.  1159-60),  and  an  early  MS.  of  the  work, 
dated  A.D.  1158,  refer  to  the  joint  authorship  of  the  Kdvyaprakdsa 
by  Mammata  and  Alaka,38  and  later  commentators  follow  them.  It 


322 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


appears,  however,  that  the  joint  authorship  related  only  to  the 
seventh  and  tenth  Ullasas.  According  to  Kasnmirian  Pandits 
Mammata  was  the  maternal  uncle  of  Sriharsha,  author  of  the  Naistia - 
dtiiya.  As  Mammata  quotes  Abhinavagupta  and  refers  to  Bhoja, 
he  cannot  be  earlier  than  A.D.  1050;  ana  as  the  earliest  commentary 
on  the  Kdvyaprakasa  is  dated  1159-60,  he  is  earlier  than  A.D.  1150. 
Thus  A.D.  1100  appears  to  be  the  probable  date  of  the  Kdvyaprakasa, 
and,  as  shown  by  Dr.  Gode,  the  latter  part  of  Mammata’s  life 
synchronised  with  the  early  literary  activities  of  Hemachandra, 
whose  senior  contemporary  Mammata  was.39  The  value  of  Mam¬ 
mata  consists  not  in  his  originality  but  in  the  concise  and  orderly 
discussions  of  the  main  issues,  the  definitions,  and  the  general  treat¬ 
ment  embracing  the  whole  field  covered  by  his  predecessors. 

Rajanaka  Ruyyaka  or  Ruchaka,4-0  son  of  Rajanaka  Tilaka,  came 
immediately  after  Mammata,  and  his  Alamkdrasarvasva  shows  a 
remarkable  degree  of  insight  and  independence  of  judgment.  '  He  is 
a  staunch  advocate  of  the  Dhvani  school,  and  briefly  summarises 
the  views  of  Bhamaha,  Udbhata,  Vamana,  Rudrata,  Vakroktijivita, 
Vyaktiviveka,  and  Dhvanikara  on  the  essence  of  poetry.  The  work 
consists  of  the  three  usual  parts,  Sutra,  Vritti,  and  Udaharana.  The 
Alamkdrasarvasva  is  important  for  its  acute  analysis  of  the  scope 
and  nature  of  the  individual  poetic  figures.  Ruyyaka  quotes  from 
Vikramdnkadeva-charita,  and  criticises  Vyaktiviveka  and  Kdvya- 
prakasa,  which  show  that  he  cannot  be  earlier  than  A.D.  1100;  his 
lower  limit  is  supplied  by  his  pupil  Mankhaka,  who  wrote  Snkantha- 
charita  between  1135  and  1145;  thus  Alamkdrasarvasva  was  com¬ 
posed  about  A.D.  1125. 

Hemachandra’s  Kdvydnusdsana,  written  in  the  form  of  Sutra 
and  Vritti,  along  with  its  commentary,  called  Viveka,  composed  by 
the  author,  indicates  extensive  learning,  and  constitutes  a  complete 
manual  of  poetics  in  eight  chapters.  The  work,  however,  displays 
hardly  any  originality  or  independence  of  judgment.  It  is  chiefly 
a  compilation;  the  doctrines  of  Dhvani,  Rasa,  Guna,  Dosha,  and 
Alamkara  appear  to  have  been  closely,  and  somewhat  uncritically, 
copied  from  Mammata.  The  Sutra,  Vritti,  and  commentary  are  res¬ 
pectively  called  Kdvydnusdsana,  Alamkarachudqimani,  and  Viveka. 

The  Bhavaprakdsana  of  Saradatanaya  is  an  extensive  work  deal¬ 
ing  with  Rasas,  Bhavas,  and  dramaturgy.  The  author  is  a  staunch 
follower  of  the  Rasa  school,  according  to  which  Rasa  is  the  soul 
of  poetry,  whereas  the  other  principles,  Guna,  Rlti,  Alamkara,  etc., 
are  mere  subsidiaries.  It  may  be  noted  that  according  to  the  Dhvani 
school,  Rasas  hold  the  predominant  position  over  Alamkara,  Guna 

and  Riti.  Its  followers  advocate  the  method  of  Rasa-Dhvani,  accord¬ 
's  ' 


828 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ing  to  which,  the  Alamkaras,  Gunas  and  Ritis  should  beautify  the 
soul,  Rasa,  and  these  should  be  so  chosen  as  to  develop  the  Rasas. 
The  book  is  divided  into  four  sections  and  ten  chapters.  The  first 
two  divisions  deal  respectively  with  Bhava  and  Rasa;  the  third  des¬ 
cribes  the  relation  between  the  words  and  meanings,  and  in  the 
fourth  we  find  the  different  types  of  dramas.  The  last  section  of 
the  work  will  be  dealt  with  later  when  we  come  to  dramaturgy. 
Saradatanaya  quotes  extensively  from  the  Sringaraprakasa  and  the 
Kavyaprakasa,  and  Singabhupala,  Kumarasvamin,  and  Kallinatha 
quote  from  him;  Saradatanaya,  therefore,  flourished  between  A.D. 
1175  and  1250. 

The  Chandrdloka  by  Jayadeva  or  Plyushavarsha,  son  of  Maha- 
deva  and  Sumitra,  is  an  elementary  treatise  on  poetics  in  the  Anush- 
tubh  metre  in  a  lucid  and  easy  style.  The  language  is  flowing  and 
sonorous,  and  the  work  is  admirably  suited  for  the  beginners.  The 
author,  as  already  stated  earlier,  is  identical  with  the  author  of  the 
Prasanna-raghava ,  and  flourished  before  A.D.  1300.  Rasaratna- 
pradlpikd  by  Allaraja,  son  of  Hammlra,  the  Chahamana  king,  is  also 
a  small  treatise  intended  for  beginners. 

Sobhakara  in  his  Alamkdraratnakara ,  which  was  considerably 
popular  in  Kashmir,  deals  with  the  whole  field  of  poetics  in  112 
Sutras.  He  has  elaborated  them  in  his  commentary  and  illustrated 
them  by  examples  drawn  from  varied  sources;  in  what  are  known 
as  Parikaraslokas,  he  has  summarised  his  views  on  particular  topics. 
Yasaskara,  in  his  Devisataka,  wrote  verses  in  praise  of  Devi  in  illus¬ 
tration  of  the  figures  of  speech  defined  in  the  Sutras  of  this  work. 
Sobhakara  criticises  Ruyyaka’s  work,  and  Jayaratha,  author  of  the 
Virnarsini  (first  quarter  of  thirteenth  century),  defends  Ruyyaka 
against  our  author’s  attacks.  iSobhakara,  therefore,  must  have 
written  this  work  in  the  latter  part  of  the  twelfth  or  the  early  part 
of  the  thirteenth  century. 

Older  and  younger  Vagbhatas  make  considerable  use  of  Mam- 
mafa,  but  do  not  admit  Dhvani  and  owe  allegiance  to  the  pre-Dhvani 
schools.  Dandin  is  of  considerable  authority  with  them,  and  the 
younger  Vagbhata  admits  some  of  Rudrata’s  poetic  figures.  How¬ 
ever,  they  cannot  be  directly  affiliated  to  the  older  Alamkara  and 
Rlti  schools  on  account  of  the  influence  of  the  new  school  on  them. 
Both  were  Jains,  and  the  Vagbhatalamkdra,  by  the  senior  Vagbhata, 
is  a  small  work  of  260  Karikas  divided  into  five  chapters.  The  object 
of  both  was  to  present  a  popular  and  easy  epitome  of  the  subject, 
without  adhering  to  any  particular  school,  but  following  the  tradi¬ 
tional  notions  in  an  eclectic  spirit  without  critically  systematising 
them  with  reference  to  a  central  theory. 


324 


LANGUAGE  AND  IITERATURE 

The  chief  merit  of  the  Ekavali  of  Vidyadhara  lies  in  its  syste¬ 
matic  compilation  and  arrangement.  Consisting  of  Karika,  Vritti, 
and  examples,  the  Ekavali  is  divided  into  eight  unmeshas,  the  first 
following  the  Dhvanydloka.  The  work  is  modelled  on  the  Kavya - 
prakasa,  while  the  treatment  of  poetic  figures  is  mainly  based 
on  Ruyyaka.  The  examples  are  by  the  author  and  contain  panegy¬ 
rics  of  his  patron,  king  Narasimha  I  of  Orissa.  As  the  Rasarnavasu- 
dhakara  of  Sihgabhupala  (c.  A.D.  1330)  refers  to  the  Ekavali,  and  as 
either  the  Gahga  king  Narasimha  I  or  Narasimha  II  was  the  patron 
of  Vidyadhara,  it  appears  that  the  work  was  composed  at  the  end 
of  1;he  thirteenth  or  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century. 

(2)  Dramaturgy 

There  are  only  two  works  dealing  mainly  with  dramaturgy 
which  appeared  during  this  period.  Natyadarpana  by  Ramachandra, 
a  pupil  of  the  Jain  polymath  Hemachandra,  deals  with  the  science 
of  dramaturgy  in  four  sections  called  Vivekas.  The  first,  Nataka- 
nirnayaviveka,  gives  a  complete  description  of  the  Nataka;  the  next, 
Prakaranadyekadasarupanirnayaviveka,  deals  with  the  remaining 
eleven  forms  of  Sanskrit  drama;  Vritti  (dramatic  styles),  Rasa  (senti¬ 
ment),  Bhava  (emotion)  and  Abhinaya  (gesture)  are  considered  in 
the  third  Viveka;  and  the  fourth  deals  with  Lakshanas  (particulars) 
common  to  all  Rupakas  (dramatic  compositions).  Ramachandra 
divides  dramatic  compositions  into  twelve  kinds,  the  eleventh  being 
Natika  (which  other  writers  on  dramaturgy  take  as  an  upa-rupaka, 
a  sub-variety)  and  the  twelfth,  PrakaranI;  but  no  illustration  is  given 
of  the  last  type. 

&aradatanaya,  in  the  last  section  of  his  Bhavaprakasana,  des¬ 
cribes  ten  types  of  drama  and  twenty  types  of  Nritya.  In  regard 
to  the  nature  and  functions  of  a  Nataka,  &aradatanaya  mainly  fol¬ 
lows  Bharata  and  Dhananjaya  and  mentions  the  views  of  Kohala 
and  Matrigupta  whenever  these  two  differ. 

IV.  Metrics 

Kshemendra  of  Kashmir,  who  lived  in  the  middle  of  the  eleventh 
century,  had  also  composed  a  work  on  Sanskrit  metres,  in  addition 
to  his  works  on  various  other  subjects.  This  work  of  his  is  called 
Suvrittatilaka  and  contains  three  chapters.  The  first  defines  about 
twenty-six  Sama-Varna  Vrittas  of  four  lines  each,  which  are  com¬ 
mon,  easy,  agreeable,  and  suitable  to  all  sorts  of  poetry.  The  second 
and  the  third  chapters  are,  however,  more  important,  since  in  them 
Kshemendra  discusses  and  illustrates  the  defects  and  merits  of  some 


325 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


metres  as  also  their  suitability  for  particular  situations  and  events. 
Such  a  discussion  is  done  by  Kshemendra  alone,  and  no  other  writer 
appears  to  have  done  this.  In  this  connection,  Kshemendra  points 
out  how  some  poets  show  a  fondness  for  one  particular  metre  even 
though  they  employ  many  different  metres.  This  would  indicate 
that  he  had  tried  to  analyse  the  metrical  practice  of  a  few  at  least 
among  the  distinguished  poets. 

Vrittaratnakara  is  a  very  important  work  on  Sanskrit  metres. 
An  early  manuscript  of  this  work  is  dated  Sam  vat  1190.  It  lies  at 
Jaisalmer  and  forms  part  of  the  same  palm-leaf  manuscript  which 
contains  Jayaklrti’s  Chhandonusasana  and  Virahanka’s  Vrittajdti- 
samuchchaya.  The  author,  Kedara,  could  not  have  been  much 
older  than  Hemachandra,  who  did  not  evidently  know  him  because 
he  does  not  allude  to  him  in  his  otherwise  exhaustive  work  on 
metres.  Nevertheless,  it  is  an  old  work  and  has  suffered  from  many 
variant  readings  introduced  by  different  scribes  and  commentators. 
This  would  show  that  the  work  was  very  widely  used  and  was  highly 
popular  in  different  parts  of  India. 

Hemachandra,  the  famous  Jain  monk  and  versatile  writer  of 
Gujarat,  composed  his  Chhandonusasana  about  A.D.  1150.  This  is 
a  very  exhaustive  work  on  Sanskrit,  Prakrit,  and  Apabhraihsa  metres. 
It  is  really  Hemachandra  who  gave  a  final  sanction  and  sanctity  to 
the  Apabhraihsa  language  and  literature  by  his  two  works,  viz.  the 
Chhandonusasana  and  the  &dbdanusasana.  The  one  exalted  the 
Apabhraihsa  poetry  while  the  other  rendered  a  similar  service  to  the 
Apabhraihsa  language.  Before  his  time  both  the  Apabhraihsa 
language  and  literature  were  neglected  and  even  despised  by  Jain 
monks  and  other  learned  men  of  ancient  India.  Sanskrit  was  indeed 
the  cultural  language  of  the  nation  as  a  whole;  but  even  the  Prakrits 
had  assumed  a  sanctity  for  the  Jain  monks,  since  their  religious  lite¬ 
rature,  particularly  their  Agamas,  were  composed  in  the  Prakrit 
language.  No  such  position  was  possible  for  the  poor  Apabhraihsa, 
which  was  for  several  centuries  a  language  of  the  ordinary  masses, 
used  for  men’s  daily  transactions,  but  considered  unfit  for  literary 
compositions,  whether  of  a  religious  or  of  a  philosophical  nature. 
It  was,  however,  the  high  poetical  faculties  of  poets  like  Svayambhu 
and  Pushpadanta,  both  of  whom  were  Jain  laymen,  which  compelled 
the  attention  and  admiration  of  appreciative  critics  among  the  Jain 
monks  and  secured  a  place  of  honour  for  the  Apabhraihsa  language 
and  literature.  Hemachandra’s  Chhandonusasana  is  clear,  metho¬ 
dical,  and  exhaustive  like  all  other  scientific  treatises  composed  by 
him.  It  consists  of  three  parts,  viz.  the  Sutras,  the  Vritti,  and  the 
illustrations  composed  by  Hemachandra  himself.  This  last  feature 


826 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


of  the  text  has  somewhat  diminished  the  value  of  the  otherwise 
most  valuable  work  for  the  study  of  the  history  of  the  Apabhraihsa 
poetry.  But  we  cannot  blame  Hemachandra,  since  he  elected  to 
compose  his  illustrations,  rather  than  select  them  from  the  existing 
Apabhraihsa  poems,  because  he  wanted  to  introduce  the  names  of 
the  metres  in  the  illustrative  stanzas  themselves,  as  he  had  done  in 
the  case  of  the  Sanskrit  metres  as  well  as  the  Prakrit  ones. 

Jayaklrti’s  Chhandonusdsana  was  composed  just  about  this  time, 
though  Jayaklrti  and  Hemachandra  do  not  seem  to  have  known  each 
other.  It  is,  however,  more  likely  that  Jayaklrti  was  an  older  con¬ 
temporary  of,  but  was  not  known  to,  Hemachandra,  when  the  latter 
composed  his  Chhandonusdsana .  Jayaklrti  was  a  Digambara  Jain 
and  probably  hailed  from  the  Kannada  districts  in  the  South.  In 
the  seventh  chapter  of  his  work,  Jayaklrti  defines  several  old  Kan¬ 
nada  metres,  of  course  in  Sanskrit.  He  does  not  give  any  illustra¬ 
tions,  though  he  mentions  a  few  Digambara  poets  by  name.  He 
defines  only  Sanskrit  metres  in  the  remaining  chapters  and  does 
not  show  his  knowledge  of  any  Prakrit  poetry  or  metres.  As  in 
the  case  of  the  other  metricians  of  the  Middle  Ages,  Jayaklrti’s  defi¬ 
nitions  serve  as  illustrations  as  well  and  contain  the  name  of  the 
defined  metre.  From  the  names  of  some  of  the  Sanskrit  metres  used 
by  Jayaklrti,  it  would  appear  that  he  belonged  to  a  different  tradition 
from  that  of  Hemachandra.  The  only  manuscript  of  Jayaklrti’s 
Chhandonusdsana  is  lying  at  Jaisalmer  and  is  dated  Sam  vat  1190.40a 

Kavidarpana  by  an  unknown  author  is  the  last  important  work 
of  this  period.  This  work  closely  follows  Hemachandra  and  at  times 
quotes  him.  It  is  composed  in  the  Prakrit  language,  except  the 
fourth  chapter  which  deals  with  the  classical  Sanskrit  metres  and 
is  written  in  Sanskrit.  The  mode  of  treatment  in  this  work,  however, 
materially  differs  from  that  of  Hemachandra.  It  sometimes  quotes 
from  older  poets.  The  only  known  manuscript  of  this  work  is  accom¬ 
panied  by  an  exhaustive  commentary,  again  of  an  unknown  author 
who  vastly  quotes  from  Hemachandra.  The  Kavidarpana  is  allud¬ 
ed  to  by  Jinaprabha  Suri  in  Sarhvat  1365,  in  his  commentary  on 
Nandisena’s  Ajitasdntistava. 

V.  Politics  and  Practical  Life 

The  Arthasdstra  of  Kautilya  does  not  seem  to  have  inspired 
works  of  similar  nature,  so  that  the  only  work  of  some  importance 
during  this  period  is  the  Laghv-Arhanniti  of  Hemachandra  which 
again  is  only  an  abridged  form  of  his  big  work  in  Prakrit.  Written 
in  a  metrical  form  it  deals  with  such  topics  as  war,  punishments, 

327 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


law,  and  penances.  In  his  treatment  of  law  he  generally  follows 
the  Manu-smriti .  Of  still  less  importance  are  the  Yuktikalpataru 
ascribed  to  Bhoja,  the  Nitiratnakara  of  Chandesvara,  and  a  few 
others.  Reference  has  already  been  made  above40b  to  Sukranitisdra 
which,  in  its  present  form,  belongs  to  a  later  period.  Some  scholars, 
however,  believe  that  the  original  text  was  composed  in  this  age. 

VI.  Medicine 

Chakrapanidatta  (eleventh  century)  from  Bengal,  son  of  Nara- 
yana,  and  a  Kullna  of  the  Lodhravali  family,  wrote  commentaries 
called  Ayurvedadipika  and  Bhanumati,  respectively  on  Charaka  and 
Susruta.  His  Chikitsdsarasamgraha,  besides  being  an  authoritative 
work  on  the  subject,  is  important  in  the  history  of  Indian  medicine 
for  marking  an  advance  in  the  direction  of  metallic  preparations 
which  had  been  introduced  since  the  time  of  Vagbhata  and  Vrinda. 
He  also  wrote  Sabdachandrikd,  a  vocabulary  of  vegetable  as  well  as 
mineral  substances,  and  Dravyagunasamgraha,  a  work  on  dietetics. 
Suresvara  or  §urapala,  court-physician  to  king  Bhimapala,  was  ano¬ 
ther  Bengali  writer  of  this  period.  His  father  and  grandfather  were 
court-physicians  to  kings  Ramapala  and  Govindachandra  respectively. 
Suresvara  wrote  Sabdapradipa  and  Vrikshayurveda  on  medical 
botanical  terms,  and  Lohapaddhati  or  Lohasarvasva  on  the  medical 
use  and  preparation  of  iron.  Vangasena  (middle  of  eleventh  cen¬ 
tury)  ,  very  probably  an  inhabitant  of  Bengal,'  relied  on  the  works 
of  Susruta  and  Madhava  in  the  preparation  of  his  Chikitsdsdrasam¬ 
graha.  The  $dlihotra40c  of  Bhoja  (eleventh  century?)  is  an  inte¬ 
resting  book  giving  information  about  the  horses,  their  diseases 

and  remedies.  Milhana  wrote  his  Chikitsdmrita  in  A.D.  1224. 

•  • 

Sarhgadhara’s  Samhita  mentions  the  use  of  opium  and  quicksilver, 
and  stresses  the  importance  of  pulse  in  diagnosis.  Among  the  works 
which  deal  with  the  metallic  preparation  calculated  to  give  perpe¬ 
tual  youth,  invisibility,  etc.,  are  the  Rasarnava  (c.  A.D.  1200),  and 
the  Rasaratnasamuchchaya,  ascribed  in  some  texts  to  Vagbhata  and 
in  others  to  Asvinikumara  or  Nityanatha,  which  has  been  assigned 
conjecturally  to  A.D.  1300. 

VII.  Mathematics  and  Astronomy 

First  in  point  of  time  comes  the  Trisatd  of  Sridhara  (eleventh 
century),  but  the  most  important  treatises  on  Mathematics  are  the 
two  chapters  entitled  the  Lilavatl  and  the  Bljaganita  in  the  Siddhanta- 
siromani  of  Bhaskaracharya  (twelfth  century).  The  form  of  the 
Lilavati  is  quite  unique,  since  a  beautiful  maiden  is  addressed  by  the 
author.  As  regards  contents,  it  is  based  on  the  earlier  works  of 


328 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


Brahmagupta  and  Srldhara  and  deals  with  combinations.  The  Blja- 
ganita  forms  the  most  complete  and  systematic  work  on  Alegebra. 

On  Astronomy  we  have  the  Rdjamrigdrika ,  ascribed  to  Bhoja,  and 
the  Bhdsvati  of  Satananda,  both  belonging  to  the  eleventh  century. 
Two  chapters  from  the  Siddhantasir omani,  viz.  the  Grahaganita  and 
the  Gola,  are  the  most  valuable  writings  on  Astronomy.  The 
Karanakutuhala  was  written  by  the  same  author  a  little  later.  As 
in  Mathematics,  so  in  Astronomy,  no  scholar  contributed  anything 
of  importance  after  Bhaskaracharya. 

VIII.  Music 

The  Sangitamakaranda,  attributed  to  Narada,  perhaps  belongs 
to  the  eleventh  century.  It  deals  with  music  and  dance  in  two 
separate  parts.  To  the  twelfth  century  belongs  Jagadekamalla 
Pratapachakravartin,  whose  Sangttachudamani  deals  with  music  and 
dancing  in  five  chapters.  The  encyclopaedic  Manasolldsa  (which 
will  be  dealt  with  in  the  concluding  section)  of  Somesvara  devotes 
2500  verses  to  music  and  musical  instruments,  and  touches  on  new 
phases  of  music,  specially  prabandhas.  The  most  comprehensive 
treatise  on  the  subject  is  the  Sangitaratnakara  of  Sarngadeva, 
son  of  Soddhala  and  Auditor-General  of  the  Yadava  king  Sin- 
ghana  of  Devagiri.  The  Sangitaratnakara,  in  seven  chapters,  not 
only  embraces  the  views  of  all  ancient  writers,  but  also  contributes 
original  definition  and  discussion.  It  deals  with  musical  notes, 
melodies,  technical  terms,  measures  of  time,  musical  instruments, 
dancing,  acting,  etc.  Parsvadeva,  son  of  Adideva  and  Gauri,  a  Jain 
writer  of  the  same  period,  has  also  written  a  similar  work,  the 
Sangitasamayasdra ,  dealing  with  all  aspects  of  music  in  nine 
adhikaranas. 


IX.  Ancillary  Sciences 

Most  of  the  works  dealing  with  the  ancillary  sciences  are  of  a 
late  date,  and  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  some  of  them  do  not  strictly 
belong  to  this  period  they  are  all  brought  here  together  for  the  sake 
of  convenience. 

Silpasastra  or  Architecture  is  the  subject  of  various  anonymous 
works  like  the  Mayamata,  the  Sanatkumdravdstusdstra ,  the  Mdna- 
sara,  and  the  Silparatna  of  Srlkumara  (sixteenth  century).  The 
Hasty  ay  urveda,  dealing  with  elephants,  is  in  the  form  of  a  dialogue 
between  king  Romapada  and  sage  Palakapya.  The  Matangalild  of 
Narayana  pertains  to  the  same  subject.  On  horses  and  their  diseases 
we  have  many  works  like  the  Asvasastra  ascribed  to  Salihotra,  the 


329 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Asvtiyurveda  of  Gana,  the  Asvavaidyaka  of  Jayadatta  and  Dlpan- 
kara,  and  the  Asvachikitsa  of  Nakula.  On  the  subject  of  jewels  may 
be  mentioned  the  Agastimatq,  the  Ratnaparikshd  of  Buddha  Bhatta, 
and  the  Navaratnapanksha  of  Narayana  Pandita. 

On  the  science  of  love  nothing  has  been  written  to  dislodge  the 
Kamasutra  of  Vatsyayana  from  the  status  that  it  enjoys  today.  The 
Pahchasdyaka  of  Jyotirisvara  and  the  Ratirahasya  of  Kokkoka  belong 
to  the  twelfth  century.  Of  the  later  glosses  on  the  Kamasutra  may 
be  mentioned  the  Jayamangala  of  Yasodhara  (thirteenth  century) 
which  explains  some  of  the  obscure  words  in  the  Kamasutra. 

On  the  subject  of  omens  we  have  the  Samudratilaka,  begun  by 
Durlabharaja  in  A.D.  1160,  and  finished  by  his  son  Jagaddeva,  who 
ahso  wrote  an  independent  work  on  dreams,  the  Svapnachintdmani. 
Similarly  the  Adbhutasagara  was  begun  by  Ballalasena  of  Bengal 
and  completed  by  Lakshmanasena.  The  Narapatijayacharyd  Svaro- 
daya  of  Narahari  (twelfth  century)  describes  how  the  results  of  war 
and  of  other  adventures  can  be  prognosticated  with  the  help  of 
diagrams.  A  late  work  dealing  with  geomancy  is  the  Ramalarahasya 
of  Bhayabhanjanasarman. 

4.  RELIGIOUS  AND  PHILOSOPHICAL  LITERATURE 

I.  Pur  anas 

The  corpus  of  the  Puranas  was  complete  in  the  Gupta  Age,  and 
additional  matter  was  incorporated  during  the  subsequent  period.41 
There  was  not  much  activity  in  this  direction  in  our  period.  Dr. 
Hazra’s  researches  on  the  chronology  of  the  Smriti  chapters  in  the 
Puranas  reveal  that  the  bulk  of  most  of  the  major  Puranas,  as  we 
have  them  at  present,  was  finalised  by  the  end  of  the  ninth  century 
A.D.  Only  a  few  chapters  dealing  with  topics  such  as  holy  places, 
varnasramadharma,  yugadharma,  strl-dharma,  glorification  of  the 
Brahmanas,  worship  of  &alagrama,  tulasl,  planets,  Devi  etc.,  merits 
of  digging  tanks,  dedicating  trees,  gardens  and  reservoirs,  etc.,  were 
interpolated  during  the  period  under  review  in  the  Vayu,  Matsya , 
Padma,  Brahma,  Brahmavaivarta,  and  Garuda  Puranas.  The  Smriti 
chapters  of  the  Skanda  Purdna  are  generally  late,  not  earlier  than 
the  tenth  century  A.D.42 

II.  Dharmasastra:  Commentaries,  Nibandhas,  and 

Ritual  Literature 

In  the  Dharmasastra  literature  the  present  period  represents 
the  phase  of  commentators  and  writers  of  Nibandhas  (digests).  As 


330 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


compared  to  commentaries  on  particular  Smritis,  the  digests  con¬ 
tained  a  synthesis  of  all  the  dicta  of  the  ancient  Smritikaras  on 
various  topics  of  Dharma.  The  general  tendency  from  the  twelfth 
century  onwards  was  to  compose  digests  rather  than  commentaries. 
The  reputation  of  the  Mitdkshard,  Vijnanesvara’s  celebrated  com¬ 
mentary  on  the  Ydjnavalkya-smriti,  has  thrown  into  shade  all  the 
digests,  anterior  or  contemporary,  with  the  result  that  digests 
have  not  hitherto  received  sufficient  attention.  The  Gaekwad’s 
Oriental  Series  has  recently  made  available  some  volumes  of  the 
encyclopaedic  Krityakalpataru  by  Lakshmldhara.  In  our  survey  of 
the  Dharmasastra  literature  we  shall  describe  in  brief,  in  a  chrono¬ 
logical  order  as  far  as  possible,  important  writers  and  their 
contributions. 

Dharesvara,  or  Bhojadeva  of  Dhara  (A.D.  1000-1055),  composed 
several  works  on  different  branches  of  learning,  such  as  poetics, 
grammar,  medicine,  astrology,  yoga,  etc.43  Views  of  Dharesvara  or 
Bhojadeva  have  been  cited  in  various  works  on  Dharmasastra.  It  is 
not  known  whether  his  work  (or  works)  on  Dharmasastra  was  a 
commentary  or  an  independent  digest.  Jitendriya  and  Balaka  are 
two  writers  from  Bengal  on  Dharmasastra  who  are  known  only 
from  frequent  references  in  the  works  of  Jlmutavahana,  Raghu- 
nandana,  and  Sulapani.  Jitendriya,  who  flourished  about  A.D. 
1000-1050,  wrote  an  extensive  work  on  Dharmasastra  which 
was  completely  eclipsed  by  the  learned  treatise  of  Jlmutavahana. 
Balaka,44  from  East  Bengal,  also  before  A.D.  1100,  wrote  on 
several  branches  of  Dharmasastra,  such  as  Vyavahara  and 
Prayaschitta.  Halayudha,  the  jurist,  who  is  frequently  quoted  by 
Lakshmldhara,  Chandesvara,  Harinatha,  Raghunandana,  Mitrami£ra, 
and  others  was  another  Bengali  writer  of  the  same  period.  His  work 
on  Dharma  is  now  lost,  and  the  author  is  to  distinguished  from 
several  namesakes.46  Bhavadevabhatta  of  the  Savarna  gotra  of  the 
Kauthuma  school  of  Sdmaveda,  born  in  Siddhalagrama  in  Radha 
(W.  Bengal),  was  the  son  of  Govardhana  and  Sangoka,  and  flourished 
about  A.D.  1100.  He  was  a  versatile  genius  and  composed  several 
valuable  works  on  Dharmasastra.  Vyavahdratilaka  is  his  work  on 
judicial  procedure,  hitherto  undiscovered;  Karmdnushthdnapaddhati 
(or  Dasakarmapaddhati ,  or  Dasakarmadipikd)  deals  with  the  ten 
principal  rites  and  ceremonies  to  be  performed  by  Samaveda  Brah- 
manas;  Prayaschittanirupana  describes  various  modes  of  expiations; 
and  Tautdtitamatatilaka  is  on  the  doctrines  of  Mimamsa  from  the 
standpoint  of  Kumarila.  Govindaraja  was  the  son  of  Madhavabhatta 
and  lived  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganga.  He  wrote  a  commentary  on  the 
Manu-smriti,  and  Smritimarija'ri  dealing  with  all  principal  topics  of 


331 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Dharmasastra.  The  Mitakshard,  which  mentions  Medhatithi  and 
Bhojaraja,  is  silent  about  Govindaraja,  and  the  Haralata  of  Ani- 
ruddha  (c.  1160)  quotes  Govindaraja,  so  that  the  time  of  Govinda¬ 
raja  was  between  A.D.  1080  and  1140.46 

The  Krityakalpataru  of  Bhatta  Lakshmldhara  occupies  a 
unique  position  among  digests,  and  has  exercised  great  influence 
on  early  writers  of  Mithila,  Bengal,  and  Northern  and  Western 
India.  Bhat{a  Lakshmldhara,  son  of  Bhatta  Hridayadhara,  was 
the  minister  for  peace  and  war  of  king  Govindachandra  of 
Kanauj.47  He  was  well  read  in  Smritis,  Puranas,  Mimaihsa  and 
all  branches  of  Vedic  learning,  and  was  a  critical  and  conscientious 
compiler  who  evaluated  his  sources  and  selected  the  correct  text. 
The  Krityakalpataru  has  been  composed  according  to  a  well- 
conceived  plan,  and  its  different  topics  follow  the  sequence  of  the 
different  stages  and  activities  of  life  as  laid  down  in  the  &astras.  No 
other  digest  attempts  such  a  logical  and  comprehensive  presenta¬ 
tion  of  the  Smriti  material.  The  book  is  divided  into  fourteen 
Kandas,  and  helps  one  to  discharge  the  Rinatraya  (three  debts,  viz. 
that  to  seers,  manes,  and  gods).  The  first  Kanda  (Brahmachari- 
kanda),  which  deals  with  the  duties  of  a  boy  up  to  the  end  of  his 
studentship,  sets  out  the  means  for  discharging  the  debt  to  seers 
(Rishirina).  The  directions  about  discharging  the  debt  to  the  ances¬ 
tors  (Pitririna)  are  found  in  the  next  three  Kandas.  The  second, 
Grihastha-kanda,  treats  of  the  duties  of  the  householder,  the  third, 
Ahnika-kanda,  deals  with  the  daily  ritual,  and  the  fourth  Sraddha- 
kanda,  tells  about  the  offerings  to  the  manes.  In  the  fifth,  Dana-kanda, 
we  get  an  encyclopaedic  treatment  of  gifts;  consecration  of  images  is 
dealt  with  in  the  next  part,  Pratishtha-kanda;  worship  forms  the  sub¬ 
ject  of  the  seventh,  Puja-kanda;  pilgrimage  to  holy  places  is  treated  in 
the  Tirtha-kanda,  the  eighth;  and  various  vows  in  the  Vrata-kanda. 
These  show  the  means  discharging  the  Devarina.  Purificatory 
rites  are  described  in  the  Suddhi-kanda,  the  tenth,  and  all  kinds  of 
propitiatory  rites  in  the  Santi-kanda,  the  thirteenth.  These  two 
Kandas  show  how  to  attain  peace  of  mind  ( santi )  which  is  preliminary 
to  final  release  ( moksha ).  Viramitrodaya  is  the  only  other  book 
that  deals  with  moksha,  which  forms  the  last  part  of  the  Kritya¬ 
kalpataru.  Duties  of  kings  are  dealt  with  in  the  Rajadharma-kanda, 
the  eleventh,  and  civil  law  and  procedure  in  the  Vyavahara-kanda, 
the  twelfth.  These  two  are  concerned  with  man’s  civil  environ¬ 
ment  and  its  tuning  to  the  progress  towards  ultimate  beatitude. 

In  the  Dharmasastra  literature  the  position  of  Vijnanesvara’s 
Mitakshard  is  analogous  to  that  of  Patanjali’s  Mahabhdshya  in 
Grammar,  or  Mammata’s  Kavyaprakasa  in  Poetics.  It  represents 


332 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  essence  of  Dharmasastra  speculation  that  preceded  it,  and  be¬ 
came  the  fountain-head  from  which  flowed  fresh  streams  of  exege¬ 
sis.  In  several  matters  of  Hindu  law  Mitakshara  is  of  paramount 
importance  in  modern  law-courts  in  the  whole  of  India,  except 
Bengal  (where  Dayabaga  prevails)  and  Maharashtra  (where 
Mayukha  prevails).  The  Mitakshara  is  not  a  mere  commentary  on 
the  Yajnav  alky  a- smriti,  but  is  in  the  nature  of  a  digest  of  Smriti 
materials.  It  brings  together  numerous  Smriti  passages,  explains 
away  contradictions  among  them  on  the  basis  of  the  Mimamsa  rules 
of  interpretation,  brings  about  order  by  assigning  proper  scope  to 
various  dicta,  and  effects  a  synthesis  of  apparently  disconnected 
Smriti  injunctions.  Vijnanesvara,  of  Bharadvaja  gotra ,  was  the 
son  of  Padmanabhabhatta,  and  pupil  of  Uttama.  He  wrote  the 
Mitakshara  when  king  Vikramarka  (Vikramaditya)  was  ruling  in 
Kalyana.48 

Apararka  or  Aparaditya,  a  Silahara  king  (twelfth  century  A.D.), 
wrote  a  commentary  on  the  Ydjhavalkya-smriti  in  the  nature  of  a 
digest  far  more  voluminous  and  extensive  than  the  Mitakshara. 

Bhatta  Lakshmidhara,  Vijnanesvara,  and  Apararka  were  con¬ 
temporaries.  Contrary  to  the  view  of  MM.  Kane  who  stated 
that  Vijnanesvara  is  named  in  the  Kalpataru,  Prof.  Rangaswami 
Aiyangar  shows  that  the  references  are  spurious,  and  that  the 
Mitakshara  was  composed  between  A.D.  1118  and  27  (c.  A.D.  1120), 
i.e.  20  years  later  than  the  latest  date  assigned  to  it  by  MM.  Kane.49 
The  known  dates  of  Govindachandra,  the  Gahadavala  ruler  of  Kanauj, 
who  was  the  patron  of  Lakshmidhara,  range  between  A.D.  1114  and 
1154,  and  Krityakalpataru  was  probably  composed  in  the  early  part 
of  his  patron’s  reign.  Apararka’s  commentary  was  composed  after 
A.D.  1126.  Both  Lakshmidhara  and  Vijnanesvara  were  commission¬ 
ed  by  their  respective  patrons,  powerful  rulers  claiming  Samrajya, 
to  compose  a  work  on  Dharmasastra  which  would  be  a  fitting  memo¬ 
rial  to  their  regime.  The  Silahara  king  also  was  fired  by  the  same 
idea.  The  production  of  these  three  cardinal  works  in  the  same 
generation  is  a  mark  of  the  powerful  wave  of  Hindu  feeling  stimu¬ 
lated  by  the  Muslim  incursions  and  the  rise  of  new  states. 

To  the  same  period  probably  belongs  Jimutavahana,  the  first 
of  the  celebrated  Bengali  triumvirate.  Only  three  of  his  works 
are  known,  viz.  Kalaviveka,  Vyavaharamatrika ,  and  Dayabhaga. 
Kalaviveka  contains  discussions  as  to  appropriate  times  for  the 
performance  of  religious  rites  and  duties,  etc.  Vyavaharamatrika 
deals  with  the  elements  of  judicial  procedure  and  the  eighteen 
titles  of  law,  etc.  Dayabhaga  is  the  principal  authority  in  Bengal 
in  modern  law-courts  in  matters  of  inheritance,  partition,  stri- 


333 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


dhana,  re-union,  etc.  Some  of  its  peculiar  doctrines,  which  are 
sharply  opposed  to  Mitakshara,  have  been  discussed  above.493 
Jlmutavahana  has  been  variously  placed,  from  the  eleventh  to  the 
sixteenth  century,  but  he  most  probably  flourished  in  the  first  half 
of  the  twelfth  century.60 

grldhara’s  Smrityarthasdra  deals  with  the  usual  Dharma¬ 
sastra  topics.  He  was  the  son  of  Nagabhartri  Vishnubhatta  of 
Visvamitra  gotra.  As  he  quotes  the  Mitakshara,  Kalpataru,  and 
Govindaraja,  and  as  he  is  quoted  by  Smriti-chandrikd  and  Hemadri, 
his  period  is  between  A.D.  1150  and  1200.  Aniruddha  was  a  resident 
of  Viharapataka  on  the  Ganga,  and  was  a  Dharmadhyaksha.  He 
is  one  of  the  early  and  eminent  Bengali  writers  on  Dharmasastra. 
His  Hdralatd,  intended  for  the  Samavedins,  deals  with  the  observ¬ 
ance  of  impurity  consequent  on  birth  and  death.  In  his  Pitri - 
dayita  (or  Karmopadesinipaddhati)  Aniruddha  speaks  of  rites  and 
observances  connected  with  Sraddha,  and  also  includes  a  treatment 
of  general  duties.  Aniruddha  is  probably  identical  with  the  guru 
of  Ballalasena.  Ballalasena  composed  at  least  five  works  of  which 
two  are  known  to  exist.  His  Danasagara  is  an  extensive  digest  in 
70  sections  on  matters  relating  to  gifts;  Adbhutasdgara  is  a  compre¬ 
hensive  work  on  omens  and  portents,  their  effects  and  means  of 
averting  them;  Acharasagara,  Vratasdgara,  and  Pratishthasagara 
are  yet  to  be  unearthed.51  Halayudha,  son  of  Dhananjaya  of 
Vatsa  gotra,  was  the  Dharmadhyaksha  of  king  Lakshmanasena. 
His  Brahmanasarvasva  is  a  guide  for  the  Kanva  Sakha  Brahmainas 
of  the  Sukla  Yajurveda  to  the  Vedic  mantras  employed  in  the  daily 
rites  and  periodical  ceremonies,  and  deals  also  with  the  various 
daily  duties. 

The  Smriti-chandrikd  of  Devannabhatta  is  a  well-known  and  ex- 
•  •  •  •  • 

tensive  digest  on  Dharmasastra,  the  printed  text  dealing  with  the 
Samskara,  Ahnika,  Vyvahara,  Sraddha,  and  Asaucha  Kandas. 
There  was  probably  a  Kanda  on  Prayaschitta  also.  Devaninabhatta 
(or  Devana,  Devananda,  or  Devagana)  was  the  son  of  Kesavabhatta 
and  a  Somayaji.  He  quotes  most  profusely  from  various  Smritis, 
and  thus  affords  valuable  assistance  for  reconstructing  and  check¬ 
ing  MSS.  and  text-editions.  As  Devannabhatta  refers  to  Vijnanes- 
vara,  Apararka,  and  Smrityarthasdra,  he  is  later  than  A.D.  1150,  and 
Hemadri’s  quotations  from  Smriti-chandrikd  fix  A.D.  1225  as  the 
lower  limit  for  Devannabhatta’s  date.  Almost  contemporaneous  with 
Devannabhatta,  or  slightly  earlier  (as  he  does  not  refer  to  Apararka), 
was  Varadaraja  according  to  K.  V.  Rangaswami  Aiyangar;  MM. 
Kane,  however,  places  Varadaraja  between  A.D.  1200  and  1300. 62 
Varadaraja’s  Vyavaharanirnaya  is  the  foremost  digest,  held  in 


334 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


high  esteem  in  South  India.  It  is  a  comprehensive  work  dealing 
with  both  procedure  (Vyavahara-matrika)  and  substantive  law 
(Vyavahara).  Complete  and  self-contained,  the  work  shows  origina¬ 
lity  in  interpretation,  independence,  and  mastery  of  Mimaihsa  and 
Nyaya.  No  writer  or  work  later  than  the  Mitdkshara  is  quoted  in 
the  Vyavaharani'rnaya  (or  Varadarajiya) .  Another  writer  from  the 
South,  or  at  least  very  familiar  with  its  usages,  is  Haradatta  who 
has  several  commentaries  to  his  credit,  which  may  be  regarded  as 
models  of  ideal  commentaries.  He  wrote  Anakula  on  the  Apastamba 
Grihya-sutra,  Anavila  on  the  Asvalayana  Grihya-sutra ,  Mitdkshara 
on  the  Gautama  Dharma-sutra  and  Ujjvald  on  the  Apastamba 
Dharma-sutra .  He  also  wrote  Padamanjari,  a  commentary  on  the 
Kcisika  of  Vamana  and  Jayaditya.  He  lived  between  A.D.  1150 
and  1300,  very  probably  nearer  the  earlier  limit. 

Hemadri,  son  of  Kamadeva  and  grandson  of  Vasudeva,  of 
Vatsa  gotra,  was  a  very  voluminous  writer.  Chaturvarga- 
chintamani  is  an  encyclopaedia  of  ancient  religious  rites  and 
observations,  quoting  frequently  from  the  Smritis  and  Puranas. 
Hemadri  was  a  profound  student  of  the  Purva  Mimaihsa.  He  was 
in  charge  of  the  imperial  records  of  Mahadeva,  the  Yadava  king  of 
Devagiri  (A.D.  1261-71).  Hemadri  is  said  to  have  written  a  com¬ 
mentary  on  Saunaka’s  Pranavakalpa;  Kaivalyadipikd,  a  commen¬ 
tary  on  the  Muktdphala  of  Bopadeva,  the  famous  author  of 
Mugdhabodha  grammar,  who  was  a  friend  and  protege  of  Hemadri; 
Srdddhakalpa  (different  from  Srdddhakanda)  according  to  the  rules 
of  Katyayana;  and  Ayurvedarasdyana,  a  commentary  on  the  Ash - 
pangahridaya  of  Vagbhata.  Hemadri’s  name  is  associated  with 
numerous  temples  built  in  a  peculiar  style  of  architecture  (called 
Hema^apantl),  and  he  is  said  to  have  invented  the  Modi  script 
current  in  Maharashtra. 

Kullukabhatta,  author  of  ManvarthamuktdvaVi,  the  most  famous 
of  the  commentaries  on  the  Manu-smriti,  came  of  a  Varendra  Brah- 
mana  family  of  Bengal  residing  in  Nandana,  and  was  the  son  of 
Bhatta  Divakara.  He  wrote  the  commentary  in  Kasi.  The  com¬ 
mentary  is  concise,  lucid,  and  to  the  point,  never  prolix.  It  is  not 
an  original  work,  but  is  based  on  the  commentaries  of  Medhatithi 
and  Govindaraja.  Kullukabhatta  also  composed  a  digest  named 
Smritisdgara.  As  he  mentions  Bhoja,  Govindaraja  and  Halayudha, 
Kullukabhatta’s  date  falls  after  A.D.  1150,  but  it  is  before  A.D.  1300 
since  Chandesvara’s  Rdjamtiratrmkara  quotes  his  explanations. 
So  his  period  is  between  A.D.  1150  and  1300,  probably  A.D.  1250. 
Sridatta  Upadhyaya,  one  of  the  earliest  of  medieval  Mithila  Nibandha- 
karas,  is  the  author  of  several  works.  His  Acharadarsa  is  a  manual 


335 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  religious  duties  of  Sukla  Yajurvedins,  while  the  daily  duties  for 
Samavedins  are  treated  in  the  Chhandogahnika.  In  the  Samaya - 
pradipa  he  describes  the  proper  time  for  various  observances,  while 
the  Pitribhakti  and  Srdddhakalpa  are  manuals  on  Sraddha  rites  res¬ 
pectively  for  the  Yajurvedins  and  Samavedins.  As  he  names  Hari- 
hara  and  Halayudha,  Sridatta  flourished  after  A.D.  1200,  but  prior  to 
AD.  1325,  as  his  Samayapradlpa  is  mentioned  by  Chan^esvara. 

III.  Philosophy 

Gahgesa’s  Tattvachintdmani  (last  quarter  of  twelfth  century) 
is  a  standard  text  of  the  modern  Nyaya  school.  The  tradition  was 
continued  by  his  son  Vardhamana,  whose  Nydyanibandhaprakdsa 
(A.D.  1225)  is  a  commentary  on  Udayana’s  Nydyatatparyaparisuddhi. 
Ruchidatta’s  Makar anda  develops  Vardhamana’s  views.  Among 
Jain  logical  works  may  be  mentioned  Devasuri’s  Pramananayatatt - 
vdlokalamkara  and  Prabhakara’s  Prameyakamalamdrtanda.  The 
Buddhist  and  Jain  thinkers  stressed  the  purely  logical  aspects  of 
the  Nyaya,  rather  than  its  metaphysical  implications,  and  thus 
paved  the  way  for  modern  Nyaya  which  is  pure  logic  and  dialectics. 
Later  Nyaya  works  openly  accepted  the  Vaiseshika  categories,  and 
Varadaraja’s  Tdrkikarakshd  is  an  important  treatise  of  the  syn¬ 
cretic  school  which  brings  the  twelve  objects  of  the  Nyaya  as  well 
as  the  six  categories  of  the  Vaiseshika  under  Prameya.  Tarkasam - 
graha  by  Anandajnana  (or  Anandagiri)  refutes  the  Vaiseshika 
theory  of  atomic  creation,  while  Kesavamisra’s  Tarkabhasha  com¬ 
bines  the  Nyaya  and  the  Vaiseshika  views. 

Srlvatsa’s  Lildvati  (eleventh  century)  is  a  commentary  on 
Prasastapada’s  Padarthadharmasamgraha.  Sivaditya’s  Saptapadarthi 
presents  Nyaya  and  Vaiseshika  principles  as  parts  of  one  whole. 
Bhoja’s  Rdjamdrtanda  is  a  work  of  considerable  value  in  the  Yoga- 
sastra. 

Srlharsha’s  Khandanakhandakhadya  is  the  greatest  work  on 
Advaita  dialectics.  It  points  out  the  vanity  of  philosophy  as  the 
human  mind  is  unable  to  compass  those  exalted  objects  which  are 
suggested  as  worthy  of  pursuit  by  its  speculative  ingenuity.  Ama- 
lananda’s  Kalpataru  is  a  commentary  on  the  Bhamati,  and  Padma- 
pada’s  Panchapadikd  is  commented  by  Prakasatma  in  his  Pancha- 
pddikdvivarana. 

Yadavaprakasa,  for  some  time  teacher  of  Ramanuja,  lived  at 
Kanchl  in  the  eleventh  century.  In  his  independent  commentary 
with  Advaitic  leaning,  he  holds  that  Brahman  is  changed  into  chit 
(spirit),  achit  (matter),  and  Isvara  (God),  while  according  to  Rama- 


336 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

nuja,  the  distinction  between  Brahman  and  Isvara  is  unauthorised. 
Born  in  griper umbu<Jur  about  A.D.  1017,  Ramanuja  learnt  Vedanta 
from  Yadavaprakasa.  Besides  commenting  on  the  Brahmasutra  and 
the  Bhagavadgita,  he  wrote  the  Vedantasdra ,  Veddrthasamgraha, 
and  Veddntadlpa.  He  preached  the  doctrine  of  salvation  through 
bhakti ,  which  he  made  out  to  be  the  central  teaching  of  the  Upani- 
shads,  the  Bhagavadgita,  and  the  Brahmasutra.  His  commentary  on 
the  Brahmasutra  was  accepted  as  the  commentary  by  the  Vaishnavas. 
He  restored  many  Vaishnava  temples,  and  converted  many  people  to 
Vaishnavism.  His  influence  is  seen  throughout  the  later  history 
of  Hinduism, — Madhva,  Vallabha,  Chaitanya,  Ramananda,  Kablr, 
Nanak,  and  others  being  largely  indebted  to  his  theistic  idealism. 

Nimbarka,  a  Telugu  Brahmana  of  Vaishnava  faith,  lived  between 
the  period  of  Ramanuja  and  Madhva.  His  commentary  on  the 
Brahmasutra ,  called  Parijatasaurabha,  is  an  exposition  of  his  theory 
of  Dvaitadvaita,  or  dualistic  non-dualism,  in  which  Jlva,  Isvara,  and 
Jagat  are  considered  distinct. 

Madhva  (or  Purnaprajna,  or  Anandatirtha),  the  promulgator 
of  the  dualistic  philosophy,  was  born  about  A.D.  119853  near  Udipi. 
He  holds  Vishnu  to  be  the  supreme  godhead,  and  pleads  for  the  prohi¬ 
bition  of  bloodshed  in  connection  with  sacrifice.  He  wrote  com¬ 
mentaries  on  the  Brahmasutra,  the  Bhagavadgita,  and  the  Upani- 
shads,  as  also  an  epitome  of  the  Mahdbharata,  and  a  gloss  on  the 
Bhagavata  Purana.  These  works,  along  with  his  Anuvyakhydna, 

.  help  to  elucidate  his  philosophy. 

5.  GENERAL  REVIEW 

We  may  conclude  this  survey  by  noticing  certain  important 
contributions  of  this  period  to  Sanskrit  literature.  In  the  domain 
of  Kavya,  this  period  witnessed  Naishadhlya,  the  last  of  the  Maha- 
kavyas,  and  the  growth  of  anthologies,  which  had  made  a  beginning 
in  the  previous  epoch.  The  historical  Kavyas  reached  the  high 
watermark  in  Kalhana’s  Rdjataranginl,  a  critical  work  of  outstand¬ 
ing  merit.  In  lyrics,  special  mention  must  be  made  of  Jayadeva’s 
GUa-govinda,  which  occupies  a  distinctive  place  in  the  history  of 
Sanskrit  poetry.  In  its  novelty  and  completeness  of  effect,  the 
Glta-govinda  is  unique  and  marks  the  beginning  of  a  new  literary 

genre. 

Under  technical  and  scientific  literature,  some  valuable  work 
is  found  in  grammar,  lexicography,  poetics,  and  music.  Three 
new  grammatical  systems  were  started  during  this  period,  and  the 
tendency  to  write  popular  and  scholastic  texts  is  found  in  poetics 

337 


S.E.— 22 


\ 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

and  grammar.  Among  various  lexical  works  Vaijayanti,  Visva - 
prakdsa ,  the  voluminous  Ndndrthdrnavasamkshepa,  and  the  works 
of  the  polymath  Hemachandra  merit  special  reference.  Kdvya- 
pi'akdsa,  Marnmata’s  standard  work  on  poetics,  is  a  valuable  legacy 
of  this  period,  and  Bhoja’s  Sringdraprakasa  also  is  an  important 
contribution.  Sarangadeva  composed  the  most  comprehensive  work 
on  music,  which  received  great  impetus  during  this  period. 

The  most  valuable  contribution,  however,  is  to  the  Dharma- 
sastra  literature  in  the  shape  of  both  commentaries  and  digests 
(nibandhas)  which  reached  a  high  watermark  of  perfection  and 
comprehensiveness.  Among  commentators  the  period  shows  a 
galaxy  of  celebrities  like  Vijnanesvara,  Apararka,  Kulluka,  and 
Govindaraja;  the  nibandhakaras  include  Lakshmidhara,  author  of 
the  voluminous  Krityakalpataru ,  Ballalasena  of  Acharasagara, 
Ddnasdgara,  Adbhutasdgara,  etc.,  Varadaraja  of  Vyavaharanirnaya , 
Devannabhatta  of  Smriti-chandrikd,  Hemadri  of  Chaturvargachinta - 
mani,  and  several  others.  Mention  must  also  be  made  of  Jlmuta- 
vahana,  the  promulgator  of  the  Dayabhaga  law. 

Another  valuable  contribution  is  the  encyclopaedic  works, 
which  made  their  first  appearance  during  this  period.  Reference 
has  already  been  made  to  the  &ringdraprakasa,  Krityakalpataru , 
and  Chaturvargachintdmani.  We  may  also  refer  here  to  the  Mdna- 
sollasa  or  Abhilashitdrthachintdmani  by  king  Somesvara.64  This 
encyclopaedia,  in  five  Prakaranas  of  twenty  chapters  each,  deals 
with  one  hundred  different  topics  connected  with  the  royal  house¬ 
hold  and  royal  court.  The  first  Prakarana  explains  general  and 
religious  ethics,  social  service,  manufacture  of  idols,  and  diseases 
and  their  remedies.  Polity,  under  seven  heads,  and  private  and 
inter-state  law  are  dealt  with  in  the  second  Prakarana,  while  the 
third  concerns  itself  with  architecture,  picture-drawing,  and  painting 
in  all  details,  iconography,  and  pleasures  of  domestic  life.  Various 
forms  of  amusements  and  recreations  form  the  subject  of  the  last 
two  Prakaranas,  which  incidentally  treat  of  arithmetic,  prepara¬ 
tion  of  calendars,  astrology,  augury,  omens,  palmistry,  and  training 
and  medical  treatment  of  horses  and  elephants.  There  are  also 
particulars  about  such  diverse  topics  as  mining,  alchemy,  gems  and 
precious  stones,  marriage  and  child-rearing,  cookery,  liquor,  bever¬ 
age,  music  (which  has  already  been  referred  to  earlier),  convey¬ 
ances,  and  scents.  It  is  a  veritable  thesaurus. 

Though  the  period  is  not  rich  in  creative  art  and  works  of  out¬ 
standing  merit,  the  general  output  is  prolific,  and  the  performance 
is  on  the  whole  creditable,  comparing  favourably  with  the  earlier 


338 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


period,  especially  when  the  disturbed  political  conditions  are  taken 
into  account. 


B.  SANSKRITIC 
I.  PALI 
1.  Language 

Pali,  the  language  of  the  sacred  canon  of  the  Buddhists  of 
Ceylon,  Burma,  and  Siam,  has  a  long  history  since  the  third 
century  B.C.  The  language  in  its  early  stage  shows  a  composite 
nature,  and  some  well-marked  stages  in  its  evolution  can  be  dis¬ 
cerned  in  the  earliest  literature.  This  evolution,  however,  stopped 
after  some  time  and  the  language  became  completely  stereotyped 
since  the  period  of  Pali  commentaries  (fifth  century  A.D.).  It  is 
in  this  stereotyped  Pali  that  most  of  the  non-canonical  works  of 
the  Buddhists  are  written,  with  this  difference  that  as  time  went 
on  the  language  came  to  be  more  and  more  approximated  to  San¬ 
skrit  under  the  influence  of  later  classical  Sanskrit  literature.  There 
are  very  few  archaic  forms  used  in  later  non-canonical  literature. 

The  Pali  of  non-canonical  literature  therefore  shows  in  gene¬ 
ral  the  same  linguistic  features  as  are  seen  in  the  early  prose  of  the 
canon.  The  consonant  clusters  of  Sanskrit  are  generally  simplified 
and  there  are  noticed  other  changes  also  due  to  assimilation,  etc.  In 
Morphology  the  cumbrous  Sanskrit  grammar  is  much  simplified, 
though  some  of  the  old  forms  are  still  preserved.  In  the  process  of 
simplification  analogy  plays  a  great  role.  The  dual  is  completely 
lost  both  in  declension  and  conjugation.  Similarly  the  dative  and 
ablative  cases  are  lost  except  in  masculine  and  neuter  nouns  in  -a. 
In  conjugation,  the  distinction  between  special  and  general  tenses 
and  moods  is  lost.  Most  of  the  roots  of  other  classes  are  brought 
over  to  the  first  or  the  sixth  class.  Even  the  distinction  between  the 
two  Padas  and  voices  is  obliterated  in  most  cases. 

This  period  of  the  Pali  non-canonical  literature  is  marked  by 
later  chronicles,  literary  pieces,  manuals,  commentaries  and  some 
scientific  works  on  grammar,  poetics  and  metre,  and  law.  Even 
then  it  lacks  works  of  secular  interest  such  as  those  on  astrology 
and  astronomy,  mathematics  and  logic.  Though  there  are  some 
works  on  the  life  of  the  Buddha,  there  are  few  works  of  the  type  of 
Kavya  or  dramas. 


339 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


2.  N on-canonical  Literature 
(a)  Chronicles 

Some  of  the  works  of  the  semi-historical  nature  which  we  may 
notice  during  this  period  are  the  renderings  into  Pali  of  old  Simha- 
lese  works. 

1.  The  Bodhivamsa  or  the  Mahabodhivamsa  of  Upatissa,  which 
has  been  assigned  by  some  to  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century 
A.D.,  has  already  been  referred  to  above. 54a 

2.  The  Dathavamsa  or  the  Dantadhatuvamsa  is  an  epic  in  five 
cantos  by  the  monk  Dhammakitti,  narrating  the  history  of  the  tooth- 
relic  of  the  Buddha.  Originally  the  work  was  written  in  the 
Simhalese  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourth  century  A.D.,  but  later  on 
it  was  rendered  into  the  Magadhlbhasa  by  Dhammakitti  at  the  re¬ 
quest  of  Parakkamo,  the  commander-in-chief  of  Ceylon.  This 
rendering  took  place  in  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D. 
The  work  is  important  for  the  knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  tooth- 
relic,  which,  according  to  this  work,  was  brought  to  Ceylon  by  prince 
Dantakumara  of  Ujjain  from  Dantapura,  the  capital  of  Kalihga.  It 
also  narrates  the  early  life  of  the  Buddha  and  his  work  in  Ceylon, 
the  distribution  of  Buddha’s  relics,  and  the  various  miracles  worked 
by  the  tooth-relic.  The  work  is  a  specimen  of  fine  poetry  written  in 
different  metres  Its  language  is  artificial  Pali  having  long  com¬ 
pounds. 

3.  The  Thupavamsa  of  Vachissara  also  belongs  to  the  thirteenth 
century.  It  gives  in  three  chapters  not  only  the  account  of  the  Topes 
erected  over  the  relics  of  the  Buddha,  but  also  the  previous  births 
and  the  life  of  the  Buddha,  and  the  account  of  the  missionary 
activities  carried  on  in  different  countries  by  the  Buddhist  monks. 

4.  The  Chulavamsa  is  not  an  independent  work  but  forms  an 
appendix  to  the  Mahavamsa  of  Mahanama  (sixth  century  A.D.).  It 
consists  of  various  addenda  written  by  different  authors  at  different 
times.  The  first  author  to  continue  the  chronicle  of  Mahanama  was 
monk  Dhammakitti  who  lived  in  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  Both 
the  early  chronicles,  Dipavamsa  and  Mahavamsa ,  end  with  the  reign 
of  king  Mahasena  (fourth  century  A.D.).  The  Chulavamsa  begins 
with  the  reign  of  Mahasena’s  son,  Sirimeghavanna,  and  ends  with 
king  Sirivikkamarajasiha  (A.D.  1798-1815),  giving  an  account  al¬ 
together  of  more  than  a  hundred  kings. 

5.  The  Attanagaluviharavamsa  gives  in  prose  and  verse  the 
history  of  the  temple  of  Attanagalla,  giving  an  account  of  the  life 
of  king  Siri-Samghabodhi  and  his  wife.  The  date  of  the  work  is 
the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D. 


340 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 
(b)  Literary  Pieces 

Ihe  tendency  towards  Sanskritisation  of  Pali,  noticed  some¬ 
times  in  the  Pali  chronicles,  is  more  markedly  felt  in  the  literary 
pieces. 

1.  The  Andgatavamsa  of  Kassapa,645  perhaps  of  the  eleventh 
century  A.D.,  is  a  continuation  of  the  Buddhavamsa,  inasmuch  as 
it  gives  an  account  of  the  future  Buddha.  The  manuscripts  of  this 
work  do  not  agree  with  each  other  in  form  or  content.  One  of  the 
manuscripts  is  in  prose  and  verse,  and  contains  a  dialogue  between 
the  Buddha  and  Sariputta  on  the  future  decline  of  Buddhism.  Ano¬ 
ther  manuscript  is  in  complete  prose,  and  narrates  the  account  of 
the  ten  future  Buddhas  including  Maitreya.  A  third  manuscript 
is  in  verse  alone,  giving  an  account  of  the  future  Buddha  Maitreya 
and  his  contemporary  Chakravartin  &ahkha.  According  to  this 

account  this  future  Buddha  would  be  born  in  a  rich  Brahmana 

• 

family  and  would  later  on  renounce  the  world.  Having  obtained  the 
highest  knowledge  he  would  then  set  in  motion  the  wheel  of  law. 
As  this  account  of  the  future  Buddha  is  not  given  in  the  extant  Bud - 
dhavamsa,  Dr.  Law  considers  the  present  Andgatavamsa  a  later  ela¬ 
boration  of  an  earlier  account  which  formed  the  closing  section  of 
the  original  Buddhavamsa.'5 4c 

2.  The  Jindlfrmkdra  of  Buddharakkhita,  written  in  A.D.  1156, 
is  a  Kavya  of  the  type  of  ornate  poetry.  It  describes  the  life  of 
Buddha  till  he  attained  the  highest  knowledge. 54d 

3.  The  Jinacharita  of  Vanaratana  Medhamkara  is  another  poem 
of  a  similar  nature,  describing  the  life  of  the  Buddha  according 
to  the  narrative  in  the  Nidana-kathcL.  The  author  lived  in  the 
reign  of  Bhuvanaikabahu  I  (acc.  c.  A.D.  1273).  The  language  of  the 
work  is  simple  and  natural. 

4.  The  Pajjamadhu  of  Buddhapriya  is  a  Pataka  type  of 
poetry1 34(5  praising  the  Buddha  in  104  stanzas.  It  describes  the  beauty 
and  the  wisdom  of  the  Buddha  in  a  language  which  is  very  Sanskrit 
tised.  The  date  of  the  work  is  the  thirteenth  century  A.D. 

5.  The  Saddhammopayana  describes  in  629  stanzas  the  various 
topics  and  the  ethical  doctrines  of  the  Buddhist  religion.  Its  date  is 
probably  the  thirteenth  or  fourteenth  century  A.D.  It  resembles, 
in  content,  though  not  in  form,  the  Telakatdhagdtha.€A1 

6.  The  Rasavdhini  is  a  collection  of  103  narratives  having  their 
settings  in  India  and  Ceylon.  The  work  was  originally  written  in 
Simhalese,  but  later  on  translated  into  Pali  by  a  monk  Ratthapala, 
and  afterwards  corrected  by  Vadehathera  in  the  thirteenth  century 
A.D.  The  work  is  written  both  in  prose  and  verse  giving  edifying 
legends  exhorting  the  people  to  follow  the  Dhamma. 


341 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(c)  Manuals 

The  art  of  writing  manuals  in  Pali  has  its  origin  in  early  days 
but  it  was  only  in  later  centuries  that  they  came  to  be  written  in 
large  number,  presenting  their  themes  in  concise  forms.  Three  such 
works  may  be  noted  in  this  period. 

Reference  has  already  been  made  above  to  the  Khuddakasikkhd 
of  Dhammasiri  and  the  Mulasikkha  of  Mahasami  which  are  two 
short  summaries  of  the  Vinayapitaka .64«  The  works  are  very  popu¬ 
lar  in  Burma.  The  same  popularity  is  also  shared  by  the  Abhi- 
dhamma  manual,  the  Abhidhammattha-samgaha  of  Anuruddha.  It 
has  given  rise  to  a  large  number  of  commentaries.  The  Ceylonese 
tradition  refers  the  work  to  the  first  century  B.C.,  but  the  work  was 
probably  written  in  the  twelfth  century  A.D.64h  The  work  deals 
with  psychology  and  ethics  from  the  Buddhist  point  of  view.  Para - 
matthavinichchhaya  and  Namarupaparichchheda  are  two  other 
philosophical  works  attributed  to  Anuruddha. 

(d)  Commentaries 

The  activity  for  supplying  commentaries  to  canonical  works, 
though  started  very  early,  was  given  a  great  impetus  by  the  Council 
which  the  Thera  Mahakassapa  is  reported  to  have  called  during  the 
reign  of  Parakramabahu  I  (A.D.  1153-1186).  The  Tlkas  prepared  by 
this  Council  include  such  works  as  the  Saratthadipani  (on  Saman- 
tapasadikd),  Pathamasaratthamanjusa  (on  Sumangalavilasini ) 
and  many  others,  but  of  these  only  the  Saratthadipani  by  Sariputta 
is  preserved.  Sariputta  is  also  credited  with  another  commentary 
Linatthapakasana  on  the  Papanchasudam  and  an  independent  work 
V  inayasamgaha. 

This  exegetical  activity  was  carried  on  further  by  Sariputta’s 
pupils,  and  one  of  them,  Chhapada,  a  native  of  Burma,  is  known  to 
have  written  a  large  number  of  commentaries.  It  has  been  already 
mentioned  above  that  many  exegetical  works  gathered  round  the 
Abhidhammattha-samgaha  of  Anuruddha  in  the  twelfth  century 
A.D.,  and  one  of  these  was  written  by  Chhapada.  The  Vamsattha - 
pakasini ,  a  commentary  of  unknown  authorship,  on  the  Mahdvamsa, 
was  also  probably  written  in  the  twelfth  tentury  A.D. 

(e)  Scientific  Literature 

(i)  Grammar 

The  grammatical  works  of  Pali  have  been  put  into  three  cate¬ 
gories:  (i)  works  of  the  school  of  Kachchayana:  (ii)  those  of  the 
school  of  Moggalana;  and  (iii)  the  Saddaniti. 


342 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


To  the  school  of  Kachchayana  in  this  period  belong  the  Nydsa 
of  Vimalabuddhi  and  the  Suttaniddesa  of  Chhapada  (twelfth  cen¬ 
tury).  The  Sambandhachinta  of  Sarhgharakkhita,  dealing  with  Pah 
Syntax,  also  belongs  to  the  twelfth  century.  To  the  following  cen¬ 
tury  belongs  the  Rupasiddhi  or  Padarupasiddhi  of  Buddhapriya  (the 
author  of  the  Pajjamadhu)  which  is  only  a  reshuffling  of  Kachcha- 
yana’s  work. 

Thera  Moggallana  founded  a  new  grammatical  school  with  his 
Vyakarana  called  the  Saddalakkhana  and  a  commentary  on  it,  the 
Moggalldyanapahchika.  The  author,  who  belongs  to  the  twelfth 
century,  has  drawn  upon  old  Pali  and  also  Sanskrit  grammars. 
Piyadassin,  one  of  the  pupils  of  Moggallana,  prepared  a  summary 
of  his  teacher’s  work  in  his  Padasddhana.  Vanaratana  Madham- 
kara  (different  from  the  author  of  the  Jinacharita)  wrote  about 
A.D.  1300  the  Payogasiddhi  which  is  considered  to  be  the  best  work 
in  this  school. 

The  Saddaniti  of  the  Burmese  scholar  Aggavarhsa  (A.D.  1154) 
is  based  on  the  grammar  of  Kachchayana  and  some  other  Sanskrit 
grammatical  works.  The  first  eighteen  chapters  of  the  work  are 
called  the  Mahasaddaniti  and  the  remaining  nine  are  called  the  Chul - 
lasaddanlti. 

(ii)  Lexicography 

The  Abhidhanappadipikd  of  Moggallana  (different  from  the 
grammarian)  belongs  to  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century.  It  is  work¬ 
ed  out  on  the  model  of  Amarakosha  and  is  divided  into  three  parts 
dealing  with  synonyms,  homonyms,  and  indeclinables. 

(iii)  Poetics  and  Metre 

There  are  very  few  works  in  Pali  on  these  subjects.  The 
Subodhalamkara  of  Sarhgharakkhita  belonging  to  the  thirteenth 
century,  deals  with  Pali  poetics.  The  Vuttodaya,  by  the  same 
author,  and  the  Kamandaki  and  the  Chhandovichiti  are  Pali  works 
on  metre. 

(iv)  Law 

The  oldest  Burmese  law-book  is  the  Dhammavilasa-Dhamma- 
sattha  written  by  monk  Sariputta  or  Dhammavilasa  (thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury)  .  It  is  a  very  important  work  for  it  forms  the  basis  of  the  later 
legal  literature  of  Burma. 


343 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


II.  THE  JAIN  MAHARASHTRI  AND  OTHER 

PRAKRITS 

1.  Narrative 

The  Prakrit  literature  of  this  period  is  mostly  of  the  narrative 
type.  It  deals  with  the  life  of  the  Jain  teachers  and  heroes  and 
incidentally  narrates  other  stories.  The  principal  language  used 
for  the  purpose  is  the  Jain  Maharashtrl,  which  is  primarily  the 
language  of  the  non-canonical  works  of  the  Jains  and  gives  us  a 
number  of  important  narrative  works.  Its  use  is  attested  since  the 
second  or  third  century  A.D.,  and  is  continued  up  to  the  fourteenth 
century.  Besides  the  lives  of  Jain  teachers  it  also  gives  us  some- 
beautiful  romances.  There  are  also  some  stotras  and  works  of 
scholastic  interest  composed  in  Prakrit.  It  may  be  added  that  most 
of  the  works  detailed  below  are  in  verse. 

The  Surasundari-chariya  of  Dhanesvara  was  written  in  A.D.  1038 
in  the  town  of  Chandravatl.  It  is  a  big  romantic  work  containing 
4000  gathas  which  are  divided  into  sixteen  parichchhedas.  The  main 
story  narrates  in  an  easy  style  the  love  affair  of  a  Vidyadhara  chief, 
but  many  other  stories  are  also  included  within  this  framework. 
To  the  second  half  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  belongs  the  work 
of  Chandraprabhamahattara  which  describes  the  life  of  Vijaya- 
Chandrakevalin^  It  contains  1063  gathas  and  gives  eight  stories 
describing  the  eight  different  ways  of  worshipping  the  Jinas. 

The  Mahavira-charita  of  Gunachandra,63  who  belonged  to  the 
Chandrakulmagachchha,  was  composed  in  A.D.  1082.  It  describes 
the  life  of  Mahavlra  on  the  basis  of  various  legends  up  to  his  attain¬ 
ing  the  supreme  knowledge.  It  also  describes  the  former  lives  of 
Mahavlra.  The  work  is  composed  in  prose  and  poetry,  employing 
a  variety  of  metres,  and  contains  about  50  Apabhramsa  verses.  The 
language  of  the  work  is  grammatically  chaste.  “This  is  mainly  due 
to  the  influence  of  classical  Sanskrit  works,  that  always  exercised 
their  influence  over  Prakrit  throughout  its  career  and  later  became 
more  and  more  dominant  so  as  to  render  it  servile  and  imitative. 
The  style  of  Gunachandra  is  obviously  influenced  by  writers  like 
Kalidasa  and  Bana,  from  whose  classics  he  derives  many  of  his  ideas 
and  expressions.  The  result  of  his  Sanskrit  studies  is  the  use  of 
long  and  intricate  compounds,  figures  of  words  only  based  upon 
paranomasia,  and  rare  poetic  words  only  to  be  met  with  in  Sanskrit. 
It  also  led  to  the  decrease  of  purely  Desi  words  which  were  substi¬ 
tuted  by  tatsama  and  tadbhava  words”.56 

The  life  of  Rishabha  is  described  by  Vardhamana  in  his  Adi - 
natha-charita  composed  in  A.D.  1103.  It  has  11000  gathas  and 


344 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


contains  many  Apabhraihsa  verses.  Another  work  by  the  same 
author  is  the  Manor ama-charita  in  15000  gathas  and  written  in  A.D. 
1083.  Another  work  describing  the  life  of  a  Jina  and  containing 
many  Apabhraihsa  verses  is  the  Santinatha-charita  of  Devachandra, 
the  teacher  of  the  famous  Hemachandra.  The  author  belonged  to 
the  Purnatallagachchha  and  wrote  his  work  in  A.D.  1103.  In  A.D. 
1104  Santi  Suri  wrote  his  Prithvlchandra-charita  in  7500  verses  and 
in  A.D.  1108  Devabhadra  wrote  Pdrsvanatha-charita,  describing  the 
life  of  the  23rd  Tirthakara,  at  Bhrigukachchha.  The  Sumatindtha- 
charita  by  Somaprabha  was  composed  in  the  second  half  of  tho 
twelfth  century  and  describes  the  life  of  the  5th  Tirthakara. 

The  greatest  Jain  writer  of  the  twelfth  century  was  the  famous 
Hemachandra  who  bore  the  title  Kalikala-Sarvajna.  He  was  born 
at  Dhandhfika  in  A.D.  1088  and  died  in  A.D.  1172.  He  was  patro¬ 
nised  by  Chaulukya  king  Jayasimha  Siddharaja  and  was  responsible 
for  the  conversion  to  Jainism  of  his  successor,  king  Kumarapala. 
He  is  the  author  of  various  works — scientific  and  literary.  The 
Kumar  apala-charita  was  written  by  him  mainly  to  illustrate  the 
rules  of  Prakrit  Grammar.  The  last  two  cantos  of  the  work  are 
written  in  various  Prakrit  dialects  like  Saurasenl,  Magadhi,  Paisachi 
and  Apabhraihsa. 

Of  the  other  biographies  of  the  twelfth  century  mention  may 
be  made  of  the  N eminatha-charita  in  5000  gathas  composed  by 
another  Hemachandra,  an  elder  contemporary  of  the  above  and  be¬ 
longing  to  the  Maladharigachchha.  His  pupil  Srlchandra  wrote  a 
big  epic,  the  Munisuvratasv  ami-char  ita,  in  A.D.  1135.  His  co-student, 
Lakshmanagani,  wrote  Supasandha-chariya  in  some  8000  gathas  in 
A.D.  1142.  Besides  narrating  the  life  of  the  7th  Tirthakara,  the 
author  also  gives  various  stories  to  illustrate  the  vows  of  Jainism. 
Another  Srichandra  of  the  Chandragachchha  composed  the  Sanat -• 
kumara-charita  of  8127  verses  in  A.D.  1157.  The  story  of  Sanat- 
kumara,  the  Chakravartin,  is  full  of  all  sorts  of  romantic  and  super¬ 
natural  elements. 

There  are  also  some  Prakrit  works  of  the  type  of  life  stories.  In 
the  twelfth  century  Haribhadra  wrote  the  Mallindtha-charita  giving 
the  life  of  the  19th  Tirthakara.  Another  work  by  the  same  author  is 
the  Chandraprabha-charita  in  8000  verses.  Somaprabha,  a  younger 
contemporary  of  the  famous  Hemachandra,  is  the  author  of  the 
Kumdrapala-pratibodha  written  both  in  prose  and  verse.  In  five 
prastdvas  it  enumerates  various  kings  of  the  Chaulukya  dynasty  and 
contains  a  dialogue  between  king  Kumarapala  and  his  teacher  Hema¬ 
chandra  on  the  precepts  of  Jainism.  Some  parts  of  the  work  are 
also  written  in  Sanskrit  and  Apabhraihsa.  Another  work  by  the 


345 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


same  author,  the  Sumatinatha-charita ,  as  stated  earlier,  describes 
the  life  of  the  5th  Tirthakara  and  also  narrates  various  stories  illus¬ 
trating  the  principles  of  Jainism.  Towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
century  comes  the  Malay asundan-katha  of  unknown  authorship. 
It  gives  the  love  story  of  a  prince  Mahabala  and  princess  Malaya- 
sundari  and  also  many  other  popular  tales  based  on  miracles  and 
magic  feats.  The  prince  and  the  princess  are  often  separated,  but 
are  reunited  every  time.  In  the  end  the  prince  becomes  a  monk 
and  the  princess  a  nun. 

2.  Stotras  and  Didactic  Works 

The  Jains  have  composed  numerous  stotras,  many  of  them  being 
in  Sanskrit.  Of  the  Prakrit  stotras  of  this  period  mention  may  be 
made  of  the  Ullasikkama-thaya  of  Jinavallabha  and  the  Ajiyasanti - 
thaya  of  Viraganin.  The  former  is  in  glorification  of  Ajita,  the 
second  Tirthakara,  and  the  latter  that  of  Santi,  the  16th  Tirthakara. 
The  Mahavira-stava  is  written  in  an  elaborate  style  in  which  the 
same  words  are  used  in  different  meanings.  Some  of  the  stotras 
are  composed  in  more  than  one  language.  Thus  the  Shadbhdsha - 
nirmita-Pdrsvajinastavana  by  Dharmavardhana,  written  about  A.D. 
1200,  is  in  six  languages,  viz.  Sanskrit,  Maharashtri,  Magadhi,  Saura- 
senl,  Paisachl,  and  Apabhraihsa. 

The  Silovaesamdld  by  Jayakirti  is  a  didactic  poem  in  116  Prakrit 
gdthds.  Its  date,  however,  is  uncertain.  The  Gdthakosa  by  Muni- 
chandra  (twelfth  century  A.D.)  is  a  Prakrit  anthology  of  moral  say¬ 
ings.  Another  work  of  a  similar  nature  is  the  Bhavavairdgyasataka 
describing  the  vanity  of  existence  and  such  other  things. 

Of  scholastic  interest  is  the  Navapaya  in  Prakrit,  with  a  Sanskrit 
commentary,  by  Jinachandra  Ganin,  written  about  A.D.  1015.  He 
has  also  written  Navatattva-Prakarana ,  a  treatise  on  the  nine  fun¬ 
damental  truths  of  Jainism,  viz.  jwa,  aftva,  puny  a,  papa, 
dsrava,  samvara,  bandha,  nirjara  and  moksha.  Another  important 
work  of  the  eleventh  century  is  the  Jivaviydra  by  Santi  Suri 
in  51  Arya  verses.  It  discusses  the  nature  of  beings  after  dividing 
them  into  various  classes.  In  A.D.  1113  Maladhari  Hemachandra 
Suri  wrote  Bhavabhavana  in  531  gdthds.  Devendra  Suri  wrote  in 
the  thirteenth  century  the  first  five  karmagranthas  which  describe 
in  great  details  the  entire  doctrine  of  karman. 

2.  Grammars 

The  most  complete  grammar  of  Prakrit  languages  was  produced 
in  this  period  by  the  famous  Hemachandra.  In  the  eighth  chapter 


346 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

of  his  Siddhahemachandra  he  deals  with  Maharashtri,  Saurasem, 
MagadhI,  Paisachl,  Chulikapaisachi  and  Apabhrariisa.  He  has  also 
supplied  us  with  his  own  commentary  which  has  come  down  in  two 
recensions,  long  and  short.  Hemachandra  has  also  composed  a 
Desmamamdld  which  is  a  lexicon  of  Prakrit  words. 

After  Hemachandra  comes  Kramadlsvara  who  flourished  in 
the  twelfth  or  thirteenth  century  A.D.  The  eighth  chapter  of  his 
Samkshiptasara  is  devoted  to  the  treatment  of  Prakrits.  In  his 
discussion  he  generally  follows  Vararuchi.  But  Trivikrama,  who 
flourished  in  the  thirteenth  century,  follows  Hemachandra  in  his 
Prakrita-sabdanusdsana .  He  belonged  to  the  Western  school  of 
grammarians  which  is  based  on  the  so-called  Vdlmikisutras.  From 
his  teaching  arose  the  grammars  of  Hemachandra  and  others  belong¬ 
ing  to  this  school.  The  other  representatives  of  the  school  are  Laksh- 
midhara,  who  composed  Shadbhdshachandrikd ,  and  Siriiharaja,  the 
author  of  the  Prakritarupavatara.  The  Eastern  school  of  Prakrit 
grammarians  which  originated  with  Vararuchi  and  descended 
through  Larikesvara  and  Kramadlsvara  is  represented  by  Purushot- 
tama,  Ramasarman  and  Markandeya.  Purushottama’s  Prdkritanu- 
sasana  was  written  in  A.D.  1265  and  has  come  down  to  us  only  in 
a  single  manuscript  in  Newari  characters.  The  other  two  authors 
are  rather  late,  Ramasarman’s  Prdkritakalpataru  being  assigned  to 
the  sixteenth  century  and  Markandeya’s  Prdkritasarvasva  to  the 
seventeenth  century.  They  all  divide  Prakrits  into  four  categories 
— Bhasha,  Vibhasha,  Apabhrariisa  and  Paisachika — and  discuss  the 
principal  Prakrits  under  Bhasha. 

4.  Language 

The  various  processes  of  phonetic  changes  that  are  observed  in 
Pali  are  carried  still  further  in  the  Prakrits.  Thus  the  change  of 
n>n  occurs  more  in  Prakrits  than  in  Pali.  The  vowels  l  and  u 
are  softened  to  e  and  o  and  y  to  i.  Surds  are  often  changed  to 
sonants  and  the  mute  element  of  aspirates  is  dropped.  There  is  also 
a  tendency  to  drop  uninitial  consonants.  In  morphology,  analogy 
has  played  a  great  role  in  the  simplification  of  the  inflexional  system. 
The  dual  and  dative  are  wanting  in  declension  and  some  more  termi¬ 
nations  are  added.  The  distinction  between  the  masculine  and  femi¬ 
nine  declension  is,  however,  preserved.  In  conjugation,  the  roots  are 
generally  brought  over  to  the  a  type.  Of  the  various  tenses  and 
moods  those  that  mostly  prevail  are  the  present,  the  future,  and  the 
imperative.  The  past  is  generally  expressed  by  participial  construc¬ 
tions. 


347 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


III.  APABHR AMS A6  7 

1.  Literature 

The  important  works  in  Apabhramsa  during  the  period  A.D. 
1000-1300  noted  below  show  that  they  have  originated  among  the 
Jains.  Most  of  them  narrate  the  lives  of  Jain  teachers  or  heroes  or 
are  collections  of  tales  preaching  the  practices  of  Jain  religion. 

1.  The  Pajjunna-kaha  (Skt.  Pradyumna-katha)  of  Siihha  nar¬ 
rates  in  fifteen  cantos  the  life  of  Pradyumna  Kumara,  son  of  Krishna 
and  the  21st  Kamadeva  out  of  the  twenty-four  recognised  in  Jain 
hierarchy  of  remarkable  persons.  Siddha,  who  died  after  writ¬ 
ing  the  first  eight  cantos,  belonged  to  Bambhanvada68  in  the  domain 
of  Ball'ala.  If  this  Ballala  was  the  Malava  king  said  to  have  been 
killed  by  Yasodhavala,  a  feudatory  of  Kumarapala,  Siddha  may  be 
placed  in  the  early  part  of  the  tenth  century.  The  work  was  com¬ 
pleted  by  Simha  who  added  the  last  seven  cantos. 

2.  The  Kathakosa 59  of  Srlchandra  contains  53  tales  intended 
for  moral  and  religious  instruction.  It  belongs  to  the  tenth  or  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.  The  Sanskrit  Prasasti  tells  us  that  the  author 
was  the  pupil  of  Virachandra  of  the  Kundakunda  line  of  teachers. 

3.  The  Pdrsvapumna  of  Padmakirti  describes  in  eighteen  san¬ 
dhis  the  life  of  the  23rd  Tirthakara.  It  also  probably  belongs  to  the 
tenth  or  eleventh  century  A.D. 

4.  Somaprabha  in  the  twelfth  century  wrote  a  hymn  in  honour 
of  Parsva  in  an  extremely  artificial  style. 

5.  The  Sukurrmla-chariu  by  Sirihara  (Skt.  Sridhara)  describes 
the  life  of  Sukumara  who  later  became  a  saint.  Paumaeva  (Skt.  Pad- 
madeva)  referred  to  the  story  of  Sukumala  Svami  in  his  sermon  in  a 
Jain  temple  at  Valada60  ruled  over  by  king  Govindachandra.  The 
poem  was  composed  by  Sridhara  at  the  instance  of  Kumara,  one  of 
the  listeners  at  the  sermon  who  was  directed  to  Sridhara  by  the 
saint,  on  his  desire  to  know  more  about  the  story.  The  work  records 
Monday,  3rd  day  of  the  dark  fortnight  of  Agrahana  in  1208  (pre¬ 
sumably  V.S.=A.D.  1151)  as  the  date  of  composition. 

6.  The  Sudarsana-charita  of  Nayanandi  narrates  in  twelve  san¬ 
dhis  the  life  of  a  Jain  hero.  The  author,  who  composed  his  work  in 
A.D.  1043,  was  the  pupil  of  Manikyanandi  of  the  Kundakunda  line 
of  teachers. 

7.  The  Kalasvarupakulakam  is  a  didactic  poem  in  32  rhymed 
verses.  It  was  written  by  Jinadatta  Suri  (A.D.  1075-1154),  a  con¬ 
temporary  of  Hemachandra. 


348 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

8.  The  Nemindha-chariu60a  was  written  by  Haribhadra,  the 
pupil  of  Srichandra.  He  was  a  contemporary  of  Hemachandra, 
and  completed  his  work  in  A.D.  1159  on  the  day  of  the  conversion 
of  king  Kumar  apala.  He  was  also  the  author  of  the  Prakrit  work 
Mallinatha-cliarita.  The  work  is  written  in  a  poetic  style  describing 
many  scenes  from  nature. 

9.  There  is  yet  another  N eminaha-chariu  (Skt.  Neminatha- 
charita)  by  Lakshmadeva  (Skt.  Lakshmanadeva)  in  four  cantos.  The 
poet  was  the  son  of  Rayana  (Skt.  Ratnadeva)  and  was  born  at 
Gonanda  in  Malava.  The  work  does  not  mention  the  year  of  its 
composition  though  the  days  of  commencement  and  completion  are 
given.  The  MS.  records  that  it  was  a  gift  made  in  V.S.  1510 
(—A.D.  1453),  so  that  it  was  composed  earlier. 

10.  The  Yogasdra  or  Dohasara  of  Yogichandra  Muni  belongs 
to  the  twelfth  century.  It  contains  108  stanzas  on  spiritual  didacti¬ 
cism.  The  Vaimgyasdra  by  Suprabhacharya  is  a  similar  poem  in 
77  dohd  verses  teaching  general  moral  principles  of  Jainism.  The 
author  was  a  Digambara  Jain.  His  Apabhraihsa  belongs  to  the 
Eastern  school  represented  by  Ramasarman  Tarkavagisa.61 

11.  Amaraklrtigani’s  Chhakkammovaesa  (Skt.  Shatkarmo- 
padesa)  in  fourteen  cantos  deals  with  the  sixfold  duties  of  house¬ 
holders  (viz.  worship  of  god,  attendance  on  the  teacher,  study  of 
sacred  texts,  self-restraint,  austerity,  and  charity)  with  illustrative 
stories.  Fifth  in  succession  from  Amiyagai  (Skt.  Amitagati),  probably 
the  famous  author  of  the  Dharmaparikshd,  Subhashitaratnasandoha, 
etc.  who  flourished  at  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  our  poet  belonged 
to  the  Mathurasangha.  The  poem  was  composed  on  Thursday,  the 
14th  day  in  the  second  fortnight  of  Bhadrapada,  V.S.  1247 
(=A.D.  1190),  at  Godahaya  in  Mahiyadadesa  of  Gujjaravisaya,  pro¬ 
bably  identical  with  Godhra  in  Mahikantha  Agency  in  Gujarat.62 
Amarakirti  records  seven  other  works  composed  by  him,  viz. 
Neminaha-chariu,  Mahavira-clnariu,  Jasahara-chariu,  Dhammachariya - 
tippana,  Suhasiyarayananihi,  Dhammovaesachudamani,  and 
Jhdnapaiu. 

12.  Another  work  dealing  with  the  religious  vows  of  Jain 
house-holders  is  the  Anuvaya-rayana-paiu  (Skt.  Anuvrata-ratna- 
pradipa)  by  Lakkhana  (Skt.  Lakshmana)  in  eight  cantos.  Lakshmana 
was  the  son  of  Sahula  and  Jaita  of  the  Jayasa  (Jayaswal)  family. 
He  dwelt  at  Rayavatfdiya  on  the  Yamuna,  which  was  also  the  resi¬ 
dence  of  his  patron  Kanha,  the  great  minister  of  Ahavamalla  of  the 
Chauhan  family.  Chhandavatfa  on  the  Yamuna  was  the  capital  of 
Bharatapala,  Ahavamalla’s  fourth  ancestor.  Rayavad<Jiya  and 

349 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Chhandavada  have  been  respectively  identified  with  modern  Raibha 
and  Chandwar  near  Firozahad  in  Agra  District.63 

Besides  its  language  and  subject  matter  the  work  is  important 
for  shedding  light  on  a  whole  line  of  rulers  of  Chauhan  family  ruling 
near  Agra  in  the  thirteenth  century.  The  work  was  completed  on 
Thursday,  the  7th  day  of  the  dark  fortnight  of  Kartika,  V.S.  1313 
(=A.D.  1256). 

13.  The  Sanjamamanjar'l  is  a  work  on  ethics  in  35  doha  verses 
with  an  exhaustive  commentary.  It  was  composed  in  the  thirteenth 
century  by  Mahesara  Suri.  It  teaches  the  practice  of  self-control 
as  the  sure  way  to  obtain  release. 

14.  Peculiar  interest  attaches  to  the  Sandesarasaka,  probably 
the  only  non-religious  Apabhraihsa  work  of  the  Rasa  type,  by  Abdul 
Rahaman,  son  of  MIrasena,  a  weaver  of  the  Muslim  community, 
residing  in  the  western  part  of  India.  The  author  was  well  versed 
in  Sanskrit,  Prakrit  and  Apabhraihsa.  The  work  consists  of  223 
stanzas  divided  into  three  sections  called  Prakramas.  The  first  is 
introductory,  while  in  the  second  section,  we  have  an  interesting 
account  of  the  message  sent  by  a  love-lorn  lady  from  Vijayanagara 
or  Vikramapura  (in  old  Jaisalmer  State)  to  her  husband  who  had 
gone  to  Khambhaitta  (Skt.  Stambhatlrtha)  or  Khambhata  (Cambay) 
to  earn  riches  and  had  not  cared  to  return  for  years.  The  messenger 
is  a  traveller  going  to  Cambay  from  Mulasthana  (Multan).  The  last 
section  gives  a  description  of  the  six  seasons  in  the  context  of 
Virahini  (lady  in  separation).  The  portrayal  of  sentiments  is  vivid 
and  natural,  and  common  experience  is  found  reflected  in  the  picture 
of  the  various  seasons.  The  work  has  been  assigned  to  the  twelfth 
century  A.D.64 

2.  Language 

The  origin  and  nature  of  Apabhraihsa  have  been  discussed 
above.643  Vararuchi,  the  oldest  Prakrit  grammarian,  does  not  men¬ 
tion  Apabhraihsa.  Hemachandra  is  the  first  grammarian  to  treat  this 
language  with  other  Prakrits  in  his  Haimavydkarana ,  and  later 
grammarians  like  Trivikrama,  Lakshmidhara  and  Siihharaja  have 
merely  followed  him. 

Linguistically  Apabhraihsa  occupies  a  position  midway  be¬ 
tween  the  Prakrits  of  the  dramas  and  the  modern  Indian  languages. 
The  tendencies  of  assimilation  of  consonant  clusters,  elision  of 
intervocal  consonants,  and  such  others  observed  in  the  Prakrits 
are  carried  still  further  in  the  Apabhraihsa.  Some  of  the  other 
distinguishing  features  are  the  weakening  of  the  final  vowels  (e.g. 


350 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

>  -ct),  -s  and  -ss  >  -n-,  -ra-  >  nasalised  -u-,  and  nasalisation  of 
vowels. 

In  declension  as  well  as  conjugation  many  of  the  suffixes  dis¬ 
appear.  Thus  the  distinction  between  the  nom.  and  acc.  sg.  is 
completely  lost.  As  in  other  Prakrits  the  general  tendency  in  the 
Apabhramsa  is  to  reduce  the  inflexional  system  to  a  particular 
norm.  The  most  distinguishing  features  of  the  language  are  the 
nom.  sg.  ending  in  - u ,  nom,  pi.  - a ,  inst.  -era  and  -him,  gen,  sg.  -i aha, 
assa  and  the  preponderance  of  h  in  terminations  of  nouns  and 
verbs.  There  is  also  to  be  noticed  the  use  of  half  words  -kara, 
-kanna,  etc.  to  emphasise  case  relations.  In  pronouns  the  large 
variety  of  Prakrit  forms  is  much  reduced.  In  conjugation  the 
present  and  future  are  of  course  used;  to  denote  past  tense  past 
participles  are  used;  though  the  imperative  is  employed,  optative 
becomes  less  frequent;  the  use  of  fortifying  pleonastic  affixes 
like  -ilia,  - alia ,  -da  is  also  witnessed.  To  form  absolutives  we  get 
a  number  of  suffixes  like  -i,  - iu ,  -avi,  -evi,  - evinu ,  -eppinu,  etc.  The 
vocabulary  of  the  language  is  further  enriched  by  the  addition  of 
many  desi  words. 

The  Apabhramsa  represents  an  important  stage  in  the  develop¬ 
ment  of  Indo-Aryan  languages — a  stage  “in  which  the  Prakrits  die 
and  out  of  which  the  Bhdshas  or  vernaculars  are  born.”  Already 
during  the  preceding  period  (A.D.  750-1000)  Western  or  Saurasenl 
Apabhramsa  came  into  use  as  a  pan-Indo-Aryan  literary  speech 
binding  together  the  spoken  provincial  dialects.  It  continued  right 
down  to  the  end  of  the  period  under  review  and  established  itself 
as  a  literary  language,  nearest  to  the  vernaculars,  from  Bengal  to 
Western  Punjab  and  Sindh,  and  from  Kashmir  and  Nepal  to 
Maharashtra.  The  birth  of  these  vernaculars  or  the  New  Indo- 
Aryan  speeches  which  gradually  came  to  their  own  in  their  respect¬ 
ive  areas  was  the  most  important  cultural  event  of  this  period 
(A.D.  1000-1300). 


IV.  MARATHI 

Marathi  is  one  of  the  most  important  modern  Indian  languages 
having  a  very  vast  literature  extending  over  a  period  of  700  years,615 
and  so  far  as  the  literature  of  the  pre-British  period  is  concerned, 
almost  half  of  it  still  lies  unpublished.66  It  contains  a  very  valu¬ 
able  and  unique  record  of  the  spiritual  experiences  of  the  mystic 
saints  from  almost  every  class  of  society  in  Maharashtra.  The 
classical  Marathi  poetry  bears  witness  to  all  the  poetical  excellences 
set  forth  by  the  Sanskrit  rhetoricians.  It  is  extremely  rich  in 
ballad-poetry  and  folk-songs  of  a  superior  type,  and  after  the  re- 


351 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


naissance  in  the  nineteenth  century,  it  has  produced  masterpieces 
which  are  the  pride  of  any  land. 

Marathi,  with  its  different  dialects,  reigns  supreme  in  the  region 
which  extends  from  the  river  Tapi,  in  the  north,  to  the  TUngabhadra 
in  the  south.  Bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Arabian  Sea,  it  includes 
four  districts  of  the  Madhya  Pradesh,  four  districts  of  the  Hyder¬ 
abad  State,  the  whole  of  Berar  and  ten  districts  of  Maharashtra  pro¬ 
per  as  well  as  the  old  Maratha  States  on  the  border, — not  to  speak  of 
the  remnants  of  the  Maratha  conquests  in  the  north,  in  Central 
India,  in  the  south,  and  the  eastern  parts  of  India.  Marathi  is 
claimed  as  the  mother-tongue  by  over  21,800,000  souls,  and  covers 
an  area  of  about  149,120  square  miles.67 

The  origin  of  the  Marathi  language  is  shrouded  in  mystery. 
According  to  some,  it  goes  back  to  the  early  Vedic  settlements  of 
Agastya  in  Janathana,  when  the  first  Vedic  Apabhramsa  must  have 
been  formed  as  the  earliest  nucleus,  which  grew  in  the  course  of 
centuries,  owing  to  several  kinds  of  culture-contacts  and  vicissitudes 
of  fortune,  and  came  to  be  recognized  as  Marathi  in  the  early  centu¬ 
ries  of  the  Christian  Era.  The  earliest  epigraphical  record68  is 
that  of  the  &ravana  Belgola  Inscription  of  Chamundaraja,  the 
Prime-Minister  of  Rachamalla  Gahga,  dated  A.D.  983,  which  con¬ 
tains  a  regular  Marathi  sentence:  “Sri  Cl^vuvdcLvdjem  karaviyalem.” 
Similarly,  the  earliest  reference  to  Marathi  literature  is  the  quota¬ 
tion  of  a  Marathi  song  in  the  well-known  work  Mdnasollasa  or 
Abhilashitartha-chintdrnani  of  the  Chalukya  king  Somesvara  III 
written  about  A.D.  1130,  wherein  it  is  also  mentioned  that  Maharash¬ 
tra  women  were  in  the  habit  of  singing  oin-songs  while  cleansing  the 
rice  of  its  husk.69 

The  first  great  author  of  note  in  Marathi  is  Mukundaraja  (latter 
half  of  the  twelfth  century),  who  wrote,  among  others,  his 
well-known  philosophical  work  Vivekasindhu,  in  A.D.  1190.  He 
was  a  great  Sanskrit  scholar,  a  veritable  sage,  endowed  with 
miraculous  powers,  a  follower  of  &ri  Sankaracharya  in  his  Advait- 
ism,  and  a  spiritual  preceptor  of  Jaitrapala  or  Jayatpala  who  pro¬ 
bably  was  a  petty  chief  in  Berar.  Other  works  ascribed  to  him  are 
Paramamrita,  Pavanavijaya,  Mulastarribha,  Panchikarana,  etc.  They 
are  all  philosophical  treatises.70 

Three  great  religious  sects  dominated  Maharashtra  at  this  time. 
The  Natha -sampradaya,  which  is  said  to  have  originated  with  Adi- 
natha  Sankara,  was  renovated  by  Matsyendranatha,  at  the  begin¬ 
ning  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.71  Gorakh-nath,  his  chief  dis¬ 
ciple,  was  a  great  propagator  of  this  School,  throughout  the 


352 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


length  and  breadth  of  India,  preaching  the  doctrine  of  Yoga  and 

salvation  through  meditation.  There  are  a  few  Marathi  songs 

attributed  to  Gorakh-nath,  and  the  remnant  of  the  Goraksha- 

Amarandtha-S amvd  da  preserves  one  of  the  oldest  specimens  of 

Marathi  prose/2  His  disciple  Gahinlnatha  was  the  chief  exponent 

of  Nathism  in  Maharashtra/3  It  was  he  who  initiated  Nivritti- 

•  • 

natha,  the  elder  brother  of  Jnanadeva,  the  celebrated  author  of 
Jhdnesvari,  which  is  the  crowning  achievement  of  this  sect  in 
Marathi.  It  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  great  masterpieces  of  the 
world.  Though  a  mere  commentary  on  the  Bhagavadgltd ,74  one 
finds  in  it  philosophy  and  poetry  of  the  highest  kind  flowing  in 
complete  unison,  sending  its  readers  into  veritable  raptures  on 
account  of  its  sweet  melody,  homely  style,  wealth  of  illustrations, 
depth  of  feeling,  flights  of  fancy  and  the  most  lucid  exposition  of 
the  philosophy  of  the  Bhagavadgltd.  Jnanadeva  was  a  precocious 
saint  and  a  very  great  genius.  He  wrote  this  immortal  work  at  the 
early  age  of  19  only.  Amritdnuhhava  is  another  great  work  of  his, 
dealing  with  the  Upanishadic  philosophy,  and  more  than  25  smaller 
works  have  been  ascribed  to  him,  besides  a  collection  of  over  a 
thousand  poems  in  the  Abhanga  metre.76  This  Gdtha  or  collection 
of  the  Abhanga  poems  and  Jndnesvarl  are  among  the  chief  works 
of  the  Varakari-sampraddya  which  believed  in  Bhakti  or  devotion 
as  the  means  of  salvation.  After  receiving  his  initiation  from 
Nivrittinatha,  Jnanadeva  initiated  his  younger  brother  Sopanadeva 
and  his  youngest  sister  Muktabai,  all  of  whom  were  great  Vedan- 
tins  and  known  for  their  saintliness.  All  of  them  wrote  in  Marafhl, 
but  only  a  few  works  of  Nivrittinatha,  Sopanadeva  and  Muktabai 
have  come  down  to  us.  They  voluntarily  put  an  end  to  their  own 
life  as  soon  as  they  thought  that  the  mission  of  their  life  was  over, 
and  when  they  were  just  in  their  twenties.76 

The  Mahanubhava  is  a  reformist  sect  of  the  Hindus  with  a 
philosophy77  and  a  code  of  manners78  of  their  own,  and  was  found¬ 
ed  by  Chakradhara  in  A.D.  1263. 79  Chakradhara  hailed  from 
Gujarat,  but  adopted  Maharashtra  as  his  field  of  action  and  Mara¬ 
thi  as  the  language  of  his  new  faith  which  he  preached  in  the 
latter  part  of  his  life.  Like  Gautama  Buddha  he  did  not  leave 
behind  him  any  particular  book  of  his  own  which  could  be  regard¬ 
ed  as  the  Book  of  Faith.  His  teachings  have  been  collected  from 
the  memoirs  of  his  immediate  disciples  who  were  learned  Pandits 
and  who  wrote  their  works  in  the  first  half  of  the  fourteenth 
century.  Nagadev§charya,80  the  chief  disciple  of  Chakradhara,  was 
the  organising  genius  of  the  sect  to  which  he  gave  a  definitive  form 
and  a  book  of  tenets.  The  self-exclusive  rigour  of  the  Varnasrama 

353 


S.E. — 23 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


dharma  of  the  caste-Hindus  was  not  observed  by  this  sect  which 
threw  open  the  path  of  self-renunciation  ( Sannyasa )  to  all.  They 
did  not  believe  in  the  image-worship,  but  at  the  same  time  regarded 
Srlkrishna  of  Dvaravati  and  SrI-Dattatreya  of  Mahur  (Hyderabad 
State)  as  the  most  perfect  forms  of  the  God-head  which  are 
believed  in  by  the  Hindus  in  general.  A  peculiar  sanctity  is  at¬ 
tached  to  the  spots  and  places  visited  by  the  Founder,  which  arey 
enshrined  and  worshipped.  After  the  death  of  Nagadevacharya 
the  sect  was  split  up  into  thirteen  different  branches  (amnayas), 
and  they  are  called  after  the  names  of  the  principal  disciples  of 
Nagadevacharya.  They  had  originally  thirteen  code-scripts  which 
were  later  on  increased  to  about  twenty-five.  The  Mahanubhava 
sect  can  reasonably  boast  of  having  contributed  richly  to  the  for¬ 
mal  side  of  Marathi  literature,  and,  after  the  manner  of  Sanskrit, 
the  Mahanubhava  writers  have  introduced  such  types  of  literature 
as  the  sutras,  the  commentaries,  the  expositions,  the  lexicons, 
works  on  rhetorics,  prosody,  and  grammar,  etc.  Like  the  Bud¬ 
dhists  and  the  Jains  they  had  their  legendary  biographies  and  me¬ 
moirs.  They  even  prepared  descriptive  indices  of  the  place-names 
and  of  the  legends  associated  with  the  life  of  their  Founder.  Their 
monumental  works  were  written  within  the  first  three  centuries,  but 
owing  to  the  secretive  character  of  the  followers  of  this  sect,  most 
of  this  literature  still  remains  in  the  dark.81 

Of  the  published  works,  Chakradhara-Siddhdnta-Sutre82  and 
DrishtcLnta-patha83  of  Kesobasa  (written  about  A.D.  1280)  deal  with 
the  doctrine  of  the  sect,  LUacharitra  (A.D.  1288)  of  Mhai'mbhata,84 
is  the  legendary  biography  of  the  founder,  Vachchhaharana  (about 
A.D.  1278)  of  Damodara,8'5  Rukmimsvayamvara  (A.D.  1292)  of 
Narendra86  and  Sisupalavadha  (A.D.  1200)  of  Bhaskarabhatta87 
are  some  of  the  longer  narrative  poems  of  great  poetical  value. 
Uddhavagltd 88  (A.D.  1300)  of  Bhaskarabhatta  is  a  Marathi  com¬ 
mentary  on  the  11th  Canto  of  the  Bhagavata  Purdna.  Mahadaisa 
was  their  earliest  poetess89  who  composed  nuptial  songs,  called 
Dhavale,  some  time  before  A.D.  1287  so  far  as  the  first  part  is 
concerned;  the  second  is  said  to  have  been  written  within  the  next 
16  years.90 

After  Jnanadeva,  the  literary  Maharashtra  was  dominated  by 
the  poet-saints  of  the  Bhagavata  School  who  worshipped  the  God 
Vitthala  of  Pandharpur.  Namadeva91  was  the  greatest  exponent 
and  propagator  of  this  School.  They  believed  in  the  ultimate 
merging  of  the  Individual  Soul  into  the  Supreme  Soul,  through  the 
path  of  Devotion  (Bhakti),  which  consisted  of  nine  varieties, 
whose  common  features  were  the  perpetual  repetition  of  the 


354 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


name  ‘Rama-Krishna-Hari’,  or  ‘ Vitthala periodic  peregrinations  to 
Pandharpur  and  also  to  Aland!  where  Jnanadeva  and  his  living 
burial,  fasting  on  the  11th  day  of  each  fortnight  of  the  Hindu  calen¬ 
dar  month  and  on  Mondays,  feeding  the  Brahmanas  and  chance- 
guests  ( atithis ),  service  to  saintly  persons,  abstinence  from  meat 
and  wine,  listening  to  Hariklr tanas  and  reading  of  religious  books. 
This  sect,  on  account  of  its  periodic  peregrinations  to  Pandharpur, 
was  known  as  the  Varakari -sam'pradaya,  and  it  is  alleged  that  it 
existed  in  Maharashtra  since  the  ninth  century  A.D.,  or  even 
earlier.92  This  sect  regarded  all  castes  alike  and  did  not  observe 
any  restrictions  of  untouchability,  etc.,  in  their  religious  associa¬ 
tion. 


Namadeva  is  said  to  be  a  contemporary  of  Jnanadeva  and  is  sup¬ 
posed  to  have  been  the  youngest  of  the  galaxy  of  poet-saints  who 
belonged  to  different  castes  and  whose  lyrical  outbursts  are  very 
popular  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  Maharashtra.  Gora, 
the  potter,  headed  the  list  which  comprised  Sena,  the  barber, 
Samvata,  the  gardener,  Chokha,  the  pariah,  Narahari,  the  goldsmith, 
Joga,  the  oilman,  etc.93  Their  close  association  has  contributed 
very  largely  to  bridge  the  gulf  between  the  higher  and  the  lower 
castes  in  Maharashtra,  and  by  their  poetry  and  saintliness  they 
have  popularised  the  teachings  of  the  philosophy  of  Vedanta  in  all 
the  strata  of  society. 

Namadeva  was  a  tailor  by  caste,94  but  was  as  great  a  saint 
as  he  was  a  gifted  poet.  He  had  a  very  large  family  consisting  of 
more  than  a  dozen  members,  including  his  personal  attendant 
Janabal,  all  of  whom  had  turned  poets  and  had,  it  is  alleged,  con¬ 
tributed  their  mite  in  fulfilling  the  vow  of  Namadeva  to  compose 
a  hundred  crore  Abhahgas.  A  small  remnant  of  a  few  thousand 
Abhahgas  is  all  that  we  have  got  today,  but  they  show  genuine 
marks  of  rare  beauty,  possessing  sweet  melody,  naive  simplicity,  and 
a  direct  appeal  which  are  generally  the  distinguishing  characteristics 
of  spontaneous  lyrics.  Namadeva’s  vigorous  and  extensive  propa¬ 
gandists  tours  in  the  cause  of  the  Bhagavata  Dharma  and  en¬ 
chanting  Kirtanas  led  to  the  creation  of  a  definite  school  of  poetry 
in  Maharashtra  which  held  sway  for  more  than  four  centuries,  and 
of  which  the  celebrated  poet-saint  Tukarama  was  the  direct  product. 
Namadeva’s  fame  had  spread  far  and  wide95  in  his  own  days  and 
he  had  the  privilege  of  being  quoted  in  the  Granthasaheb  of  Guru 
Nanak,  the  founder  of  the  Sikh  religion.95  He  had  a  long  life  of 
80  years  and  died  at  Pandharpur  in  A.D.  1350. 

Janabal,  the  female  attendant  of  Namadeva,  was  a  poetess, 
whose  devotional  songs  form  a  class  by  itself  in  the  Abhanga 


855 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


literature.  They  are  known  for  their  simplicity,  depth  of  feeling, 
and  all-absorbing  devotion.  Her  life  was  a  life  of  dedication  and 
she  had  the  same  unbounded  love  for  Namadeva  as  she  had  for 
Vhtthala.  Though  she  claimed  constant  companionship  of  God, 
she  was  essentially  a  woman,  and  the  charm  of  her  poetry  is 
heightened  on  account  of  this. 

The  spread  of  the  Bhagavata  Dharma  in  Maharashtra  had 
resulted  not  only  in  the  fusion  of  the  warring  sects  of  the  Vaishna 
vites  and  the  Saivites  in  this  part  of  the  country,  but  also  affected 
the  followers  of  other  religions  as  well,  especially  the  Muslims, 
who  had  come  under  the  influence  of  Kabir.97  They  also  wrote 
devotional  songs  and  spread  the  gospel  of  toleration  in  religious 
outlook,  recognizing  and  respecting  different  manifestations  of  the 
Supreme  Spirit.  In  literature  this  new  cult  laid  great  emphasis 
on  singing  the  glories  of  the  early  youth  of  the  Lord  Krishna,  on 
the  teachings  of  the  Bhagavadgitd  and  the  Bhagavata  Purdna  in 
general  and  on  the  stories  from  the  epics  like  the  Rdmayana  and  the 
Mahdbharata .  The  celebrated  commentary  on  the  Bhagavadglti 
by  Jnanadeva  inspired  generations  of  scholars  to  vie  with  him  in 
writing  commentaries  on  the  Lord’s  Song,  and  we  have  more  than 
a  score  of  them,  but  none  attains  the  great  poetical  and  intellectual 
height  set  by  the  model.  The  Kirtana -sampradaya,  which  is 
peculiarly  Maharashtrian,  gave  a  great  impetus  to  a  colourful 
variety  in  poetry  and  music,  and  the  special  technique  that  was 
evolved  was  strictly  adhered  to  throughout  the  centuries  that 
followed.  The  first  part  consists  of  a  spiritual  sermon  on  a  suit¬ 
able  text,  and  the  second  part  contains  an  entertaining  story  illus¬ 
trating  the  truth  of  the  philosophical  discussion  or  the  moral  teach¬ 
ing  of  the  first  part,  interspersed  with  music  composed  by  the 
KIrtanakara  himself  or  called  to  memory  from  the  compositions  of 
other  poets.  It  is  thus  an  admixture  of  prose  and  poetry  of  a  high¬ 
ly  eloquent  nature  accompanied  by  excellent  music.  It  was  a 
very  great  and  effective  weapon  in  the  hands  of  these  religious 
preachers  and  almost  the  only  recreation  of  an  intellectual  type  for 
all  the  classes  and  the  masses.  The  moral  teachings  and  the  philoso¬ 
phical  truths  were  supplied  by  our  Epics  and  the  Puranas  which  have 
dominated  the  literature  of  Maharashtra  ever  since.  Many  a  poet, 
young  or  old,  has  chosen  to  sing  of  the  Rdmayana  and  Mahdbharata, 
and  more  especially  of  the  life  of  Srlkrishna,  in  general,  so  that  the 
major  part  of  Marathi  poetry,  from  this  period  onwards,  deals  with 
topics  concerning  these  only.  There  are  more  than  twenty  epi¬ 
tomes  of  the  Mahdbharata  and  not  less  than  a  hundred  and  twenty 
versions,  great  or  small,  of  the  Rarmyana98 — not  to  speak  of  the 
individual  legends  and  episodes!  These  great  monuments  of  Aryan 


356 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

culture  have  an  important  part  in  the  formation  both  of  the  national 
character  and  of  the  peculiar  culture  of  Maharashtra. 

In  addition  to  the  utterances  of  the  devotional  prayers  to 
Vishnu  or  Vitthala  by  the  poet-saints  of  the  Bhagavata  School  and 
the  Akhyanas  (lengendary  episodes)  composed  by  them  for  the  Kir- 
tanas,  we  also  find  the  traces  of  the  Avadhuta  cult,  of  the  Jangamas 
and  the  Lingayats,  the  Ganapatyas  and  a  number  of  other  religi¬ 
ous  sects  in  the  poetical  remains  that  belong  to  the  thirteenth  and 
the  fourteenth  centuries  of  the  Christian  Era.  In  this  classical 
period,  poetry  meant  essentially  a  religious  poetry." 

V.  BENGALI 
1.  Language 

The  Aryan  languages  of  Eastern  India,  viz.  the  three  Bihari 
speeches  of  Bhojpuri,  Maithili  and  Magahi  (the  latter  two  are  very 
close  to  each  other,  and  some  regard  them  as  dialects  of  the  same 
language),  and  Oriya  and  Bengali-Assamese,  all  originated  from  the 
Magadhi  Prakrit,  the  evolution  of  which  has  been  described 
above. 100 

The  people  of  Eastern  India,  as  in  the  Gangetic  plains  generally, 
represented  a  mixture  of  different  races  before  the  Aryan-speakers 
came — Mongoloids  (speaking  various  dialects  of  the  Sino-Tibetan 
languages  like  Bodo  and  Kuki),  Austrics,  or  Austro-Asiatics  (speak¬ 
ing  various  Kol  or  Mirpda  dialects,  which  latterly  developed  into 
Santali  and  its  allied  speeches,  and  also  Mon-Khmer  dialects,  one 
of  which  is  Khasi  of  Assam  at  the  present  day),  and  the  speakers  of 
the  various  Dravidian  dialects  as  in  Gangetic  India  and  elsewhere. 
All  these  three  language,  culture  or  racial  groups  were  welded  to¬ 
gether  into  one  Aryan-speaking  people  after  the  advent  of  the  Aryan 
language  in  Eastern  India.  This  Aryan  language  had  attained  its 
easternmost  frontier  up  to  the  southern  bend  of  the  Ganga  river  in 
Eastern  Bihar  before  the  time  of  Buddha.  At  that  time  Bengal  ap¬ 
pears  not  to  have  received  the  Aryan  speech.  It  would  seem  that 
from  the  Maurya  period  onwards  there  was  a  powerful  movement 
of  Aryan-speakers  from  Bihar  passing  on  into  North  and  West 
Bengal,  and  from  thence  spreading  to  Assam  in  the  East  and  to 
Orissa  in  the  South.  These  Aryan-speakers,  themselves  of  mixed 
origin,  as  much  as  the  people  of  Bengal,  took  with  them  the  speech 
of  Magadha;  and  it  was  known  as  MagadhI-Prakrit  and  later  as 
Magadhi- Apabhrarhsa1 01  when  the  Aryan  speech  was  established  in 
Bengal,  Assam  and  Orissa.  Definite  eastern  or  Magadhan  character¬ 
istics  appear  to  have  developed  in  the  entire  Aryanised  area  of 


357 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Assam,  Bengal  and  Bihar  during  the  closing  centuries  of  the  first 
millennium  A.D.  Bengali,  Assamese  and  Oriya  formed  a  very  closely 
connected  group,  and  these  languages  showed  the  greatest  amount  of 
agreement  among  themselves.  On  the  other  hand,  Maithili  and 
Magahi,  as  representing  a  sort  of  Central  Magadban  speech  and 
Bhojpuri,  as  representing  Western  Magadhan  (as  distinct  from  the 
Ardha-MagadhI  still  further  to  the  west),  also  similarly  developed 
in  the  Central  and  Western  Magadhan  tract.  By  AJD.  1000,  judging 
from  the  specimens  of  Bengali,  Assamese  and  Oriya  that  we  have 
at  about  this  date  and  a  little  later,  these  languages  had  become  fully 
established,  although  the  relationship  between  Bengali  and  As¬ 
samese  was  a  little  closer  than  between  these  two  and  Oriya.  Thus 
A.D.  1000  may  roughly  be  taken  as  a  convenient  date  for  the 
development  of  the  New  Indo-Aryan  stage  in  the  history  of  the 
Aryan  speech.  About  this  time,  the  Bengali  language  was  fully 
characterised,  and  Oriya  was  also  characterised  with  a  few  special 
peculiarities, .  while  Assamese  remained  still  much  closer  to  Old 
Bengali. 

2.  Literature 

The  oldest  specimens  of  Bengali  are  to  be  found  in  place-names 
and  personal  names  in  early  inscriptions  of  Bengal,  from  the  fifth 
century  A.D.  down  to  A.D.  1000  and  later.  This  epigraphical  mate¬ 
rial  has  been  studied  by  S.  K.  Chatterji  in  his  Origin  and  Develop¬ 
ment  of  Bengali  Language  and  Literature .  The  place-names  as  well 
as  the  personal  names  are  both  indicative  of  the  advance  made  in 
the  language.  Connected  specimens  of  Bengali  in  literature  are  to 
be  found  in  the  fifty  Charydpadas  which  were  discovered  in  Nepal 
by  MM.  Haraprasad  Sastri,  and  subsequently  by  one  or  two  other 
scholars,  many  years  ago.  Sastri  published  these  Charydpadas  in 
Old  Bengali  along  with  specimens  of  Apabhramsa  (sSaurasenl  or 
Western  Apabhramsa)  literature,  similarly  obtained  from  Nepal,  in 
a  volume  entitled  eeHdjdr  Bachharer  Purdna  Bdngdld  Bhdshay 
Bauddka  Gan  O  Doha ”  which  was  published  in  the  Bengali  year 
1323  (A.D.  1916)  by  the  Bahglya  Sahitya  Parishad  of  Calcutta.  The 
forty-seven  Charydpada  songs  found  in  this  work  alone  have  a  claim 
to  be  regarded  as  Old  Bengali,  and  the  other  portions  of  the  work 
are  not  in  Old  Bengali,  but  in  a  Western  Apabhramsa.  These  forty - 
seven  poems  were  really  parts  of  a  collection  of  fifty,  but  owing  to 
some  pages  in  the  manuscript  being  missing,  three  poems  have  not 
been  found;  but  subsequently  their  Tibetan  translations  have  been 
discovered  and  this  has  enabled  us  to  reconstruct  them  and  complete 
the  fifty.  These  poems  relate  to  the  esoteric  ideas  and  practices  of  the 
Vajrayana  School  of  late  Mahay  ana  Buddhism  of  Eastern  India. 


358 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


They  are  in  Old  Bengali,  and  it  is  easy  to  get  their  outward  sense, 
but  for  the  inner  meaning  a  commentary  is  necessary.  This  com¬ 
mentary  (by  a  later  writer)  has  been  furnished  in  the  manuscript 
in  the  Sanskrit  language,  and  it  is  very  helpful  in  understanding 
the  philosophical  and  other  notions  behind  the  poems.  The  poems 
were  composed  by  a  class  of  religious  teachers  known  as  the  Siddhas. 
Traditionally  they  were  eighty-four  in  number,  and  they  were  claim¬ 
ed  by  both  the  later  Mahayana  Buddhists  of  India  and  Tibet  as 
well  as  by  the  followers  of  Saiva  Sect  of  Goraksha-natha  (Gorakh- 
nath).  Some  twenty-four  poets  are  represented  in  the  Charydpadas. 
They  composed  short  lyrics  of  generally  five  couplets,  in  a  metre  which 
is  commonly  the  Padakulaka  metre  from  which  the  modern  Hindi 
Chaupad  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Bengali  Payar  on  the  other  have 
both  evolved.  There  are  a  few  slightly  longer  poems  with  other 
metres.  The  style  and  the  technique  of  these  poems  were  continued 
in  later  early  Bhojpuri,  Bengali  and  Western  Hindi  poetry,  and  this 
school,  which  is  represented  in  the  Charyapada  songs,  also  had  some¬ 
thing  to  do  with  the  mediaeval  North  Indian  Sant  poets  and  reform¬ 
ers.  The  Charyapada  poems  have  been  claimed  in  their  language 
as  belonging  to  both  Assamese  and  Oriya,  and  even  to  Maithili.  All 
these  demonstrate  how  a  thousand  years  ago  from  now  these  eastern 
speeches  converged  into  a  common  basic  type  of  speech — a  kind  of 
Magadhi  Apabhramsa  with  local  variations. 

The  Charydpadas  have  been  edited  and  commented  upon  by 
various  scholars  after  the  first  edition  by  MM.  Haraprasad  Sastri 
came  out — S.  K.  Chatter ji,  Muhammad  Shahidullah,  Prabodh  Chandra 
Bagchi,  Manindra  Basu,  and  Sukumar  Sen.  The  Charydpadas  cannot 
be  accorded  a  very  high  place  from  literary  point  of  view,  though 
occasionally  they  breathe  a  true  poetic  spirit  and  are  marked  by 
beauty  of  expression,  fine  conception  and  imagery,  and  a  deep  sensi¬ 
bility  and  emotion.  Their  main  value  and  importance  are  linguistic 
and  doctrinal.102  They  are  however  good  lyrics  written  in  a  variety 
of  metres.  These  lyrics  were  evidently  meant  to  be  sung,  for  the 
manuscript  gives  the  names  of  the  ragas  against  each.  But  the  main 
characteristic  of  these  verses  is  their  religious  and  emotional  appeal 
which  found  a  fuller  development  in  later  Bengali  literature  in  the 
Sahajiya  songs,  Vaishnava  padas,  Sakta  hymns,  Baul  songs,  etc.  The 
Buddhist  Charydpadas  may  therefore  be  regarded  as  the  prototypes 
or  precursors  of  these  later  forms  of  literary  development  in  Bengal. 

It  is  not  easy  to  determine  the  date  of  these  Charydpadas.  The 
only  positive  clue  is  furnished  by  the  names  of  the  Siddhas  who 
composed  them.  There  are  traditions  about  the  succession  of  gurus 


359 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


among  these  Siddhas,  and  on  the  basis  of  a  Nepalese  tradition  about 
one  such  line  of  succession,  Dr.  M.  Shahidullah  referred  these  com¬ 
positions  to  the  seventh  century  A.D.  But  Dr.  P.  C.  Bagchi  has 
shown  the  unreliable  character  of  the  Nepalese  tradition.  The 
general  view  is  that  these  Charydpadas  were  composed  between 
A.D.  950  and  1200,  and  most  probably  during  the  earlier  part  of 
this  period.  This  is  about  the  time  when  most  of  the  New  or 
Modern  Indo-Aryan  languages  were  taking  shape. 

Apart  from  the  Charydpadas  and  the  names  found  in  the  in¬ 
scriptions  mentioned  above,  other  specimens  of  Bengali  literature 
prior  to  A.D.  1300  are  to  be  found  in  a  few  verses  in  the  Prakrita- 
paingala  (c.  A.D.  1400),  which  is  a  treatise  on  Prakrit  and  Apa¬ 
bhramsa  versification  with  examples  of  all  the  various  forms  of 
verse-type  described.  Some  verses  in  this  work,  which  in  all  likeli¬ 
hood  are  modified  from  Old  Bengali,  have  been  discussed  by  S.  K. 
Chatter ji  in  his  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Bengali  Language 
and  Literature.  Similarly  in  the  Sanskrit  Encyclopaedia,  the  Mana- 
sollasa,  which  was  compiled  in  Western  India  about  A.D.  1130,  Chat¬ 
ter  ji  has  found  a  few  Old  Bengali  verses  and  lines  in  the  section 
relating  to  music  and  songs.  Similarly  Sukumar  Sen,  in  the  first 
volume  of  his  big  book  on  the  history  of  Bengali  Literature,  notes  a 
few  lines  in  Old  Bengali  in  some  early  texts  in  Sanskrit.  The  Chary a- 
pada  tradition  was  carried  down  to  late  mediaeval  times  in  Bengal 
and,  in  spite  of  the  Turkish  conquest,  there  was  no  break  in  it,  either 
in  subject  matter  or  in  form.  The  poems  in  the  Prdkritapaingala 
give  us  specimen  of  literature  in  the  Brahmanical  tradition,  as  the 
Charydpadas  give  us  the  Buddhist  Vajrayana  tradition.  Right 
up  to  A.D.  1300  these  are  the  only  specimens  we  have  of  Bengali 
literature.1023  But  this  is  quite  enough  to  give  us  some  of  the  actual 
vernacular  literary  forms  which  were  current  in  Bengal. 

It  has  been  also  suggested,  although  the  point  has  been  disputed, 
that  in  the  twenty-four  songs  of  the  Gita-govinda  of  Jayadeva,  which 
give  us  a  different  type  of  prosody  or  verse-form  from  that  of  classical 
Sanskrit,  we  have  the  reflex  in  Sanskrit  of  the  vernacular  or  Apa¬ 
bhramsa  tradition  in  literature.  Lassen  suggested  long  ago  that 
these  twenty-four  songs  were  originally  not  in  Sanskrit  but  in 
Apabhramsa  (or  some  speech  like  Old  Bengali),  and  then  they  were 
rendered  into  Sanskrit  and  incorporated  in  the  Gita-govinda.  Con¬ 
sidering  that  Apabhramsa  song  and  Old  Bengali  verses  echoing  these 
songs  of  the  Gita-govinda  have  been  found  in  the  Prakrita-paihgala 
and  other  works,  this  would  be  quite  a  justifiable  theory. 

Poets  in  Bengal  before  A.D.  1300  used  not  only  Bengali,  but 
also  Western  Apabhramsa,  in  addition  to  Sanskrit,  which  was  the 


360 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


language  of  the  educated  classes.  As  in  the  Buddhist  Dohd-Koshas 
by  Saraha  and  Kanha  which  have  been  edited  by  MM.  Haraprasad 
Sastri  along  with  the  Charyapadas,  and  further  commented  upon 
and  translated  into  French  in  comparison  with  the  Old  Tibetan  trans¬ 
lations  by  Dr.  Muhammad  Shahidullah,  other  verses  in  Apabhramsa 
composed  by  writers  of  Bengal  have  also  been  found.  The  Western 
Apabhramsa  was  like  a  kind  of  Khartboli  Hindi  of  a  thousand  years 
ago,  and  was  current  all  over  India,  people  in  the  various  tracts 
using  both  this  Apabhramsa  and  their  local  speeches. 

The  Old  Bengali  Literature,  in  the  compositions  of  the  Siddhas, 
has  exerted  some  influence  in  North  India  also.  Gorakh-nath,  the 
great  Sant  of  Northern  India  and  founder  of  the  sect  of  the  Kan- 
phata  Yogis  of  the  Punjab  and  North  India,  is  intimately  connected 
with  the  legends  of  the  Siddhas  in  Bengal.  In  certain  works  attri¬ 
buted  to  Gorakh-nath  and  his  disciples,  like  the  Gorakh-Bodh,  the 
manuscripts  of  which  have  been  found  in  Bikaner  and  elsewhere, 
we  have  specimens  of  poems  in  a  language  which  is  undoubtedly 
Old  Bengali  but  masquerading  as  a  form  of  “Old  Hindi”.  Any 
one  knowing  Old  Bengali  will  find  such  verses  plentifully  in  the 
works  of  early  mediaeval  times,  ascribed  to  Gorakh-nath,  which 
have  been  published  by  late  Prof.  Barthwal,  and  the  tradition  has 
continued  right  down  to  our  days.  Wandering  Saints  (Sants  and 
Sadhus),  and  latterly  Fakirs  and  Darveshes,  carried  the  same  reli¬ 
gious  ideologies,  and  the  Sant  philosophy,  from  one  part  of  the  North 
Indian  Plains  to  the  other,  whether  from  West  to  East  or  from  East 
to  West.  Through  them  linguistic  influences  easily  passed  from 
one  part  to  other  parts  of  North  India.  Ancient  Bengal  in  this  way 
can  be  said  to  have  influenced  the  rest  of  North  India  through  her 
Chnrydpada  literature. 


C.  DRAV1DIAN 
I.  TAMIL 
1.  Poetry 

By  the  end  of  the  first  millennium  after  the  birth  of  Christ, 
Buddhist  and  Jain  influence  in  the  Tamil  country  was  nearly  elimi¬ 
nated  and  the  Brahmanic  religion,  in  its  twin  forms  of  Saivism 
and  Vaishnavism,  was  securely  in  the  saddle.  The  Tevdram  and 
the  Tiruvdchakam  hymns  and  the  Vaishnava  hymns  in  the  Nala- 
yira  Prabandham  had  now  a  wide  currency,  and  the  Nayanars  and 
the  Alvars  were  deemed  to  be  at  least  semi-divine,  truly  the  apos¬ 
tles  of  God.  Tamil  ruling  chiefs  supported  the  Brahmanic  reli- 


361 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


gion  with  fervour — and  occasionally  even  with  fanaticism — and 
gave  considerable  encouragement  to  Tamil  men  of  letters.  Men’s 
minds  were  slowly  turned  to  the  treasures  of  Sanskrit  literature, 
and  poets  came  forward  to  give  Tamil  versions  or  adaptations  of 
standard  Sanskrit  works.  Epics,  Puranas,  philosophical  treatises, 
alamkarasastras,  grammars,  all  appeared  in  Tamil,  inspired  to  a 
greater  or  lesser  extent  by  Sanskrit  models.  Already,  in  the  6ah- 
gam  Age,  Perundevanar  had  rendered  the  Makdbharata  into  Tamil, 
but  that  work  is  now  lost.  The  poets  of  the  Brahmanic  period 
turned  their  attention  to  the  Ramayana  and  the  Makdbharata  or 
other  Puranic  stories  and  produced  Tamil  adaptations,  some  of 
which  at  least  acquired  the  dignity  and  excellence  of  creative 
literature.  During  this  period,  three  names  stand  prominent  in 
poetry.  Like  the  three  “gems”  of  Kannada  poetry,  the  three  Tamil 
“gems” — Kamban,  Ottakkuttan  and  Pugalendi — were  also  con¬ 
temporaries,  and  they  too  are  usually  named  together.  Making  all 
allowance  for  the  accretions  that  the  traditional  accounts  of  their 
history  have  gathered,  it  seems  none  the  less  clear  that  it  was  dur¬ 
ing  the  period  between  A.D.  1118  and  1178  that  not  only  Kamban, 
Ottakkuttan  and  Pugalendi,  but  perhaps  also  gekkilar,  Awai  II 
and  the  commentator  Adiyarkunallar  flourished  and  made  it  a 
great  age  in  the  history  of  Tamil  literature. 

(i)  Kamban 

Kamban  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  greatest  figures  in  Tamil 
poetry.  His  father  died  when  he  was  quite  young,  and  hence  he 
early  came  under  the  protection  of  a  generous  landlord  by  name 
Sadayappa.  By  and  by,  Kamban’s  unusual  talents  caught  the 
attention  of  Kulottunga  Chola,  and  the  poet  went  to  the  king’s 
court.  Rivalry  between  Kamban  and  Ottakkuttan,  the  court  poet 
seems  to  have  given  rise  to  many  piquant,  if  not  worse,  situations. 
The  king  apparently  decided  to  capitalize  the  rivalry,  and  set  them 
both  to  write  the  Ramayana  in  Tamil  verse.  Ottakkuttan  fared 
rather  badly  in  the  contest,  and  in  a  fit  of  depression  decided  to 
destroy  his  poem.  Kamban  interrupted  his  great  rival’s  act  of 
vandalism  in  time  to  save  the  Uttara-Kanda,  and,  along  with  Kam¬ 
ban’s  own  earlier  Kandas,  it  now  constitutes  the  Tamil  Ramayana, 
popularly  known  as  Kamba  Ramayana.  Comparisons  are  invidious, 
and  there  are  not  wanting  partisans  who  cry  up  Kamban  at  the  ex¬ 
pense  of  Valmlki,  a  thing  that  Kamban  himself  might  have  deemed 
sacrilegious.  Kamban’s  poem  is  a  great  Tamil  classic;  and  even 
though  it  is  an  adaptation  from  the  Sanskrit  original  it  is  none  the 
less  a  masterpiece.  Well  versed  in  classical  Tamil  and  Sanskrit 
literatures,  Kamban  cast  his  poem  on  a  heroic  mould  and  gave  it  the 


362 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


flavour  and  finish  of  a  typical  literary  epic.  It  has  been  remarked 
that  while  “Valmiki  is  diffuse  and  simple,  Kamban  abridges  and 
elaborates;”  it  is,  perhaps,  nearer  the  truth  to  say  that  Valmlki’s 
poem  is  akin  to  a  vast  elemental  forest,  while  Kamban’s  is  more  akin 
to  a  limited  but  luxuriant  garden.  Here  is  a  well-known  verse  from 
the  Sundara-Kanda,  where  Sita  gives  utterance  to  her  joy  after 
listening  to  Hanuman: 

Be  it  the  demon  himself,  or  another  god;  or  else 

The  lord  of  the  monkey  host;  be  it  cruelty 

Or  pity;  here  he  came,  and  named  my  lord, 

Revived  my  heart,  and  gave  me  life;  peerless  the  service! 

In  recent  years,  Kamba  Ramayana  has  been  widely  popularized  in 
Tamil  Nad  by  two  enthusiastic  ‘tasters’  and  critics,  P.  Sri  and  T.  K. 
Chidambaranatha  Mudaliar.  Although  Kamban  wrote  other  poems 
also,  he  is  to  the  multitude  only  the  semi-divine  author  of  the  Tamil 
Ramdyana;  and  yet  Sadakopar-anthathi  and  Erelupathu  deserve  to 
be  more  widely  read  than  they  are  at  present. 

(ii)  Ottakkuttan  and  Pugalendi 

Ottakkuttan  often  came  into  conflict  with  Pugalendi  also. 
According  to  tradition,  Pugalendi  was  the  Pandyan  king’s  court 
poet.  When  the  Pandyan  princess  married  the  Chola  king,  Kulot- 
tunga,  Varaguna  Pandya  sent  Pugalendi  as  a  part  of  his  daughter’s 
dowry  to  the  Chola  court.  Innumerable  incidents  are  narrated 
about  the  rivalry  of  the  two  court  poets,  and  Ottakkuttan  is  invari¬ 
ably  the  loser  in  every  trial  of  wits!  At  this  distance  of  time  it  is 
difficult  to  sift  the  truth  from  the  fanciful  fabrication  of  later  parti¬ 
sans.  Probably,  all  the  three  poets,  Kamban,  Ottakkuttan  and 
Pugalendi  were  contemporaries  and  had  frequent  opportunities  of 
coming  together.  Kamban  by  his  towering  genius  and  Pugalendi 
by  his  audacious  and  nimble  wit,  seem  to  have  as  a  rule  got  the 
better  of  the  heavy  and  proud  but  meritorious  Ottakkuttan.  On 
this  basis  tradition  has  reared  many  a  fanciful  structure  and  the 
stories  are  repeated  in  every  life-history  of  these  poets. 

Pugalendi ’s  most  important  work  is  Nala  Venba,  a  Tamil  ver¬ 
sion  of  the  story  of  Nala  and  Damayantl.  Written  in  the  flowing 
Venba  metre,  the  poem  is  one  of  the  most  melodious  in  Tamil  poetry. 
Echoes  from  Sanskrit  and  the  Rural  and  other  ancient  classics  give 
a  peculiar  charm  to  the  poem.  But  the  central  inspiration  is  Puga- 
lendi’s,  and  the  metrical  and  verbal  felicity  is  all  his  own;  and  truly 
the  vivacity  and  exuberance  of  his  poetic  art  are  seen  in  every  stanza 
of  this  poem.  Pugalendi  also  composed  a  number  of  narrative  poems 


363 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


in  a  flowing  metre — somewhat  in  the  ballad  style — dealing  with 
various  Mahabharata  episodes  and  also  popular  stories  of  tradition 
and  history.  Some  of  these  poems,  Alii  Arasani,  Pavalakkodi,  etc., 
are  on  the  lips  of  the  common  people  to  this  day.  The  verses  have 
a  gay  and  easy  swing,  the  language  is  simple  and  chaste,  and  poetry 
is  here  seen  to  come  to  the  market-place  without  vulgarizing  itself 
in  the  least.  Another  of  Pugalendi’s  poems,  Kalambakam,  is  a 
commemoration  poem  in  honour  of  the  king  of  Chenji. 

Ottakkuttan’s  Uttara-Kanda,  though  a  little  inferior  to  the 
rest  of  the  Tamil  Ramdyana,  is  still  a  meritorious  work.  One  verse 
may  be  rendered  as  follows: 

The  relations  desire  a  bridegroom  of  noble  birth; 

The  fathers  would  rather  have 

The  undiminishing  power  of  knowledge; 

Wide-ranging  riches  and  the  strength  they  give 

Are  chiefly  sought  by  the  mothers; 

But  the  beautiful  girls  themselves  desire  only  these, 

Youth  and  grace  of  form. 

Ottakkuttan  seems  to  have  specialized  besides  in  war-chants 
called  paranis  and  ulas,  describing  respectively  war  campaigns  and 
triumphant  processions.  Ottakkuttan’s  Takka-Ydgapparani  and 
Muvar-TJla  are  among  the  finest  specimens  in  these  two  classes  of 
poems.  Miivar-Ula  is  a  group  of  Ulus  dedicated  to  three  Chola 
kings.  All  things  considered,  Ottakkuttan  seems  to  have  been  a 
great  master  of  literature  rather  than  a  supreme  creative  writer; 
and  no  wonder  posterity  has  come  to  think  of  him  as  a  personality 
rather  than  as  a  poet. 


(iii)  Avvai 

Various  poetical  works  and  innumerable  impromptu  verses 
are  attributed  to  a  woman  poet  by  name  “Avvai.”  She  figures  in 
the  Sangam  Age  as  also  in  the  Age  of  Kamban,  and  hence  it  is  now 
presumed  that  there  were  two  Avvais,  gifted  poets  both  of  them. 
Avvai  I,  supposed  to  be  a  sister  of  the  great  Tiruvajluvar,  wrote 
Attisoodi,  Kondraivendan,  Muthurai  and  Nalvali,  works  which  like 
Hamlet  have  gone  into  general  currency  in  Tamil  speech.  The 
second  Avvai  composed  Nannurkovai ,  Kalviolukkam,  Anunthamil - 
malai,  and  some  other  works.  Several  interesting  stories  are  cur¬ 
rent  regarding  the  way  in  which  Avvai’s  mother-wit  turned  the 
tables  against  her  contemporaries,  notably  Kulottunga  Chola,  Kam- 


364 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

ban  and  Ottakkuttan.  Her  repartees  are  classical  in  their  aptness 
and  memorability,  her  humanity  is  deep  and  abiding,  her  sense  ot 
humour  is  radiant  and  unfailing.  The  composite  “Avvai”  is  cer¬ 
tainly  the  most  popular  of  Tamil  poets,  verily  the  beloved  matriarch 
of  Tamil  poetry.  One  verse  from  the  second  Avvai  is  here  ren¬ 
dered  freely: 

Rare,  O  rare  is  human  birth; 

Rare,  among  humans,  to  be  born 
With  no  impediment  in  eye,  ear  or  leg; 

Rare,  with  an  unblemished  body 
To  unite  a  mind  accomplished  and  wise; 

Rare,  for  wise  and  learned  minds, 

To  engage  in  acts  of  piety  and  pity; 

But  these  rarest  of  the  rare 
Merit  Elysium  indeed. 

2.  Saiva  Siddhanta  Literature 

This  literature,  which  is  very  considerable  in  quantity  and  is 
of  a  very  high  quality  as  well,  is  partly  in  Sanskrit  and  partly  in 
Tamil.  The  latter  is  conveniently  studied  under  two  heads:  pre- 
Meykan^eyan  and  post-Meykandeyan.  The  principal  figures  in 
pre-Meykandeyan  literature  are  Tirumular,  the  Tevaram  and  Tiru- 
vachakam  hymnists,  and  the  other  contributors  to  the  Tirumurais 
like  Nambi-Andar-Nambi  and  Sekkilar.  Nambi-Andar-Nambi,  who 
belongs  to  the  eleventh  century,  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  the 
Tamil  Vyasa,  because  it  is  due  to  him  that  we  have  the  extraordi¬ 
nary  collection  of  Saivite  hymns,  the  eleven  Tirumurais.  The 
twelfth  Tirumurai ,  the  Periapurdnam,  was  the  work  of  Sekkilar 
who  is  usually  assigned  to  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century.  The 
Periapurdnam  is  a  work  of  hagiology — half  history,  half  myth — 
containing  the  lives  of  the  sixty-three  canonized  Saiva  saints,  and 
the  work  is  held  in  much  reverence  and  is  very  popular  to  this  day 

Although  the  Sanskrit  works  of  Aghorasiva,  Sadyojyotis  and 
Bhojaraja  had  already  settled  the  general  outlines  of  the  Saiva 
Siddhanta-sastra,  it  became  a  real  power  and  reached  the  masses 
only  when  teachers  like  Meykanqla,  Arulnandi  and  Umapati  used 
Tamil  as  the  vehicle  for  the  exposition  of  the  sastras.  These 
Tamil  Siddhanta-sastras  are  fourteen  in  number,  of  which 
the  three  most  famous  are  Siva-jnana-bvdham  by  Mey- 
kan<Ja  Deva,  Siva-jnana-siddhiyar  by  Arulnandi-sivaeharya  and 
Sivaprakdsam  by  Umapati-sivachSrya.  Meykanda  was,  according 


865 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


to  tradition,  Sadayappa’s  daughter’s  son.  Since  Sadayappa  was 
Kamban’s  contemporary  and  patron,  Meykanda  must  have  flourish¬ 
ed  in  the  first  half  of  the  thirteenth  century.  Although  a  Vellala, 
Meykanda  was  acknowledged  as  a  great  teacher.  One  of  his  many 
disciples  was  Arulnandi,  a  Brahmana,  whose  voluminous  £iva-jnana- 
siddhiyar  is  less  a  commentary  on  Meykanda’s  work  and  more  an  in¬ 
dependent  work,  although  generally  inspired  by  $iva-jnanabddham. 
Umapati  was  a  disciple  of  Marai-jnana-sambandhar,  himself  a  dis¬ 
ciple  of  Arulnandi.  Again,  Marai  was  a  Vellala  while  Umapati  was 
a  Brahmana.  Umapati  brings  us  to  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury.  Corresponding  to  the  four  great  bhaktas — Appar,  Sundarar, 
Manikkavachakar  and  Sambandhar — the  Tamil  Saivas  have  also 
these  four  Santanacharyas, — Meykanda,  Arulnandi,  Marai-jnana- 
sambandhar,  and  Umapati. 

Saiva  Siddhanta  admits  three  entities,  viz.  the  Lord  (pati),  the 
individual  soul  ( pasu ),  and  matter  ( pdsa ).  The  terms,  pati ,  pasu 
and  pasa,  really  mean,  respectively,  master  of  the  herd,  the  herd, 
and  the  bond  between  the  two  or  the  entanglement.  These  are  the 
three  Paddrthas  or  central  categories  of  Saiva  Siddhanta  philosophy. 
Wedged  between  pati  and  pdsam,  the  soul  now  inclines  this  way, 
lured  by  His  glory,  anon  staggers  that  way  attracted  by  the  earth- 
crust.  Although  by  asserting  the  existence  of  three  such  eternal 
entities  Saiva  Siddhanta  turns  its  back  on  pure  Advaita,  the  Sid- 
dhantins  none  the  less  call  their  philosophy  restricted  Advaita  since 
the  relationship  between  pati-pasu-pdsam  is  of  the  nature  of  an  in¬ 
separable  union  or  is  a  unity  in  diversity.  The  Lord  is  the  subject, 
and  the  soul  and  matter  are  objects;  it  is  the  Lord  who  gives  illumi¬ 
nation  to  the  soul  and  support  to  matter,  but  is  Himself  uninfluenc¬ 
ed  by  either. 10 2b 

Meykan<Ja’s  Siva-jnana-bddham,  the  corner-stone  of  the  Tamil 
Saiva  Siddhanta,  is  cast  in  the  form  of  a  commentary  on  twelve 
verses  of  the  Rauravagama.  Arulnandi’s  £iva-jndna-siddhiyar  is  a 
more  voluminous  work,  consisting  of  about  550  verses.  The  first 
part  is  devoted  to  a  criticism  of  various  schools  of  philosophy  like 
the  Buddhist,  the  Jain,  the  Lokayata,  the  Prabhakara,  the  Pancha- 
ratra,  etc.  Arulnandi  attempts  to  show  that  these  philosophies 
are  inadequate  to  meet  the  clamorous  needs  of  humanity.  The 
second  part  of  Siva-jnana-siddhiyar  is  an  elaborate  exposition  of  the 
main  tenets  of  the  &aiva  Siddhanta.  Sivaprakdsam  by  Umapati  is 
based  on  the  classical  treatises  of  Meykanda  and  Arulnandi  but  is 
neither  as  cryptic  as  the  former  nor  as  elaborate  as  the  latter,  and 
is  accordingly  the  best  guide  to  the  §aiva  Siddhanta.  Umapati 
wrote  many  other  works  as  well,  one  of  which — the  controversial 


366 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


Sankalpa  Nirakaranam — being  composed  as  late  as  A.D  1313.  Mr. 
Nallaswami  Pillai  has  published  English  versions  of  Siva-jndna- 
bddham  and  Siva-jnana-siddhiyar ,  while  Mr.  H.  R.  Hoisington  of  the 
American  Mission  has  published  an  English  version  of  Siva- 
prakdsam. 


II.  KANNADA 

The  leanness  of  Kannada  literature  during  the  eleventh  century 
offers  a  striking  contrast  to  the  splendid  achievements  of  the  tenth 
and  the  varied  achievements  of  the  twelfth  century.  However, 
there  were  two  Brahmana  authors  during  this  century,  Nagavarma- 
charya  and  Chandraraja,  who  wrote  respectively  Chandrachudd- 
mani-Sataka ,  a  poetic  eulogy  of  vairagya,  and  Madana-Tilaka,  a 
sheer  tour  de  force  in  technique.  During  the  twelfth  and  thir¬ 
teenth  centuries,  there  was  a  succession  of  eminent  Jain  writers, 
who  nobly  carried  on  the  tradition  of  Pampa,  Ponna  and  Ranna. 
But  a  new  force  was  also  discernible,  and  presently  it  made  its  mark 
in  religion,  social  life,  and  literature.  This  was  the  rise  of  the 
Vlrasaiva  or  the  Lingayat  movement,  inspired  and  organized  by  the 
great  Basava. 


1 .  Vlrasaiva  Literature 

Scholars  like  Dr.  S.  C.  Nandimath  hold  that  Basava  was  not 
the  actual  founder  of  the  Vlrasaiva  or  Lingayat  religion,  but  that 
he  reorganised  it  and  put  it  on  firm  foundations.103  The  Vlrasaivas 
look  upon  the  Tamil  Saiva  Samayacharyas  as  their  own  spiritual 
guides.  Besides,  the  Vlrasaivs  trace  their  gotra  from  hoary  semi¬ 
divine  acharyas,  like  Revana,  Marula,  Ekorama,  Pan<Jita  and  Visves- 
vara.  Originator  Or  but  reorganiser,  Basava  is  certainly  the 
dominating  figure  in  the  history  of  Vlrasaiva  religion  and  litera¬ 
ture. 


Basava  was  born  in  a  Brahmana  family  in  a  place  called 
Ingaleshwar-Bageva<Ji  in  the  Bijapur  District  about  A.D.  1125. 
He  refused  to  undergo  the  upanayanam  ceremony  and  embraced 
the  Vlrasaiva  faith.  He  succeeded  his  uncle  as  Chief  Minister  to 
king  Bijjala  of  Kalyana.  He  set  up  the  Anubhava  Mantapa ,  some¬ 
thing  analogous  to  an  academy  of  religious  experience,  to  serve  as 
the  focal  point  of  the  Vlrasaiva  religion.  Its  president  was  the 
venerable  Allama  Prabhu,  spiritually  the  most  austere  among  the 
Vlrasaiva  teachers.  Chief  among  Basava’s  contemporaries  were 
Channabasava,  Siddharama,  Harihara,  Raghavanka,  Padmarasa 


367 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


and  the  woman  mystic  and  poet,  Mahadevi  Akka.  Channabasava 
was  the  subtle  metaphysician  of  the  faith,  while  Mahadevi  Akka 
was  its  piercingly  radiant  melodist.  Some  of  the  VIrasaiva  writers 
wrote  poetry  of  the  traditional  patterns,  to  which  we  shall  refer 
presently.  But  the  vachana  was  the  unique  mode  in  which  Vira- 
saiva  writers  and  poets  chose  to  express  themselves.  Thus  arose 
a  very  considerable  body  of  “vachana  sastra”  the  work  of  as  many 
as  213  distinct  writers,  consisting  of  “twice  eighty  crores”  of 
vachanas .  But  only  a  fraction  of  this  colossal  output  has  survived. 
Even  so,  enough  remains  to  give  us  an  idea  of  the  weight,  the  am¬ 
plitude  and  the  spiritual  depth  of  this  unique  literature. 

The  vachana  sastra  no  doubt  embodied  a  new  philosophy  of 
life  and  religion,  not  indeed  with  the  rigour  and  detail  of  a  system, 
but  rather  through  suggestions,  exhortations,  lyrical  heart-search¬ 
ings,  and  ecstatic  asservations.  The  influence  of  Tamil  devo¬ 
tional  poetry  like  the  Tevaram  and  Tiruvdchakam  hymns  is  appa¬ 
rent  in  the  vachanas  sustained  by  bhakti .  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
not  unlikely  that  the  philosophy  of  Visishtadvaita,  as  taught  by 
Ramanujacharya,  gave  a  suggestive  turn  to  the  Vlrasaiva  philoso¬ 
phy  of  the  shatsthala.  The  shatsthala  or  the  “six  stages”  are  steps 
that  the  individual  soul  treads  on  its  spiritual  journey  before  it 
reaches  and  becomes  one  with  God.  The  eager  aspiring  soul 
progresses  from  a  feeling  of  isolation  and  wretchedness,  through 
the  intermediate  stages  of  increasing  awareness  of  and  proximity 
to  God,  to  the  ineffable  reality  of  God-realization  and  mvkti.  On 
the  way,  the  devotee  exploits  the  ash$avarna — the  eight  beneficial 
associates,  e.g.  the  guru ,  the  rudrdksha,  the  vibhuti ,  etc. — till  at 
last  he  achieves  bayalu  nirbayalu  or  the  peaceful  void  that  defies 
and  transcends  mere  understanding.  In  the  social  plane,  Basava 
advocated  the  abolition  of  castes,  extolled  the  dignity  of  labour, 
and  gave  women  an  equal  status  with  men. 

Basava’s  vachanas  are  about  seven  hundred  in  number.  The 
term  “vachana”  means  literally  “sentence;”  although  a  “ vachana  ” 
taken  by  itself,  is  a  pointed  or  casual  observation,  the  vachana 
sequences  appear  to  have  a  certain  continuity  and  underlying  in¬ 
tensity  of  purpose.  Basava  and  his  contemporaries,  eager  to  reach 
the  masses,  used  the  expressive  conversational  idiom  of  their  time, 
shorn  of  all  Sanskritic  profundity  and  pedantry.  Giving  up  the 
regularity  of  traditional  verse  patterns,  they  nevertheless  gave 
music  and  memorability  to  the  vachanas  by  having  recourse  to 
alliteration,  balance  and  antithesis.  Like  the  Japanese  haikku, 
the  vachana  is  a  unique  literary  form:  like  the  verses  in  Tiruvallu- 


868 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

var  s  KutuIj  the  best  vachanas ,  too,  have  gone  into  general  currency. 
A  few  V achanas  are  here  given  in  a  free  English  rendering; _ 

The  fire  enkindled  in  the  hearth 

may  be  extinguished  with  the  earth; 

Should  the  earth  itself  be  ablaze, 

what  charm  can  quench  its  rage  away? 

Should  the  very  embankment  drain  off 
the  water  in  its  confines, 

Should  even  the  fence  nibble  away 
the  corn  stalks  within, 

Should  the  mother’s  own  milk  envenom 
her  suckling  child — 

Should  thus  the  Preserver  himself 
Destroyer  turn, 

Where  lies  the  anchor  of  my  hope, 

O  Lord,  Kudala  Sangama! 

Your  grace  can  stir  dry  ‘roots 

with  the  freshness  of  spring; 

From  your  grace  can  the  sterile  cow  derive 
abundant  milk; 

Poison  itself  can  your  grace  transform 
into  holy  nectar. 

Your  grace  is  the  source  of  all  good, 

O  Lord,  Kudala  Sangama!104 

Kudala  Sangama  was  Basava’s  tutelary  diety,  to  whom  he  ad¬ 
dressed  all  his  vachanas.  Mahadevi  Akka  likewise  addressed  her 
vachanas  to  Mallikarjuna  Deva.  Here  is  a  rendering  of  one  of 
Mahadevi’s  best-known  vachanas: 

Ye  parrots  singing 

in  mirthful  ease; 

And  oh  ye  swans 

frolicking  near  the  lake; 

And  ye  joyous  cuckoos 

piping  full-throated; 

And  ye  proud  peacocks 

strutting  up  and  down  in  glee, 
over  hill  and  dale — 
tell  me,  O  tell  me, 
ye  one  and  all, 
did  you  ever  chance  to  see, 
my  lover, 

my  own  Chennamallikarjuna!105 

369 


S.E.— 24 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

One  other  example  may  be  given, — from  Allama  Prabhu  or 
Prabhudeva.  The  Virasaiva  teachers  did  not  attach  importance  to 
fasting,  dietary  self-limitations,  and  other  forms  of  penance.  This 
is  seen  in  the  following  vachana  by  Prabhudeva: 

“Those  who  take  a  vow  of  living  on  milk  will  be  born  as 
cats;  those  living  on  grams,  will  be  reborn  as  horses;  those 
living  on  flowers,  will  become  bees;  those  living  on  water,  will 
reappear  as  frogs.  These  shall  never  have  knowledge  of 
shatsthala.  Guhesvara  does  not  like  those  wanting  in  firm 
devotion.” 

Elsewhere  Prabhudeva  gives  fervent  expression  to  the  idea  of  the 
omnipresence  of  God: 

“Deva!  You  are  in  fields,  in  valleys,  in  caves  and  in  moun¬ 
tains;  wherever  we  cast  our  eyes,  there  You  are.  Impossible  to 
conceive;  impossible  to  see.  Here,  there  everywhere  You  are, 
Oh  Guhesvara!”106 

Among  other  Virasaiva  writers  may  be  named  Harihara,  who 
probably  belongs  to  the  latter  half  of  the  twelfth  century,  and  was 
the  author  of  Girija-Kalyana  and  Sivasarana  Ragalegalu.  The  for¬ 
mer  is  woven  round  the  popular  theme  of  the  marriage  of  Siva  and 
Parvatl,  while  the  latter  is  a  series  of  biographies  in  verse,  comme¬ 
morating  the  lives  of  great  Saiva  and  Virasaiva  devotees.  Harihara’s 
nephew ^Jtaghavanka,  is  another  great  figure  in  Kannada  poetry.  His 
Harischandra-Kdvya  has  been  described  as  “the  most  fascinating  and 
artistic  presentation  of  that  theme  in  the  whole  field  of  Indian  lite¬ 
rature.”107  His  other  works  include  Somanatha  Charite  and  Hari - 
hara-mahatva.  It  was  Raghavanka  who  first  used  and  popularized 
the  shatpadi — the  six-lined  stanza — as  a  vehicle  of  Kannada  verse. 

We  have  space  now  barely  to  mention  Kereya  Padmarasa, 
known  also  as  Tarkika  Chakravarti  and  Sarana  Kavi,  whose  principal 
work  is  Diksha-bodhe  in  ragale  form;  Somesvara  or  Palkurike  Soma, 
whose  works  include  Basavannana  Pancha  Gadya,  Sadguru  Ragale , 
Slla  Sampadane  and  perhaps  Somesvara  Sataka  as  well;  and  Deva 
Kavi  and  Somaraja,  both  of  whom  wrote  romances. 

2.  Jain  Writers 

During  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  alongside  of  the 
Virasaiva  vachanakaras,  many  Jain  writers  also  flourished,  some  of 
them  being  among  the  greatest  in  Kannada  literature.  Naga- 
chandra  or  Pampa  II  (“Abhinava  Pampa”)  wrote  Mallinatha  Parana, 
the  life-story  of  the  nineteenth  TIrthahkara,107a  and  a  Jain  version 
of  the  Rdmdyana  with  the  title  Ramachandra-charita-purCina  (popu- 


370 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

larly  known  as  the  Pampa  Rdmdyana).  Nagachandra  makes  many 
departures  from  Valmiki’s  Rdmdyana,  partly  with  a  view  to  emphasiz¬ 
ing  the  Jain  atmosphere  of  the  poem  and  partly  with  a  view  to 
minimizing  the  supernatural  elements  in  the  original  Sanskrit  version. 
The  Jain  foot-rule  with  which  every  episode  and  every  character  is 
sought  to  be  measured  is  apt  to  be  irritating  to  readers  familiar  with 
Valmiki’s  great  national  epic.  However,  Nagachandra’s  ethical  tone 
is  unassailable  and  its  dignified  style  and  champu  form  make  it  a 
popular  literary  treasure.  Here  is  an  extract  from  the  work  in 
Mr.  Rice’s  effective  English  rendering: 

“Then  Angada,  heir  to  Kishkindha’s  wide  soil, 

Determines  himself  Ravana’s  penance  to  spoil. 

He  mounts  on  Kishkindha,  his  elephant  proud; 

And  round  him  his  ape-bannered  followers  crowd. 

He  rides  through  the  suburbs  of  Lanka’s  fair  town, 

Admiring  its  beauty,  its  groves  of  renown. 

He  enters  the  palace,  goes  alone  to  the  fane; 

With  reverence  he  walks  round  Santisvara’s  shrine, 

And  in  lowliness  worships  the  image  divine. 

When — sudden — he  sees  giant  Ravana  there, 

Seated,  still  as  some  mountain,  absorbed  in  his  prayer!”108 

Although  there  have  been  subsequent  attempts  to  render  the  Rdmd¬ 
yana  into  Kannada,  Nagachandra’s  version  still  retains  its  position 
of  pre-eminence. 

Prominent  among  other  writers  were  Nemichandra,  author  of 
a  romance  called  Lildvati;  Janna,  author  of  a  Purana  on  the  life  of 
the  fourteenth  Tirthankara  as  also  of  the  tragically  rich  poem 
Yasodhara-charitre;  Kanti,  a  woman  poet,  who  was  Nagachandra’s 
contemporary;  Nayasena,  author  of  the  ethical  work  Dkarmamrita; 
and  Nagavarma  II  and  Kesiraja,  authors  respectively  of  the  standard 
grammatical  works  Karnataka  Bhasha  Bhushana  and  £a bdamanidar- 
pana.  Nagavarma  II  wrote  also  a  treatise  on  poetics  entitled  Kdvya- 
valokana,  which  remains  the  standard  work  on  the  subject.  “Nothing 
is  more  striking”,  says  Mr.  Lewis  Rice,  “than  the  wealth  of  quotation 
and  illustration  from  previous  authors  which  these  grammatical 
writings  contain,  and  this  gives  them  a  high  scientific  as  well  as 
historical  value.”109 

Throughout  this  period,  Jain  writers  engaged  themselves  in 
the  devout  task  of  composing  Puranas  on  the  lives  of  the  various 
Tirthankaras.  Three  Puranas  were  thus  composed  on  the  life  of 


371 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Neminatha,  the  twenty-second  Tlrthankara;  Gunavarma  II  wrote  the 
Pushpadanta  Parana  on  the  life  of  the  ninth  Tlrthankara;  and 
Achanna  and  Kamalabhava  wrote  on  the  twenty-fourth  and  sixteenth 
Tirthahkaras  respectively.  Karnaparya’s  Neminatha  Purdna  inci¬ 
dentally  tells  the  Mahabhdrata  story. 

Mallikarjuna,  who  lived  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  is  known  to  fame  as  an  anthologist.  His  Sukti-Sudhdrnava 
is  the  Kannada  equivalent  of  a  Golden  Treasury  from  the  Best 
Kannada  Poets. 


m.  TELUGU 
1.  The  Origin 

Telugu,  the  tlrird  of  the  Dra vidian  languages  to  attain  a  separate 
individuality  and  forge  its  own  unique  history,  is  today  spoken  by 
a  little  under  thirty  millions,  the  great  majority  of  whom  are  con¬ 
tained  within  “a  semi-circle  drawn  with  the  line  joining  Rajah- 
mundry  and  Madras  as  diameter.”  Adjoining  areas  like  Hyderabad, 
Mysore,  and  Orissa  account  for  a  considerable  number,  while  there 
are  also  Telugu-speaking  people  in  small  scattered  groups  all  over 
Tamil  Nad,  just  as  there  are  the  Podur  Dravidas,  speaking  Tamil, 
in  the  Telugu  country. 

While  the  Telugu  country  is  called  Andhra  Desa,  its  language 
is  referred  to  as  Telugu.  Much  ink  has  spilt  in  the  attempt  to  de¬ 
termine  whether  or  not  the  Andhras  and  the  Telugu-speaking  people 
are  one  and  the  same.  Three  hypotheses  have  been  advanced,  in 
this  connection,  on  the  origin  of  the  Andhras,  and  these  have  been 
summarized  as  follows  by  the  late  Dr.  C.  R.  Reddy: 

“(1)  A  North-Indian  Aryan  tribe  with  an  Aryan  language  but 
which  adopted  non- Aryan  culture  and  thus  incurred  the  contempt 
of  the  Aryans;  (2)  A  North-Indian  non- Ary  an  tribe  which  adopted 
the  culture  and  the  language  of  the  Aryans;  and  (3)  A  South-Indian 
tribe  which  assimilated  Aryan  culture  and  some  elements  of  Prakrit, 
but  retained  both  racially  and  linguistically  its  essential  Dravidian 
character.”1 10 

The  third  of  the  above  hypotheses  seems  to  be  closest  to  truth. 
Aryan  and  Dravidian  have  acted  and  reacted  upon  one  another  in 
the  crucible  of  South  India  so  long,  and  often  with  so  much  fury, 
that  it  is  an  idle  enterprise  today — and  this  is  especially  so  in  the 
Telugu  country — to  seek  to  dissociate  one  constituent  from  the  other. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  seems  no  less  idle  to  deny  the  Dravidian 
ancestry — near  or  remote — of  the  people  as  well  as  of  the  spoken 
language  of  Andhra  Desa. 


372 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

Telugu,  the  language  of  the  Andhras,  is  construed  in  different 
ways.  Tene  in  Telugu  (like  Ten  in  Tamil)  means  honey;  hence 
Telugu  is  explained  as  the  language  that  is  as  sweet  as  honey. 
Telugu  is  also  derived  from  ‘Trilinga’,  the  country  which  contains 
the  three  lingas,  at  &rlsaila,  Kalesvara,  and  Draksharama  respec¬ 
tively.  The  Telugu  script  is  phonetic,  after  the  manner  of  Sanskrit, 
and  bears  a  close  resemblance  to  the  Kannada  script. 

We  referred  in  an  earlier  chapter111  to  the  Agastya  myth  relat¬ 
ing  to  the  origin  of  Tamil.  There  is  a  similar  myth  relating  to  the 
origin  of  Telugu,  with  even  less  plausibility.  Agnimitra  of  the 
Krita  Yuga,  having  become  blind,  prayed  to  Surya,  the  Sun-God. 
The  latter  taught  Agnimitra  a  new  language  that  had  efficacy  enough 
to  restore  his  eyesight.  This  new  language,  Andhra  Bhasha,  as¬ 
sumes  a  new  manifestation  in  every  Yuga  and  the  language  of  the 
Kali  Yuga  is  supposed  to  be  the  handiwork  of  Nandi vardhana  and 
his  pupil,  Devala  Raya. 


2.  Desi  and  Mdrgi 

In  their  excellent  handbook  on  Telugu  Literature  in  the  Heri¬ 
tage  of  India  Series,  Mr.  P.  Chenchiah  and  Raja  Bhujanga  Rao 
posit  “the  existence  in  Telugu  literature  of  two  streams;  an  earlier 
one  called  Desi ,  and  a  later  one  called  Mdrgi”. 1 1 2  Desi  literature 
was  rural,  popular  and  independent  of  Sanskrit.  Here  we  feel  the 
very  heart-beats  of  the  unsophisticated  Telugu  children  of  the  soil. 
Folk-songs  the  world  over  have  a  certain  unmistakble  family  resem¬ 
blance,  since  all  alike  derive  their  inspiration  from  what  is  elemental 
and  permanent  in  human  nature.  The  worker  over  the  plough  is 
busy  in  the  countryside,  the  housewife  in  her  humble  cottage  cooks 
a  modest  meal  or  lulls  her  child  to  sleep,  and  the  maid  and  her  man 
talk  in  terms  of  love  even  as  they  reap  and  bind  the  corn.  Ageless 
and  changeless,  these  basic  realities  remain.  In  Hardy’s  words, 

Yet  this  will  go  onward  the  same 
Though  Dynasties  pass . . . 

War’s  annals  will  fade  into  night 
Ere  their  story  die. 

Likewise,  the  various  strains  of  Desi  poetry  in  Telugu — the  Lali 
Pdtalu  (Songs  of  the  Cradle),  Javalilu  (Love  songs),  Udupn  Pdtalu 
(Harvest  songs),  etc. — are  as  life-giving  and  perennial  as  the  air 
itself.  This  Desi  or  indigenous  Telugu  literature  had  “affinity  with 
the  Dra vidian  rather  than  Aryan  literature,”1 13  since  as  a  rule 
foreign  influences  do  not  easily  reach  the  rural  population,  and  this 


373 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

was  particularly  so  in  those  remote  times  when  means  of  transport 
and  agencies  for  the  dissemination  of  culture  were  primitive  or 
scanty. 

The  Margi  literature  was  a  deliberate  concoction  at  first — a 
rich,  exotic  and  stimulating  beverage,  meant  for  the  sophisticated 
court  and  urban  population.  Nanniah’s  Mahabharata ,  which  was 
composed  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  eleventh  century,  stands  at  the 
head  of  Margi  literature.  A  classic  like  that  could  not  have  emerged 
out  of  a  mere  vacuum.  The  inscriptions  of  Yuddha-Malla  and 
Mopur  take  Margi  literature  back  by  a  century.  And  yet,  however 
reason  may  demur,  it  does  appear  as  though  it  was  Nanniah  who, 
working  no  doubt  on  a  few  indifferent  models,  organized  and  gave 
form  and  life  to  this  heavily  Sanskritized  Margi  literature.  The 
religious  revival  was  then  in  full  swing.  There  was  an  extraordi¬ 
nary  desire  on  the  part  of  the  sophisticated  to  be  initiated  into  the 
mysteries  of  Sanskrit  literature.  The  Mahabharata  of  Vyasa  was 
the  ‘open  sesame’  to  the  splendours,  the  mysteries,  the  ardours  and 
the  achievements  of  the  Aryans;  and  its  encyclopaedic  range,  its  in¬ 
numerable  evocations  of  humanity  in  its  diverse  attitudes  and  alti¬ 
tudes,  its  heights  of  ethical  striving,  its  tense  dramatic  situations, 
its  vaulting  poetry  and  sobering  thought,  all  seized  Nanniah’s  ima¬ 
gination  and  set  it  aflame.  And  at  that  moment  formal  Telugu  lite¬ 
rature  was  born., 

3.  Telugu  Mahabharatam 

Although  Nanniah  began  the  great  work  of  giving  Vyasa’s 
Mahabharata  a  Telugu  habitation  and  a  name,  he  was  able  to  com¬ 
plete  only  the  first  two  par v as  (cantos)  and  a  part  of  the  third,  the 
Aranya  Parva.  Various  superstitions  are  current  about  the  Maha- 
bharata.  It  is  said,  for  instance,  that  the  whole  epic  should  not  be 
read  at  one  stretch,  that  the  Aranya  Parva  is  something  of  a  dyna¬ 
mite  to  be  handled  with  care!  Nanniah  ignored  this  convention,  and 
lo!  he  became  mad  and  was  thereby  prevented  from  completing  his 
translation  of  the  third  canto  and  of  the  epic  as  a  whole.  Thus  for 
two  centuries  the  Telugu  Mahabharatam  remained  where  Nanniah 
had  left  it.  In  the  latter  half  of  the  thirteenth  century,  however, 
there  arose  another  poet,  Tikkanna,  who  was  quite  the  peer  of 
Nanniah.  Beginning  with  the  fourth,  the  Virata  Parva ,  Tikkanna 
completed  the  translation  of  the  fifteen  cantos  left  untouched  by 
Nanniah.  It  was  Errapragada  who,  fifty  years  after  Tikkanna,  took 
up  the  unfinished  Aranya  Parva  and  put  the  coping  stone  to  the 
grand  and  glittering  arch  of  the  Telugu  Mahabharatam. 

Nanniah,  Tikkanna  and  Errapragada  (Errana)  are  the  Great 
Trio  or  the  “Kavi  Traya”  of  Telugu  literature.  Nanniah  lived  in 


374 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


the  reign  of  Rajaraja  Narendra,  the  Chalukyan  ruler  of  Vengi,  and 
attempted  his  Mahdbhdrata  translation  on  the  king’s  suggestion.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  he  received  some  help  from  his  friend,  Narayana 
Bhat.  Although  other  works  are  attributed  to  Nanniah,  he  is  re¬ 
membered  and  honoured  as  the  first  of  the  Great  Three  who  reduced 
Vyasa’s  epic  into  draksha  paka  in  mellifluous  and  all  but  transparent 
Telugu.  Although  he  uses  more  Sanskrit  than  Telugu  words — in  the 
proportion  of  two  to  one — his  simplicity  and  ease  are  irresistible. 
Like  Nanniah,  Tikkanna  also  was  a  Brahmana,  and  in  addition  to  his 
contribution  to  the  Telugu  Mahabharatam,  he  wrote  a  poem  covering 
Rama’s  life  after  his  triumphant  return  from  Lanka.  His  style  is 
described  as  that  of  an  intellectual.  Tikkanna  was  not  unfamiliar 
with  statecraft,  and  used  this  knowledge  with  advantage  in  his  ren¬ 
dering  of  the  Udyoga  Parva.  His  style,  although  realistic,  is  often 
knotted  with  a  pregnant  obscurity  and  ruggedness.  There  are  times, 
however,  when  his  work  is  suffused  with  passion  and  emotion.  The 
scene  of  the  wooing  of  DraupadI  by  Kichaka  is  rightly  famous,  and 
Dr.  P.  T.  Raju  translates  a  passage  from  this  scene  as  follows: 

“O  delicate  Maid!  Why  glance  you  not  at  me, 

The  lustrous  beauty  of  your  white  eyes  displaying? 

Why  does  not  your  sweet  smile  double  the  beauty  of  your  face? 
Lotus-eyed  one!  Why  speak  you  not  Love’s  word, 

The  rays  of  your  pearly  teeth  accompanying? 

Lotus-faced  Lady!  Why  do  you  not  hint 
Playfully  the  love  of  your  heart?” 

Thus  speaking,  the  rogue,  Kichaka,  makes  eyes, 

Approaches  and  longs  to  hear  her  sweet  words . 114 

Tikkanna ’s  characters  and  situations  are  never  wooden  but  are 
rather  endowed  with  abounding  vitality.  Err  ana,  too,  like  the 
others,  was  a  Brahmana  and  besides  finishing  the  Aranya  Parva  com¬ 
posed  two  more  works,  Harivavnsa  and  Nrisimha  Purdna  or  Ahobala 
Mdhdtmya .  His  style  is  said  to  be  “a  happy  blend  of  the  styles  of 
Nanniah  and  Tikkanna.”1 15  Popular  appreciation  has  given  these 
three  poets  titles  like  Vdganusdsana  or  the  lawgiver  of  the  language, 
Kavibrahma  or  the  poet-creator  and  Prabandha-Paramesvara  or  the 
supreme  lord  of  the  Prabandha.  It  may  be  noted  here  that  all  the 
three  contributors  to  the  Telugu  Mahabharatam  wrote  in  the  c hampu 
form,  a  singular  but  convincing  mixture  of  prose  and  poetry. 
The  Telugu  version  is  not  close  to  the  original  like  a  paraphrase, 
but  is  close  in  form,  spirit,  and  the  general  arrangement  of  scenes 
and  even  sequence  of  ideas.  There  is  less  philosophy,  more  luxu- 


375 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


rious  description,  less  depth  but  more  humanity.  Just  as  there  are 
partisans  of  Kamban  who  say  that  his  Tamil  Ramayana  is  supe¬ 
rior  to  Valmlki’s  there  are  not  wanting  Telugu  scholars  who  claim 
for  the  Telugu  Mahabhdratam  superiority  over  Vyasa’s  original. 
Kamban,  Nanniah,  Tikkanna  and  Errana  would  themselves  be 
shocked  by  such  partisanship,  and  indeed  such  judgments  defeat 
their  purpose.  Outstanding  as  all  of  them  are,  Nanniah  is  the  first 
of  the  Telugu  poets  and  Tikkanna  the  greatest, — holding  positions 
analogous  as  it  were  to  those  held  respectively  by  Chaucer  and 
Shakespeare  in  English  literature.  And,  in  fact,  Nanniah  has  been 
described  as  being  more  of  a  poet  and  Tikkanna  as  being  more  of  a 
dramatist. 1 1 6 


4.  The  Eleventh  and  Twelfth  Centuries 

Apart  from  the  great  work  of  Nanniah,  these  two  centuries  saw 
little  original  literary  activity  in  the  Telugu  country.  At  any  rate, 
they  are  “terra  incognita  in  Telugu  literary  history.”117  How¬ 
ever,  mention  must  be  made  of  Pavuluru  Mallanna  and  Eluganti 
Peddanna,  both  of  whom  wrote  Mathematical  treatises  in  Telugu, 
based  on  or  translated  from  Sanskrit  originals.  The  twelfth  century 
saw  the  rise  of  Virasaivism  in  the  Kannada  country,  and  this  faith, 
along  with  the  earlier  Vaishnava  movement  initiated  by  Ramanuja, 
exerted  no  little  influence  on  Telugu  life  and  letters.  Prataparudra, 
the  Kakatiya  prince,  and  Somanatha  were  both  Virasaiva  writers, 
the  latter  of  whom  wrote  Basava  Pur  ana  and  Anubhava  Sara  in 
Telugu.  Another  twelfth  century  poet  was  Nannechoda,  whose 
chief  work  is  Kumar asambhav am.  This  work  was  only  recently 
discovered  by  Ramakrishna  Kavi  in  the  library  of  Raja  Sarbhoji 
at  Tanjore.118  At  one  time  it  was  believed  to  be  a  pre-Nanniah 
work,  but  authoritative  opinion  now  gives  it  a  much  later  date,  bet¬ 
ween  Nanniah  and  Tikkanna.  Although  obviously  inspired  by 
Kalidasa’s  poem,  Nannechoda’s  Kumar  asambhav  am  is  by  no  means 
a  mere  copy  or  slavish  imitation  of  the  older  and  greater  poet.  The 
following  translation  of  the  passage  describing  the  flight  of  the  dis¬ 
comfited  gods  from  Daksha’s  sacrifice  may  be  quoted  in  illustration 
of  Nannechoda’s  graphic  art: 

Brahma  ran  to  mount  his  swan  and  fell 
In  fear  trembling  . . . 

Vishnu  escaped  creeping  .  . . 

To  his  white  elephant  Indra  ran 

And  with  his  thousand  eyes  like  a  peacock  appeared 

By  hunters  chased  to  the  White  Mount  escaping. 


376 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


Yama  like  a  coward  fell  across 

His  buffalo,  while  the  Ganas  hooted. 

In  a  hurry  of  fear. 

Like  a  weaver  Varuna  fled  .  .  . 

To  mount  his  man  Kubera  forgot; 

He  placed  him  on  his  own  shoulders  instead 

And  fled  in  consternation.1 19 

5.  The  Thirteenth  Century 

During  the  thirteenth  century  two  meritorious  versions  of  the 
Ramayana  appeared,  and  both  have  maintained  their  popularity  till 
the  present  time.  Of  these,  the  version  in  couplets  attributed  to 
Ranganatha  is  the  earlier,  and  is  said  to  be  particularly  popular 
in  the  Ceded  Districts.  Ranganatha  was  apparently  the  court-poet 
of  a  chieftain  by  name  Euddharaju,  and  perhaps  his  guru  as  well. 
Buddharaju’s  sons  later  added  the  Uttar  a  Kanda;  and  from  this  fact 
it  is  sometimes  argued  that  Buddharaju  himself  wrote  the  earlier 
Kandas  and  dedicated  the  work  to  Ranganatha  out  of  respect.  The 
other  version  of  the  Ramayana,  although  a  composite  work  which 
claimed  the  labours  of  Hulakki  Bhaskara,  his  son  Mallikarjuna- 
bhatta,  his  friend  and  his  friend’s  disciple,  Ayyalarya  and  Rudra- 
deva  respectively,  is  nevertheless  known  as  Bhaskara-Rdmdyanam. 
This  work  is  in  champu  form.  Although  widely  read,  the  two  ver¬ 
sions  of  the  Ramayana  do  not,  either  of  them,  reach  up  to  the  beauty 
or  grandeur  of  the  Telugu  Mahdbharatam. 

Of  other  thirteenth  century  writers  we  may  make  a  passing 
reference  to  Atharvana,  who  wrote  a  grammatical  treatise;  Ketana, 
who  rendered  Dandin’s  Dasakumdra-charita  into  Telugu;  Beddanna, 
who  wrote  a  book  of  political  aphorisms;  Marana,  who  wrote  the 
Markandeya  Pur  ana.;  and  Manchanna  who  wrote  the  Keyurabdhu- 
charita. 


D.  NISHADA  AND  KIRATA 

The  cultivated  languages  of  India,  Aryan  and  Dravidian,  are 
alone  capable  of  being  historically  treated  in  their  origins  and  in 
their  early  literatures.  But  for  the  uncultivated  speeches,  Dravidian 
on  the  one  hand  and  Nishdda  or  Austric  (Kol  or  Munda,  and  Khasi) 
and  Kirdta  or  Indo-Mongoloid  (Sino-Tibetan — Tibeto-Burman  and 
Thai)  on  the  other,  there  is  no  history.  We  have  no  indication  what¬ 
ever  about  the  lesser  known  and  backward  Dravidian  tongues — 


377 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Tulu,  Kodagu,  Kota,  Toda,  Kolami,  Gondi,  Kuvi  or  Kandh,  Oraon, 
Malto  and  Brahui.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Kodagu,  Toda  and  Kota 
formed  one  speech,  which  approached  much  more  Chen-tamizh  and 
Pazhagannda ,  and  Gondi,  Kuvi,  Oraon  and  Malto  were  equally  a 
single  speech  or  close  dialects  of  one  common  North-East  Dravidian 
speech.  Tulu  was  nearer  Kannada  than  now,  Kolami  was  merged 
in  early  Telugu,  and  Brahui  was  maintaining  a  separate  and 
vigorous  existence  over  a  wider  area  in  Baluchistan  and  Sindh.  As 
there  are  no  specimens  of  these  dialects  or  speeches  available  for 
any  period  prior  to  the  middle  of  the  last  century  when  European 
writers  and  missionaries  took  note  of  them,  it  is  impossible  to  find 
out  in  what  condition  they  were  nearly  a  thousand  years  ago.  Topo- 
nomy  of  the  areas  where  they  live  and  of  the  surrounding  tracts 
might  only  furnish  meagre  but  nevertheless  some  very  precious 
material  for  their  study. 

The  situation  is  analogous,  though  even  worse,  for  the  Nishada 
and  Kirata  speeches.  As  short  and  convenient  native  Indian  terms, 
indicating  the  ‘linguistico-ethnico-cultural’  groups  of  the  Indian 
Austro-Asiatics  and  the  Indo-Mongoloids  respectively  in  their  sepa¬ 
rate  ensembles,  we  shall  be  using  these  ancient  Sanskrit  words, 
which  have  on  the  whole  quite  a  precise  employ  from  very  early 
times.  The  Nishada  speeches  were  probably  in  three  groups;  a 
Kherwari  group  including  Santali,  Mundari,  Ho,  Bhumij,  etc.,  the 
‘KoF  speeches  of  the  present  day;  a  Korku  group,  including  Korku 
of  the  present  day  and  possibly  the  lost  Bhil  speeches  of  Malwa  and 
Rajasthan;  and  the  Gadaba-Savara  group  of  Orissa.  The  difference 
between  these  groups  was  very  slight  a  thousand  or  eight  hundred 
years  ago.  The  Nishada  people  appear  to  have  been  spread  over 
the  whole  of  India  from  the  Punjab  and  Kashmir  in  the  North-West 
through  the  Ganga  valley  right  up  to  Assam  and  Burma,  with  rami¬ 
fications  in  Central  India,  the  Deccan  and  South  India,  and  large 
masses  of  them,  more  or  less  mixed  with  the  Dravidians  who  came 
later  and  settled  among  them  also  in  North  India  (although  South 
India  we  find  to  be  the  place  where  large  masses  of  Dravidian 
speakers  were  established),  became  ultimately  Aryanised  in  speech 
and  were  transformed  into  the  present-day  Hindu  and  other  Indian 
people  of  North  India.  This  was  happening  ever  since  the  Aryans 
came  into  India  and  started  expanding  along  the  valley  of  the 
Ganga.  While  the  transformation  was  steadily  going  on,  with  sub¬ 
stitution  of  the  Nishada  (and  in  the  sub-Himalayan  slopes  and  in 
Eastern  India  of  the  Kirata,  who  in  those  days  were  divisible  into 
a  smaller  number  of  groups  than  at  present  when  speech-differen¬ 
tiation  has  brought  in  a  large  number  of  dialects)  speeches  by  dia¬ 
lects  of  Middle  In  do- Ary  an  and  then  New  In  do- Aryan,  there  was 


378 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


no  attempt  to  preserve  specimens  of  these  decaying  or  moribund 
non-Aryan  speeches  for  which  no  one,  not  even  its  speakers,  felt 
any  sympathy  or  interest  or  curiosity.  In  this  way  pockets  of 
non-Aryan  speech  in  a  more  or  less  Aryanised  North  India  were 
being  liquidated,  and  those  non-Aryan  speeches,  Nishada  and  Kirata, 
as  such,  were  not  preserved  even  as  specimens,  being  the  despised 
vulgar  speeches  of  backward  or  aboriginal  castes  or  tribes;  and  any 
oral  or  written  literature  which  may  have  existed  in  them  was  not 
taken  note  of.  But  judging  from  what  we  see  in  later  times,  it  is 
easy  and  perfectly  allowable  to  assume  that  the  Nishada  and 
Kirata  peoples,  where  they  were  not  absorbed  in  an  Aryan-speaking 
Hindu  people,  did  possess  a  mass  of  oral  literature,  as  an  expression 
of  their  cultural  and  socio-religious  life — their  communal  existence. 
Songs,  religious  and  secular  (the  latter  relating  to  love,  hunt,  war 
and  other  matters  of  fundamental  importance  to  a  primitive  commu¬ 
nity),  were  doubtless  there,  but  these  have  not  survived  when  the 
language  passed  out  of  existence,  though  some  of  the  cachets ,  the 
situations  and  figures,  and  perhaps,  metres,  may  have  survived  in 
the  folk  literature  in  the  Aryan  vernaculars  replacing  the  non-Aryan 
ones.  And  the  more  serious  religious  literature,  including  narration 
(in  prose  or  verse,  or  in  both)  of  legends  relating  to  the  creation 
and  beginning  of  things,  to  the  Gods  and  Goddesses  and  to  Heroes 
and  Heroines,  possessing  a  “story  stuff”  which  cannot  be  lost  even 
in  translation,  would  appear  to  have  been  adopted  in  the  Aryan 
speeches  and  to  have  formed  the  basis  of  those  popular  legends 
and  stories  relating  to  divine  or  semi-divine  beings  and  heroes 
which  still  live  on  in  the  mouths  of  the  people  as  something  essen¬ 
tially  connected  with  their  village  cults — the  legends  of  the  grama - 
devatds  and  of  the  persons  who  obtained  their  favour.  These 
village  cults  have  all  been  loosely  linked  up  with  Puranic  Hindu¬ 
ism.  In  an  earlier  epoch,  prior  to  A.D.  1000,  pre-Aryan  legends 
were  rendered  from  current  Prakrit  versions  into  Sanskrit  and 
found  a  place  in  one  or  the  other  of  the  numerous  Purdnus,  Upa- 
purdnas,  Sthala-purdnas  and  Mdhatmyas,  and  Tantras  or  even  in  the 
Mahabhdrata,  and  so  were  raised  up  to  a  level  of  pan-Indian  accept¬ 
ance.  The  old  method  of  adapting  popular  legends  into  a  common 
Indian  heritage  of  the  Sanskrit  Purdnas  continued  during  the  period 
under  review,  and  even  beyond  that!  Witness  works  like  the 
Yogirii-tantra  and  the  Kalikd  Purdna ,  and  the  later  Brahmavaivarta 
Purdna  which  all  probably  belong  to  this  side  of  the  tenth  century. 
When  these  legends  and  tales  could  not  be  exalted  to  a  place  in  the 
Sanskrit  Purdnas  they  were  taken  over  in  books  in  the  New  Indo- 
Aryan  languages  which  started  extending  their  literary  career  from 
this  period— books  of  a  supplementary  Puranic  character  like  the 


379 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Sunya  Pur  ana  of  Bengal — ih  which  some  legends  and  cults  of  pre- 
Aryan  Bengal  have  found  a  place.  A  conscious  and  compact  lite¬ 
rary  life  of  the  Nishadas  and  Kiratas  as  they  were  becoming  Aryan- 
ised  cannot  reasonably  be  expected,  and  there  has  been  quite  a 
large  inroad  of  Aryan  or  Hindu  stories  and  ideas  into  the  original 
mythology  and  ideology  of  even  those  Nishada  and  Kirata  tribes  or 
groups  which  have  not  formally  declared  themselves  to  be  Hindu 
or  have  not  been  affiliated  to  Hindudom  formally  or  loosely.  Such 
legends  are  now  being  collected  by  Christian  Missonaries  and 
others,  and  by  scientific  ethnologists  and  anthropologists,  from  the 
third  quarter  of  the  last  century  onwards.  L.  O.  Skrefsrud  and 
P.O.  Bodding,  J.  Hoffmann  and  A.  Nottrott,  and  Sarat  Chandra  Hoy 
worked  among  the  Kol  tribes;  Hutton  and  Mills,  Playfair  and  Endle, 
Stack  and  Lyall,  Gurdon  and  Shakespeare  and  Smith  among  the 
Assam  tribes;  and  recently  Verrier  El  win,  Shamrao  Hivale  and  W. 
W.  Archer  have  been  collecting  the  folk-tales  and  songs  of  the 
Nishada  and  Kirata  peoples  of  the  present  day — folk-tales  and  songs 
which  may  go  back  (at  least  in  the  case  of  the  tribal  legends)  to  the 
period  A.D.  1000-1300,  and  even  earlier.  The  true  implication  of 
these  legends  and  tales  has  been  grasped  by  Verrier  Elwin  who,  on 
the  basis  of  these  as  culled  from  among  the  Gondi  and  other  non- 
Aryan  speaking  as  well  as  Aryan-speaking  tribes  and  castes  of  the 
Madhya  Pradesh,  Orissa  and  Bihar,  is  compiling  what  he  has  quite 
properly  and  felicitously  called  ‘an  Aboriginal  Purana * 

Thus  in  the  non-cultivated  pre-Aryan  Nishada  speeches  like 
‘Old  Kol*  (or  Old  Kherwari)  in  which  were  merged  the  Santali, 
Mundari,  Ho,  Kharia  and  other  speeches  of  the  future,  ‘Old  BMP 
which  survives  in  Korku,  and  ‘Old  Savara*  from  which  are  descend¬ 
ed  Gadaba  and  Sora,  there  was  in  all  probability  an  oral  literature 
of  legends  and  tales  and  songs  and  poems,  the  prototype  of  similar 
literature  at  the  present  day.  Unfortunately  none  of  these  Nishada 
languages  were  ever  written  down  prior  to  the  middle  of  the  last 
century.  So  nothing  more  can  be  said  about  them. 

With  regard  to  the  Kirata  speeches  in  India,  the  situation 
appears  more  promising.  The  earlier  the  age,  the  smaller  is  the 
number  of  dialects  and  languages  in  a  speech  family  or  in  one  of 
its  branches.  Eight  hundred  years  from  now,  probably  there  was 
a  single  Naga  speech  and  not  the  large  number  of  distinct  Naga 
speeches  or  dialects  that  we  see  now.  So  the  Bodo  speeches  of  to¬ 
day,  the  various  dialects  known  as  Bodo,  Rabha,  Mech,  Koch,  Garo, 
Kachari  or  Dimasa  and  Tipra  or  Mrung,  were  not  yet  developed — 
there  was  a  single  Bodo  speech,  eight  hundred  years  ago,  and  this 
will  be  quite  reasonable  to  accept.  And  this  single  Bodo,  a  sort  of 


380 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

Proto-Bodo  or  Old  Bodo,  and  Old  Naga  as  one  and  undivided  speech, 
were  closer  to  each  other  than  now.  The  various  Kuki  or  Chin 
dialects  of  which  Meithei  or  Manipuri  is  the  most  advanced  speech 
now,  formed  likewise  a  single  speech,  a  sort  of  ‘Old  Khyan’.  The 
position  of  the  other  members  of  the  Kirata  family  is  not  known — 
e.g.  Mikir  and  the  North  Assam  Speeches,  as  well  as  the  various 
groups  of  the  Nepal  and  Sikkim  dialects.  The  language  the  Ahoms 
brought  was  Shan,  and  Old  Shan  of  those  days  was  the  same  as  Old 
Thai  or  Old  Siamese.  The  Austric  (Mon-Khmer)  Khasi  and  Syn- 
teng  were  also  one  language  which  we  may  call  ‘Zainteng’  or  ‘Old 
Jaintia’ — an  Austro-Asiatic  speech  spoken  by  a  Kirata  people. 

Of  all  these  speeches,  three  only  have  written  characters — the 
Newari  of  Nepal,  Lepcha  of  Sikkim  and  Darjeeling,  and  Meithei  or 
Manipuri  of  Manipur.  The  Newars  were  the  original  people  of 
Central  and  East  Nepal.  In  the  centuries  round  about  Christ  and 
during  the  early  Christian  centuries,  their  tribal  name  Nepdlu, 
whatever  its  origin,  gave  the  name  to  the  country.  Later,  prob¬ 
ably  after  A.D.  1000,  Nepala ,  or  Nepal  changed  to  Newar,  and  now 
it  has  been  further  altered  in  Newari  mouths  to  Newdli.  The  earlier 
kings  of  Nepal  were  either  pure  Kiratas  or  mixed  Hindu  and  Kirata. 
Retaining  their  Kirata  (Tibeto-Burman)  speech,  they  came  in  line 
with  the  people  of  Hindu  civilization  probably  2000  years  ago,  and 
gradually  adopted  the  Indian  script  and  borrowed  words  from  the 
Aryan  language  (Sanskrit,  the  Prakrits  and  the  Bhashas  or  Modem 
Indo-Aryan  speeches  like  Maithili,  Bengali,  Kosali,  and  Gorkhali). 
Sanskrit  and  other  Aryan  words  now  form  near  about  half  of  its 
vocabulary,  if  not  more,  and  all  its  culture- words  came  from  San¬ 
skrit.  The  Nepali  or  Newari  scholars,  prior  to  the  establishment 
of  Gorkha  rule  in  A.D.  1767,  not  only  preserved  for  posterity  the  San¬ 
skrit  literature  of  Mahayana  Buddhism,  but  also  increased  its  ex¬ 
tent  by  composing  original  works  and  commentaries;  and  they  also 
cultivated  their  own  Kirata  language,  Newari,  and  the  New  Indo- 
Aryan  speeches,  viz.  Bengali,  Maithili  and  Eastern  Hindi,  and  recent¬ 
ly  Gorkhali.  We  may  be  allowed  to  assume  the  existence  of  a 
Newari  literature  during  A.D.  1000-1300,  considering  the  earlier  cul¬ 
tural  history  of  Nepal  and  the  later  vigorous  literary  cultivation  of 
Newari  in  the  seventeenth-eighteenth  centuries.  The  oldest  Newari 
book  that  has  come  to  us  is  a  chronicle  going  back  to  the  eighties  of 
the  fourteenth  century.  There  is  still  a  rich  mass  of  unexplored 
Newari  literature  in  Nepal  and  elsewhere,  and  it  is  quite  conceiv¬ 
able  that  Newari  works  going  back  to  the  period  under  review  will 
be  available.  During  the  early  centuries  of  Turki  conquest,  Nepal 
was  outside  the  pale  of  operations  of  the  Turks,  but  early  in  the 
fourteenth  century,  we  have  repercussions  of  events  in  India  affect- 


381 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ing  Nepal  also,  as  Hari  Singh,  king  of  Mithila,  retired  into  Nepal 
and  carved  out  a  kingdom  there  for  himself  when  his  own  realm 
was  conquered  by  the  Turks  (A.D.  1324). 

The  Turks  came  in  touch  with  Assam  early  in  the  thirteenth 
century  when  Ikhtiyar-ud-di  ibn  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khalji,  the 
conqueror  of  West  Bengal,  made  a  most  ill-conceived  expedition 
into  Assam,  and  met  with  disaster  from  the  Bodo  people  and  their 
rulers.  The  Ahoms,  a  Shan  people  speaking  a  form  of  Siamese,  were 
not  yet  in  West  Assam,  having  established  themselves  in  East 
Assam  in  A.D.  1228.  The  Bodo  people,  who  formed  by  far  the 
largest  and  most  compact  Kirata  element  in  North  Bengal  and 
Assam  (Brahmaputra  Valley),  had  already  been  largely  Hinduised, 
but  they  were  rapidly  adopting  the  Aryan  language  in  the  form  of 
Old  Bengali  and  Old  Assamese,  and  no  record  of  their  oral  literature 
has  been  preserved;  probably  their  language  was  never  written 
down,  so  that  it  is  not  possible  to  say  anything  about  the  earlier 
literature  in  a  Bodo  speech.  In  later  times,  Ahom,  the  language 
of  the  new  conqueror  of  the  Brahmaputra  valley  from  the  east, 
predominated  over  other  Kirata  languages,  and  the  Bodo-speaking 
people  and  their  rulers  everywhere  became  supporters  of  the  Aryan 
speech — the  Koches,  Tipras  and  Kacharis  adopting  Bengali,  and 
the  Rabhas,  Meches  and  others  adopting  Assamese.  The  Tripura 
ruling  house  formally  accepted  Bengali  as  their  cultural  and  court 
language  from  the  fifteenth  century. 

The  Ahom  power  was  established  in  Assam  in  the  thirteenth- 
century.  The  Ahoms  brought  their  own  script  (a  form  of  the 
Indian  alphabet  as  adopted  by  the  Thai  people  from  the  Khmers  of 
the  South),  and  their  priests  had  the  living  tradition  of  handing 
down  the  tribal  or  national  chronicles,  called  in  Ahom  Buranjis. 
A  number  of  these  Buranjis  in  Ahom  are  extant;  only  one,  a  late 
one,  has  been  edited  and  published  with  an  English  translation. 
The  Buranji  literature  of  Ahom  may  go  back  to  the  thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury,  but  not  a  single  one  as  old  as  that  is  preserved.  The  Ahoms 
gradually  took  up  the  Aryan  Assamese  and  became  completely  Hin¬ 
duised;  and  their  language,  preserved  till  recently  only  by  the  fami¬ 
lies  of  Old  Ahom  deodhais  who  ministered  to  the  old  tribal  religion 
(more  and  more  brought  in  line  with  official  Brahmanism),  is  now 
obsolete.  But  the  tradition  of  writing  histories  together  with  the 
word  Buranji  meaning  “history,  or  history-book,”  was  passed  on 
to  the  Aryan  Assamese  language  from  the  sixteenth  century  on¬ 
wards.  We  have  no  record  of  any  other  kind  of  literature  in  Ahom. 


382 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  Meitheis,  the  ruling  people  of  Manipur,  claim  to  have  been 
in  possession  of  the  country  from  the  beginning,  and  the  present 
ruling  house  traces  its  origin  to  Arjuna,  the  hero  of  the  Mahabha- 
rata.  Definite  dates  are  assigned  to  the  rulers  of  this  line  from  the 
second  century  A.D.,  and  these  become  plausible  only  from  the 
tenth  century,  previous  to  which  kings  are  made  to  rule  for  long 
periods  of  99  or  118  or  more  years  which  are  not  humanly  possible. 
A  fairly  early  affiliation  of  the  Kuki  people  of  Manipur  and  the 
Indo-Burman  borderland,  east  of  the  Bodos,  to  Gangetic  Hindudom 
is  quite  likely,  considering  that  Hindu  (Brahmanical  and  Buddhist) 
religion  and  culture  passed  on  through  overland  routes  along  the 
Pattikera  kingdom  (Comilla  and  Sylhet  Districts)  through  Manipur 
hills  at  least  in  the  early  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  Meithei 
legends,  of  proper  Kirata  origin,  were  synthesised  with  Hindu 
Purdna  and  Mahdbhdrata  legends  to  give  what  may  be  called  a 
Manipura  Purdna ,  such  as  we  find  in  a  floating  oral  form  among 
Manipur  people  (who  are  now  staunch  Vaishnavas  of  the  Gauqilya  or 
Bengal  School,  followers  of  Chaitanya)  and  in  a  written  form  in  a 
Manipur  chronicle  like  the  late  Vijaya-pdnchdli.  In  this,  the  Mei¬ 
thei  gods  have  been  identified  with  Puranic  deities,  and  old  legends 
not  known  outside  Manipur  have  been  retained.  From  the  days 
of  a  lengendary  king  who  reigned  for  120  years  in  the  second 
century  A.D.,  viz.  Pakhangba,  known  also  by  his  Sanskrit  name  of 
Yavishtha,  a  kind  of  register  of  records,  called  the  Cheitharol  Kum- 
paba,  was  first  started.  The  early  history  of  Hinduism  among 
the  Kuki-Chin  Meitheis  is  not  known.  It  is  certain  that  during 
the  reign  of  Kiyamba  (fifteenth  century — he  is  credited  with  an  in¬ 
credibly  long  reign)  Vaishnavism  was  already  established  in  the 
Manipur  royal  house.  Manipuri  is  now  written  in  the  Bengali  script, 
which  replaced  an  earlier  script,  in  which  the  language  is  said  to 
have  been  written  down  to  about  A.D.  1700,  during  the  reign  of  king 
Charairongba  or  Pitambara  Simha  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighteen¬ 
th  century.  This  old  and  now  obsolete  alphabet  of  Manipur  is  based 
on  the  Indian  system,  but  the  letters  have  peculiar  shapes,  and  its 
exact  affinities  are  not  known.  Takhelgnamba  and  Samsokgnamba 
are  two  chronicles,  among  the  oldest  MSS.  in  Manipuri  in  this  old 
script,  but  their  exact  time  is  not  known.  Manipuri  has  a  rich 
ballad  literature,  and  the  popular  ballads  dealing  with  the  romantic 
loves  and  adventures  of  the  hero  Khamba  and  the  Princess  Thoibi 
may  in  their  original  forms  go  back  to  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth 
century.  Khamba  and  Thoibi  lived  during  the  reign  of  king  Lo- 
yamba  who  ruled  from  A.D.  1127  to  1154,  so  that  centering  round 
the  story  of  Khamba  and  Thoibi  a  popular  literature  may  have  com¬ 
menced  in  Manipuri  during  the  twelfth  century. 


388 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Siamese,  Burmese  and  Tibetan  are  three  great  Sino-Tibetan 
languages  outside  India  which  use  forms  of  the  Indian  alphabet. 
Among  Indian  Sino-Tibetan  or  Kirata  speeches,  Newari,  Manipuri 
and  Lepcha  of  Sikkim  became  written  languages  through  indigen¬ 
ous  enterprise.  The  Lepcha  sript  was  devised  early  in  the 
eighteenth  century  by  a  king  of  Sikkim,  and  its  history  falls  outside 
the  scope  of  the  present  chapter.  Only  for  Newari  and  Manipuri 
we  can  assume  some  literary  life  at  least  during  the  period  under 
review. 

The  Khasi  people  (as  Jaintias)  came  under  Hindu  influence 
from  the  fifteenth  century;  prior  to  that  there  is  no  evidence  of  any 
liteature  in  the  Khasi  speech.  In  the  eighteenth  century  the 
Bengali  script  was  used  in  writing  Khasi,  but  from  the  second  half 
of  the  nineteenth,  Christian  missionaries  have  given  it  a  literature 
and  stabilised  the  language  by  writing  and  printing  it  in  the 
Roman  alphabet. 


1.  Vol  IV,  Ch.  IX. 

2.  The  Uttaranaishadhiya  was  written  by  Vandaru  Bhatte  in  the  nineteenth  cen¬ 
tury.  It  consists-  of  sixteen  cantos. 

3.  Keith,  HSL.  140. 

4.  For  a  list  of  the  works  of  Kshemendra,  see  De,  SP,  I.  139-43;  Kane,  HAL. 
XCVIII  f;  HSP.  254  f.  Kshemendra  is  again  referred  to  while  dealing  with 
poetry,  poetics,  story  literature,  etc. 

5.  Keith  (HSL.  137)  gives  the  name  as  Jayaratha.  But  the  printed  text  (KM, 
1897)  and  Buhler’s  account  have  the  form  Jayadnatha.  According  to  De  (HSL. 
323  n  2)  our  author  was  probably  the  brother  of  Jayaratha,  the  commentator 

on  Abhinavagupta’s  Tantraloka  and  Ruyyaka’s  Alamkarasarvasva. 

6.  HSL.  332;  contra,  Das  Gupta,  op.  cit.  678;  Keith,  HSL.  173. 

7.  Gode,  IC,  VII.  327-33;  447-56;  De,  HSL.  332;  Das  Gupta,  op.  cit.  617;  Keith, 
HSL.  137;  Winternitz,  GIL,  III.  73;  Krishnamachariar,  HCSL.  193. 

8.  Kum&rapalapratibodha,  intr;  Krishnamachariar,  HCSL.  193. 

9.  This  Vagbhata,  who  wrote  under  Jayasimha  of  Gujarat,  need  not  necessarily 
be  identified  with  the  author  of  the  Vdgbhatalamhara.  The  Dharmasarmd- 
bhyudaya  of  Harichandra,  describing  the  life  of  Dharmanatha,  perhaps  belongs 
to  the  fifth  or  sixth  century  A.D.  cf.  Krishnamachariar,  HCSL.  146.  The 
Padyachudamani,  dealing  with  the  life  of  Buddha,  is  ascribed  to  Buddhaghosha, 
but  his  identity  with  the  great  Pali  scholar  may  be  doubted. 

10.  For  an  account  of  the  Jain  writers  in  Sanskrit  of  the  period,  see  Winternitz. 
HIL,  II.  512  ff;  535  f;  555  ff;  Krishnamachariar,  HCSL.  196  ff.  Historical 
Kavyas  by  Jain  writers  have  been  considered  in  the  next  section. 

11.  Cf.  HCSL.  477. 

12.  De,  HBR.  370. 

13.  Keith,  HSL.  194  f. 

14.  De,  JRAS,  1927.  471-7;  BSOS ,  V.  499  f;  HSL.  413;  contra,  Keith,  BSOS ,  V.  27  f. 

15.  Fifth  edition,  p.  xx,  Leipzig,  1924. 

16.  See  Vol.  IV,  pp.  97-8,  183. 

17.  See  above,  pp.  174-7. 

18.  Keith,  HSL.  161.  For  an  appreciation  of  Kalhana,  cf.  Vol.  I,  pp.  49-50. 

19.  See  above,  pp.  31-2. 

20.  Belvalkar  conjectured  Jayanaka  to  be  the  author;  the  new  edition  of  the  poem 
from  Ajmer  also  makes  Jayanaka  the  author.  Cf.  De,  HSL.  360  n  2. 

21.  This,  along  with  his  LalitaratnamcLla,  is  known  only  in  name. 

22.  And  hence  identical  with  the  author  of  Chandraloka,  a  popular  text-book  on 
rhetoric.  Cf.  De,  SP,  I.  215  ff;  HSL.  462. 

23.  The  Viravijaya  of  Krishnamisra  and  the  Sarvavinodandtaka  of  Krishna  Ava- 
dhuta  are  of  the  same  type. 


384 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


24.  The  Krishnavijaya  of  Venkatavarada  and  the  Manmathonmathana  of  Rama 
are  the  late  varieties  of  Dima. 

25.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  180-1. 

26.  Cf.  De,  “The  Problem  of  the  Mahanataka,”  IHQ,  VII,  Nos.  3  and  4. 

27.  Hertel,  Str either g  Festgabe,  pp.  135  ff,  referred  to  by  Keith,  HSL,  Preface,  xi-xii. 

28.  Edgerton,  HOS ,  26,  p.  lii., 

29.  For  an  attempt  to  reconstruct  the  original  Pahchatantra,  see  Edgerton,  The 
Pahchatantra  Reconstructed ,  1924. 

30.  One  of  these  was  translated  into  Pahlavi  as  early  as  the  sixth  century  A.D. 
and  this  Pahlavi  translation  formed  the  basis  for  all  other  foreign  versions  (cf. 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  629). 

31.  R.  Sarma,  Kalpadrukosa,  intro,  xxvii. 

31a.  Edited  by  E.  D.  Kulkarni.  Poona,  1955. 

32.  Cf  op.  cit.  xl;  Gode  refers  to  the  quotation  from  the  Medinl  in  the  Varna- 
ratnakara,  a  Maithill  work,  by  Jyotirisvara  Kavisekharacharya  who  was  patro¬ 
nised  by  Harisimhadeva  (between  A.D.  1300-1325) — NIA,  VII.  171-5. 

33.  According  to  Pathak,  Dhanahjaya  §rutaklrti  Traividya  wrote  the  poem  shortly 
after  1045  Saka  (=  A.D.  1123)— I  A,  XIV.  14. 

33a.  Edited  by  M.  M.  Patkar.  Poona,  1953. 

34.  Pathak  places  one  Srutaklrti  in  A.D.  1123 — See  previous  footnote;  also  Bel- 
valkar,  SSG.  88. 

34a.  Edited  by  G.  B.  Palsule.  Poona,  1954. 

35.  SP,  I.  337. 

36.  See  above,  pp.  66-7. 

37.  Kane,  HAL.  CIII  f;  HSP.  257-60;  De,  SP,  I.  164-7. 

38.  Cf.  Kane  {HAL.  CV,  HSP,  261)  who,  on  the  evidence  of  ancient  MSS.,  con¬ 
siders  Alaka  to  be  as  good  a  Kashmirian  name  as  Alafa.  De,  however,  prefers 
the  form  Allata  to  Alaka  and  Alata,  as  it  is  given  in  Stein’s  Jammu  MS 
(SP,  I.  163). 

39.  JSML,  I.  9-13.  For  the  date  of  Mammata,  see  De,  SP,  I.  157-60;  Kane,  HAL. 
CVI.  HSP.  263;  Keith.  HSL.  394. 

40.  Cf.  Kane,  HAL,  CVIII-CX;  HSP.  265-7. 

40a.  See  Jayadaman ,  edited  with  introduction,  list  and  index  of  Sanskrit  metres, 
etc.  by  Prof.  H.  D.  Velankar,  and  published  by  the  Haritosh  Samiti  (Bombay, 
1949) . 

40b.  Cf.  pp.  270  ff,  284  n  9. 

40c.  Edited  by  E.  D.  Kulkarni.  Poona,  1953. 

41.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  201-2. 

42.  Studies  in  the  Puranic  Records  on  Hindu  Rites  and  Customs,  Ch.  IV. 

43.  For  the  works  of  Bhoja,  see  Kane,  HAL.  XCVII  f,  HSP.  249-52;  KHDS,  I.  276  f; 
719;  Catalogus  Catalogorum,  I.  418;  II.  95;  III.  90;  Bhoja  Raja.  69  f;  El,  I.  231  f; 
VIII.  241-60;  Krishnamachariar,  HCSL.  500-4;  750  f;  845. 

44.  Kane  thinks,  with  some  hesitation,  Balarupa  to  be  identical  with  Balaka 
{KHDS,  I.  285). 

45.  De,  HBR,  I.  357  n  2;  also  Kane,  KHDS,  I.  297  f.  Halayudha,  the  author  of 
Brahmanasarvasva  and  other  works,  who  was  the  Dharmadhyaksha  of  Laksha- 
manasena,  has  been  considered  later  in  this  section. 

46.  Kane,  KHDS,  III.  xviii. 

47.  See  above,  pp.  52-3. 

48.  See  above  pp.  174-7. 

49  Krityakalpataru,  Danakanda,  Intr.  24-35;  KHDS,  I.  290;  IV.  p.  x. 

49a.  C*f.  pp.  290,  293  f. 

50.  De,  in  HBR ,  I.  p.  323;  Kane,  KHDS,  1.  325-7;  III.  xii. 

51.  HBR,  353.  For  Vratusagara,  cf.  IC,  XI.  144;  IHQ,  XXVI.  330. 

52.  Vyavahdranimaya,  intr.  xlix  ff;  KHDS,  III.  xix;  Gode,  Mimahsa  Prakdsa ,  III. 
15-18. 

53.  For  other  views,  cf.  HCSL.  293,  f.n.  7. 

54.  See  above,  p.  178. 

54a.  Above,  Vol.  IV.  210. 

54b.  For  a  discussion  of  the  date  of  this  work,  cf.  Vol.  III.  400. 

54c.  HPL,  II.  613. 

54d.  Above,  Vol.  III.  398. 

54e.  The  Bhakti  Sataka  by  Ramachandra  Kavibharatl  is  in  Sanskrit.  The  author 
is  a  Bengali  Brahmin  of  the  thirteenth  cent.  A.D.  who  was  later  converted  to 
Buddhism.  In  stanzas  written  in  ornate  style  it  praises  Buddha  as  the  great 
teacher  and  saviour  of  mankind. 


S.E.- 


385 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


54f.  Above,  Vol.  IV.  211. 

54g.  Law,  HPL,  II,  609-10.  Above,  Vol.  III.  401. 

54h.  Winternitz,  H1L,  II .  222. 

55.  Another  Mahavira-charita  was  written  by  Devendra  Ganin  in  A.D.  1085. 

56.  Dr.  A.  M.  Ghatage,  Narrative  literature  in  Jaina  Maharashtrl,  ABORI,  XVI.  38. 

57.  Nos.  1,  5,  9,  11,  12  and  14  in  Apabhramsa  works  listed  here  have  been  added 
by  jAl  D  Pusslkcr 

58.  Identified  with  Bamanwad  in  Sirohi  State  of  Jodhpur  ( NUJ ,  VIII.  81  ff). 

59.  There  is  another  Kathdkosa  of  unknown  authorship.  It  is  written  in  bad 

Sanskrit  with  Prakrit  verses. 

60.  Identified  with  Valad  in  Ahmedabad  District.  NUJ,  VIII.  81  ff. 

60a.  Above,  Vol.  IV.  218. 

61.  H.  D.  Velankar,  ABORI ,  IX.  272-280. 

62.  Cf.  NUJ,  VIII.  81  ff. 

63.  Cf.  NUJ,  VIII.  81  ff. 

64.  Cf.  Sanaesarasaka,  Preface,  p.  13. 

64a.  Above,  Vol.  IV.  212  ff. 

65.  For  printed  works,  see  “Marathi- Grantha-suchi”  by  Shankar  Ganesh  Date, 
Poona,  1943. 

66.  For  unpublished  works,  see: 

(i)  'Maharashtrlya  Santa-kavi-kavya-suchi’ — By  G.  K.  Chandorkar.  It 
deals  with  authors  and  their  works  ranging  from  Saka  1100  to  Saka  1740. 

(ii)  Sri  RamadasI  Sarhsodhana,  Vols.  I-II,  Dhulia. 

(iii)  M.  S.  Sarasvati-Mahal  Library,  Tanjore,  Marathi  Catalogue,  Vols.  I-II. 

(iv)  ‘Mahanubhava-kavi-kavya-suchi,’  By  V.  L.  Bhave,  1924. 

(v)  MSS.  Catalogues  of  the  Bharat  Itihasa  Sarhsodhak  Mandal,  Poona, 
Raj  wade  Sarhsodhana  Mandal,  Dhulia,  Deccan  College  Postgraduate  and 
Research  Institute,  Poona,  etc.  , 

(vi)  There  are  also  small  collections  of  MSS,  at  the  Universities  of  Bombay, 
Nagpur,  and  Poona,  as  well  as  in  some  public  and  institutional  libraries 
in  India  and  outside.  Individual  collections  are  to  be  found  in  almost 
every  important  village,  and  are  still  untouched,  and  their  value  un¬ 
assessed  by  any  scholar. 

67.  Introduction  to  “JnanadevI,” — A  critical  and  Philological  Edition  of  Jnanesvarl, 
Chapter  I,  pages,  73-76  by  R.  G.  Harshe. 

For  further  information  consult: 

(i)  Introduction  to  Jnanesvarl  by  V.  K.  Raj  wade. 

(ii)  “Maharashtracha  vasahatakala,”  by  V.  K.  Rajwade,  ltihdsa  dni  Aitihasika, 
Vol.  I. 

(iii)  “ Ancient  Civilization  and  Geography  of  Maharashtra,”  by  P.  V.  Kane, 
JBBRAS,  No.  21. 

(iv)  Prdchina  Maharashtra,  by  S.  V.  Ketkar. 

(v)  “Marathi  bhashechi.  kalanimaya,”  by  C.  V.  Vaidya  and  P.  D.  Gune, 
Vividhajnanavistdra,  1922. 

(vi)  Mardthl  bhdshaf  udgama  va  vikasa — by  K.  P.  Kulkarni. 

(vii)  Formation  de  la  langue  marathe — by  Jules  Bloch. 

For  the  summary  of  different  views  see: 

Supplement  to  the  Mahaxdshtra-Sdrasvata  of  V.  L.  Bhave  by  S.  G.  Tulpule 
and  Introduction  to  Vols.  Ill  and  IV  of  the  Maharashtra  Sabdakosa,  by 
Y.  R.  Date,  and  others. 

68.  Dr.  M.  G.  Dikshit  has  discovered  an  early  copper-plate  dated  Saka  982  (A.D. 
1060).  Cf.  “Maratthi  bhashetlla  adya  tamrapata,”  Sahyadri ,  June  1949,  Poona. 

69.  Cf.  Maharashtra  Sdrasvata,  4th  ed.  pp.  13-14.  Out  of  the  five  parts  of  this 
work  only  two  have  so  far  been  published  in  the  G.  O.  Series,  Baroda. 

70.  As  the  language  of  the  works  of  Mukundaraja  is  modernized  there  is  still  a 
controversy  as  regards  his  date. 

71.  P.  C.  Bagchi,  Kaulajnana-nirnaya,  Introduction,  p.  28.  The  problem  is  extreme¬ 
ly  complicated  on  account  of  the  conflicting  theories  of  many  scholars. 

72.  B.I.S.M.  Quarterly,  XI.  32. 

There  are  also  such  works  as  Datta-Goraksha-Samvada ,  Goraksha-Kan- 
thaftabodha,  Goraksha-lila,  Gorakshakrita  Yogdhgem,  etc.  in  Marathi,  which 
are  ascribed  to  Gorakh-nath  (Sri  R.amadasi  Samsodhana,  Vols.  I-II). 

73.  Goraksha-gita  and  a  few  Abhangas  exist  in  the  name  of  Gahinlnatha  in 
Marathi. 

74.  Cf.  ‘Natakritatandavavikatah  panditatlkah  sphuranti  gltayah/Rambhalasya- 
vilasa  jayati  Jnanesvarl  t4su.’ 


386 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


75.  It  is  alleged  that  there  were  two  Jnanadevas  and  that  the  author  of  Jhanesvari 
was  different  from  the  author  of  the  Gdtha. — see  Jnanadeva  va  Jnanesvara  by 
Bharadvaja. 

76*  The  life  of  Jnanadeva  or  Jnanesvara  needs  careful  investigation.  The  only 
authentic  document,  supposed  to  have  been  contemporary,  is  “ Jhanadevachi 
Adi”  by  Namadeva,  in  which  it  is  said  that  Nivrittinatha,  Jnanadeva, 
Sopanadeva,  and  Muktabal  were  the  excommunicated  progeny  of  a  sannydsin. 
turned  a  householder.  If  this  is  the  work  of  Vishnudasa  Nana  who  was  a 
Mahanubhava,  it  is  easy  to  imagine  how  this  story  must  have  been  concocted. 
In  the  first  place,  there  is  no  reference  to  any  caste  disability  in  the  works  of 
Jnanesvara.  Secondly,  the  punishment  meted  out  to  their  parents,  Vitthalpant 
and  Rukminlbal  does  not  find  support  in  Dharmasastra.  (MM.  Sridharasatri 
Pathak,  Jnanesvara-darsana,  I.  20-39).  The  Mahanubhava  writers  are  in  the 
habit  of  running  down  the  Brahmanical  works  by  inventing  stories  (The  story 
of  the  Kurmavatara  for  instance,  in  the  Padma-purdna  of  Damodara:  verses 
1581-1603.  See  also  Vitthaiaviru  kathana  lild  referred  to  by  G.  K.  Chandorkar 
in  Mdnbhava  kwh  Bauddha,  pp.  273-74).  In  every  important  detail  the  life  of 
Jnanesvara  and  others  is  full  of  conflicting  evidence  and  further  researches  are 
therefore  needed  in  the  matter. 

77.  See  Mahdnubhdvdhchem  tattvajhdna — by  V.  B.  Kolte,  Nagpur. 

78.  Mahdnubhavdnchd  achdradharma — by  V.  B.  Kolte,  Mahdnubhdva-Pantha — by 
Balakrishnasastri,  Nagpur. 

79.  According  to  G.  K.  Chandorkar  this  sect  must  have  its  origin  towards  the  middle 
of  the  fourteenth  century  A.D.  Vide,  Mdnbhava  kim  Buddha ,  Aithihasika 
Vividha  Vishaya ,  pp.  273-304. 

80.  His  life  is  given  in  a  contemporary  work  called  Smriti-sthala,  composed  chiefly 
by  his  disciples  Narendra  and  Parasarambasa  (A.D!  1308)  and  edited  by  V.  N. 
Deshpande. 

81.  Mahanubdviya  Marathi  Vahmayo. — by  Y.  K.  Deshpande. 

82.  Edited  by  N.  B.  Bhavalkar  and  H.  N.  Nene,  Nagpur. 

83.  Ed.  by  H.  N.  Nene. 

84.  In  three  parts,  edited  by  H.  N.  Nene. 

85.  Editions  of  V.  L.  Bhave  and  D.  S.  Pangu. 

86.  Ed.  by  V.  B.  Kolte. 

87.  Ed.  by  V.  L.  Bhave. 

88.  Ed.  by  V.  B.  Kolte. 

89.  Adya  Marathi  Kavayitri,  Ed  by  V.  N.  Deshpande. 

90.  The  dates  quoted  here  are  mostly  taken  from  the  Supplement  to  the  Maharashtra 
Sdrasvata  of  V.  L.  Bhave  by  S.  G.  Tulpule,  Poona,  1951. 

91.  There  is  a  great  controversy  regarding  the  date  of  Namadeva.  If  he  is  a  con¬ 
temporary  of  Jnanadeva,  as  is  usually  believed,  he  could  not  have  written  the 
biographies  of  later  saints  which  are  ascribed  to  him.  We  have,  therefore,  to 
believe  in  the  existence  of  two  Namadevas,  the  earlier  and  the  later.  Scholars 
are  inclined  to  regard  Namadeva  and  Vishnudasa  Nama  as  two  different  per¬ 
sonalities  whose  Abhangas  are  mixed  up  in  the  published  Gathas.  Again  this 
Vishnudasa  Nama  is  believed  to  have  turned  Mahanubhava  at  the  end  of  his 
career.  Bhave  mentions  a  Namadeva  who  was  the  disciple  of  Chakradhara 
( M.S. ,  p.  98).  There  is  also  Nama  Pathak  who  was  the  grandson  of  Kanho 
Pathak,  the  youngest  contemporary  of  Jnanadeva.  He  was  a  voluminous  writer 
and  it  is  likely  that  during  the  dark  ages  that  followed  the  Muslim  conquest, 
the  works  of  the  different  Namadevas  got  mixed  up.  A  thorough  research  and 
an  analytical  study  of  their  works  will  throw  some  light  on  the  most  intricate 
problems  of  authorship  and  chronology. 

92.  For  further  details  see,  Vdrakari  sampradaydchd  itihasa  by  S.  V.  Dandekar,  1927. 

93.  For  the  collected  works  of  all  these  saints,  see  Sakala-santa-gatha,  edited  by 
T.  H.  Awate. 

94.  For  the  life  of  Namadeva  consult: 

(i)  Bhaktavijaya — by  Mahlpati. 

(ii)  Marathi  Vdhmayachd  Itihasa,  Vol.  I.  by  L.  R.  Pangarkar. 

(iff)  Maharashtra  Kavi-charitra,  Vol.  VIII,  by  J.  R.  Ajgaonkar. 

(iv)  Sri-Ndmadeva  Charitra — by  M.  A.  Mulay. 

95.  It  is  alleged  that  Namadeva  had  undertaken  a  pilgrimage  tour  of  the  north  in 
the  company  of  Jnanadeva,  in  his  early  life.  His  popularity  and  personal  con¬ 
tacts  in  this  trip  are  perhaps  responsible  for  his  being  called  back  again  in  the 
north,  especially  in  the  Punjab,  where  he  seems  to  have  stayed  for  many  years. 

387 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


He  had  a  number  of  followers  in  that  region  which  still  possesses  many  temples 
dedicated  to  him. 

96.  Sikh  Religion,  Vol.  VI. — by  Macauliff;  Bhakta- sir omani  Namadeva  ki  nai 
jivani,  nai  Paddvali — by  Moliansingh,  Amritsar;  Panjabdtila  Namadeva — 
S  P.  Joshi. 

97.  We  have  a  number  of  Muslim  poets  in  Mamthi,  who  in  imitation  of  the  poets 
of  the  Bhagavata  School,  wrote  devotional  songs  to  Vitthala.  Cf.  Shaikh 
Mohammad  and  others.  Hussain  Ambar  wrote  a  commentary  on  the  Bhagavad- 
gita  and  Shahamuni  a  philosophical  treatise  callel  Siddhantabodha.  Shaikh 
Mohammad  has  also  written  several  works  of  this  type. 

98.  Moropant  alone  has  composed  108  Rdmdyanas  of  different  kinds  and  in  different 
metres! 

99.  Cf.  Sahityadarpana,  I.  2,  which  mentions  the  four  highest  human  objectives, 
namely,  religion  ( dharma ),  wealth  ( artha ),  ambition  or  desire  ( kama )  and  the 
final  liberation  from  the  Cycle  of  Birth  and  Death  (mokshu) . 

100.  See  above,  Vol.  II,  pp.  281  ff. 

101.  See  above,  Vol.  IV,  pp.  212  ff. 

102.  The  following  English  translation  of  a  Charyapada  would  convey  some  idea  of 
the  nature  of  these  poems. 

‘The  Ocean  of  Being  is  deep,  and  it  flows  with  mighty  force: 

On  two  sides,  mire, — in  the  middle,  no  bottom. 

For  the  sake  of  dharma,  Chatila  builds  a  bridge; 

People  who  go  across  pass  on  in  full  reliance. 

Splitting  the  tree  of  ignorance,  he  joins  the  planks: 

With  the  strong  axe  of  Advaya  (Monism)  he  strikes  at  Nirvana. 

Do  not  turn  right  or  left  on  mounting  the  bridge: 

Bodhi  (Supreme  Wisdom)  is  near — do  not  go  far. 

O  ye  men,  if  ye  will  be  goers-across, 

Ask  of  Chatila,  the  master  without  a  peer.’ 

102a.  There  is  in  Bengali,  as  in  other  languages,  a  little  spruche  literature  of  proverbs 
and  proverbial  distichs  relating  to  agriculture,  divination,  astrology,  morals  and 
good  form  for  the  guidance  of  men  and  women  in  their  social  relations.  These 
are  known  as  the  Sayings  ( bachan )  of  Dak  and  Khana  and  Varaha-mihira. 
]?ak  is  a  sage  or  seer  of  unknown  antecedents,  while  Varaha-mihira  is  the 
well-known  astronomer  of  ancient  India,  and  Khana,  his  daughter-in-law.  The 
late  Dr.  Dines  Chandra  Sen  referred  these  distichs  and  verses  to  pre-Muslim 
times  in  Bengal.  Similar  verses  and  distichs  have  been  found  in  Assam. 
While  a  fairly  high  antiquity  is  quite  likely  for  this  literature,  in  the  form  in 
which  they  occur  they  are  very  late,  and  generally  in  late  Middle  or  early 
Modern  Bengali.  We  cannot  refer  them  to  the  period,  A.D.  1000  to  1300,  in 
their  present  form,  although  their  contents  may  be  as  old  as  that,  or  even  older. 

102b.  This  will  be  discussed  in  detail  in  Ch.  XVI.  E. 

103.  A  Handbook  of  Virasaivism  (1941),  p.  4. 

104.  S.  S.  Basawanal  and  K.  R.  Srinivasa  Iyengar,  Musings  of  Basava:  A  Free 
Rendering  (1940),  pp.  49,  118. 

105.  Ibid.,  p.  124. 

106.  S.  C.  Nandimath,  A  Handbook  Virasaivism,  p.  170. 

107.  R.  S.  Mugali,  The  Heritage  of  Karnataka,  p.  182. 

107a.  Also  written  as  Tirthakara. 

108.  Kanarese  Literature,  p.  40. 

109.  Quoted  in  Rice.  Kanarese  Literature,  p.  112. 

110.  Introduction  to  P.  T.  Raju’s  Telugu  Literature  (1944),  pp.  viii  and  ix.  See 
Vol.  I,  pp.  154  ff  on  the  origin  of  the  people  speaking  Dravidian  languages. 

111.  Vol.  I,  Ch.  XVI,  B. 

112.  A  History  of  Telugu  Literature,  p.  38. 

113.  Ibid.,  p.  39. 

114.  Telugu  Literature  (P.E.N.  Book),  p.  95. 

115.  D.  Sambamurty,  The  Indian  P.  E.  N.  (August  1939). 

116.  Royaprolu  Subba  Rao  in  Triveni  (June  1939). 

117.  Chenchiah  and  Bhuianga  Rao,  Telugu  Literature,  p.  50. 

118.  A  critical  study  of  this  work  has  been  published  by  the  University  of  Madras. 

119.  P.  T.  Raju,  Telugu  Literature 3  pp.  94-5. 


388 


APPENDIX 

B.  SANSKR1TIC 
VI.  GUJARATI 
2.  Language 

Although  several  of  the  Middle  Indo-Aryan  (popularly  called 
‘Prakrit’)  dialects  attained  literary  status  at  diverse  points  of  their 
history  and  became  eventually  standardized,  highly  stylized,  and 
thus  quite  resistant  to  revivifying  development,  the  numerous 
spoken  idioms  concurrent  with  them  naturally  remained  subject  to 
the  continuous  process  of  change. 

Udyotana  in  his  Kuvalayamdla  (A.D.  779)  refers  to  the  distinct 
dialects  of  merchants  hailing  from  Madhyadesa,  Takka,  Sindhu, 
Maru,  Malava,  Gurjara  and  Lata.1  But  it  was  not  till  the  end  of 
the  first  millennium  after  Christ,  that  the  numerous  spoken  idioms 
all  over  North  India  were  transformed  to  such  an  extent,  as  to 
justify  recognition  of  a  distinctly  new  stage  in  the  evolution  of  Indo- 
Aryan,  that  marks  it  off  from  the  preceding  stage  through  certain 
well-defined  characteristics.  Reference  has  been  already  made 
above2  to  this  third  and  the  last  stage  of  Indo-Aryan,  called  the 
New  Indo-Aryan. 

It  is  from  about  this  period  that  the  predecessors  of  the  modern 
languages  of  Rajasthan  and  Gujarat  are  found  to  have  followed  a 
line  of  development  different  from  the  rest  of  the  §aurasenl  group 
which  eventually  developed  into  Hindi. 

This  Rajasthani-Gqjarati  group  later  on,  that  is,  after  the  period 
here  dealt  with,  further  bifurcates  into  the  Jaipur i  and  Gujarati- 
Marwari-Malwi  groups  and  the  latter  of  these  ultimately  divides 
into  Gujarati,  Marwari  and  Malwi.  As  preservation  of  neuter  gen¬ 
der  and  some  other  traits  in  Modern  Gujarati  suggest  an  unbroken 
linguistic  tradition,  and  as  parts  of  West  Rajasthan  and  North  Guja¬ 
rat  were  known  between  the  eighth  and  the  eleventh  century  as 
“Gujjaratta”  or  “Gurjaratra”  3  it  would  be  more  appropriate  to  call 
the  language  of  that  area  by  the  name  “Old  Gujarati”  instead  of 
“Old  Western  Rajasthani”  as  coined  by  the  late  L.  P.  Tessitori 4 

The  name  “Gujarati”  is  based  on  the  regional  name  “Gujarata”, 
earlier,  “Gujjaratta”  (Sanskritized  ‘Gurjaratra’),  which,  on  linguis¬ 
tic  grounds,5  can  be  shown  to  have  the  meaning  ‘the  Gurjaras  en 
masse’  and  later  ‘Gurjaradom,’  ‘the  domain  of  the  Gurjaras’. 


389 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Though  the  Gurjaras  are  found  by  the  seventh  century  A.D.  to  be 
completely  naturalized  and  absorbed  into  the  Aryan  fold,  even  to 
the  extent  of  never  once  referring  to  their  origin  (they  were 
foreigners,  according  to  the  more  probable  view),  it  is  well-nigh  im¬ 
possible  to  believe  that  their  original  native  speech  yielded  to  the 
idiom  of  their  adopted  land  without  leaving  behind  any  traces  what¬ 
soever.  It  is  quite  likely  that  a  good  portion  of  the  underivable 
‘desya’  element  in  the  exclusively  Gujarati  word-stock  was  inherited 
from  the  native  idioms  of  the  foreign  settlers — chiefly  the  Gurjaras. 

We  may  briefly  recount  here  the  most  salient  features  of  Old 
Gujarati  that  for  practical  purposes  can  be  considered  to  distinguish 
it  from  the  previous  stage. 

In  phonology:  (1)  Simplification  of  the  consonant  cluster  along 
with  lengthening  of  the  preceding  short  vowel  (which  was  also 
nasalized  if  the  cluster  began  with  a  nasal)  under  favourable  condi¬ 
tions.  This  was  the  most  outstanding  feature  and  Gujarati  shared 
it  with  most  of  the  New  Xndo-Aryan  languages.  This  development 
is  indicative  of  a  basic  shift  in  the  earlier  accent  system  and,  by  re¬ 
establishing  the  Old  Indo-Aryan  state  of  intervocalic  stops,  it  makes 
it  possible  to  borrow  Sanskrit  words  entirely  unchanged,  in  contrast 
with  the  Middle  Indo-Aryan  stage,  which,  in  general,  modified  most 
of  the  Sanskrit  loans.  (2)  Loss  of  an  intervocalic  h  in  the  termi- 
national  elements  and  of  -v-  in  certain  positions.  (3)  Development 
of  an  intervocalic  - 1 -  into  the  retroflex  -Z-.  (4)  Unrounding  of  the 

final  -w-  to  -a-.  (5)  Contraction  of  the  contiguous  vowels. 

In  morphology:  (1)  Greatly  accelerated  practice  of  using  post¬ 
positions  in  place  of  case-terminations.  (2)  Constitution  of  the 
forms  of  the  pleonastically  extended  stems  into  a  separate  declension. 
(3)  Emergent  tendency  to  employ  auxiliary  and  participial  tense 
forms.  (4)  Use  of  -tau-  instead  of  the  earlier  -nhtau-  as  the  pre¬ 
sent  participle  formative — strictly  speaking  a  phonological 
development.  (5)  Creation  of  a  new  passive  present  participle  in 
-itau-. 

In  syntax:  Old  Gujarati  developed  various  new  constructions, 
terms  of  expressions  and  usages,  several  of  which  (along  with  some 
of  the  characteristically  Apabhramsa  stuff  that  was  conserved  in 
Old  Gujarati)  continue  in  living  use  even  to  this  day.6 

In  vocabulary:  Words  of  ‘desya’  ( i.e .  foreign,  obscure  or  un¬ 
known)  origin  and  onomatopoetic,  reduplicative  and  jingle  ele¬ 
ments  were  now  playing  a  role  far  superior  to  what  was  found  in 
the  previous  stage.  Words  of  Perso-Arabic  origin,  which  later  on 
came  to  be  absorbed  in  hundreds,  were  as  yet  the  rarest  excep¬ 
tions.7 


390 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


The  variety  of  Apabhramsa,  which  is  found  in  some  of  the 
illustrative  stanzas  in  the  Apabhramsa  portion  of  the  Siddhahema 
(c.  A.D.  1143)  of  Hemachandra,  reveals  several  modern  traits  as 
compared  with  the  Classical  Apabhramsa  of  Svayambhu  (not  later 
than  the  ninth  century)  and  Pushpadanta  (mid-tenth  century).  It 
has  to  a  certain  extent  a  transitional  character  that  further  de¬ 
velops  into  Old  Gujarati  and  Old  Hindi.  This  is  clearly  seen 
from  the  use,  side  by  side,  of  nominative  singulars  in  - au -  as  well  as 
-a-,8  of  the  dative  postpositions  -tanena-  as  well  as  -kehi9;  and  of 
words  retaining  an  intervocalic  -m-  as  well  as  those  changing  it  to 
-mv-.10  These  traits  later  become  specialized  respectively  to  Old 
Gujarati  and  Old  Hindi.  On  the  other  hand,  ‘‘even  when  the 
Modern  Indo-Aryan  languages  had  fully  come  to  their  own  and  had 
essayed  their  beginnings  in  literature,  the  Apabhramsa  tradition 
continued  either  in  the  form  of  pure  Apabhramsa,  or  in  the  form 
of  a  strong  colouring  of  the  vernacular  with  Apabhramsa  orthogra¬ 
phy  and  Apabhramsa  vocabulary  and  idiom,  Apabhramsa  cachets 
and  atmosphere,  to  give  a  sort  of  semi-Apabhramsa  semi-NIA  lite¬ 
rary  speech.” 11 


2.  Literature 

The  Old  Gujarati  literature  of  this  period  appears  to  manifest 
but  very  few  basic  departures  from  the  just  preceding  Apabhramsa 
literature  in  point  of  literary  trends,  types,  and  forms  of  expres¬ 
sion.  It  directly  inherited  and  continued  a  good  part  of  the  Apa¬ 
bhramsa  literary  traditions.  Hence,  more  in  case  of  the  literature 
than  in  case  of  the  language,  it  is  not  possible  to  say  exactly  when 
Apabhramsa  ended  and  Old  Gujarati  began.  One  cannot  be  quite 
specific  on  this  point,  only  because  much  of  the  Apabhramsa  and 
early  Old  Gujarati  literature  of  the  centuries  immediately  preced¬ 
ing  and  succeeding  A.D.  1100  is  either  lost  for  good  or  remains  un¬ 
earthed  so  far. 

Apabhramsa  had  developed  its  own  literary  forms.  Its 
Sandhi-bandha  or  the  epic  narrative  of  the  Puranic  or  the  charita 
type  which,  in  its  ornateness  and  elaboration,  was  a  successor  of 
the  ornate  Mahdkdvya  of  Classical  Sanskrit  and  Prakrit,  is  unre¬ 
presented  in  the  earlier  period  of  Old  Gujarati  literature.  But  its 
Rdsa-bandha,  a  semi-lyrical,  semi-narrative  form  of  modest  com¬ 
pass  (somewhat  reminding  us  of  the  Khanda-kavya  of  Classical 
Sanskrit),  continued  in  Old  Gujarati  and  became  more  and  more 
prolific  and  altered  in  its  original  character  with  the  course  of  time 
right  down  to  the  nineteenth  century. 

Besides  the  Rasa  form,  Old  Gujarati  prosody  and  poetic  phraseo¬ 
logy,  too,  supply  us  with  sure  indications  of  unbroken  Apabhramsa 

301 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


literary  traditions.  This  is  further  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  early 
Old  Gujarati  literature,  like  Apabhraihsa  literature,  has  almost 
exclusively  a  poetic  form.  Verse  in  both  cases  is  the  only  medium 
of  literary  expression.  Another  such  trait  commonly  shared  by 
these  two  literatures  is  that  all  the  available  compositions  are  reli¬ 
gious-didactic,  and,  with  rare  exceptions,  Jainistic.  Most  probably, 
however,  this  is  due  to  historical  conditions,  and  not  an  indication 
of  a  total  absence  of  Brahmanical  activity  in  these  fields.  The 
Jains  evidently  took  far  greater  and  better  care  for  the  preservation 
of  the  manuscripts  of  their  works  than  was  done  by  the  non- Jains. 
But  works  of  pure  literature  in  Apabhraihsa  and  Old  Gujarati,  being 
of  a  non-religious  nature,  could  not  be  expected  to  have  had  the 
same  favourable  chances  of  preservation.  Jain  compositions  them¬ 
selves,  however,  can  be  looked  upon  as  indirect  evidence  for  the 
existence  of  such  purely  literary  works,  because,  the  former  had 
always  a  derivative  character.  Jains  had  a  practical  approach  to 
literature.  They  valued  it  as  the  most  effective  vehicle  for  propa¬ 
gating  their  teachings  and  ideals,  and  hence  they  were  ever  ready 
to  adopt,  imitate,  and  press  into  service  whatever  literary  languages, 
types,  subjects,  styles  and  fashions  from  time  to  time  became 
popular. 

Some  direct  evidence  for  the  existence  of  non- Jain  and  purely 
literary  works  is  provided  by  the  contents  of  a  few  of  the  illustra¬ 
tive  stanzas  (e.g.  8.4.339,  442  etc.)  cited  by  Hemachandra  in  the 
Apabhraihsa  portion  of  his  grammar  Siddhahema.  These  citations 
are  important  from  another  point  of  view,  too.  Not  only  that  their 
language,  as  stated  already,  forms  in  certain  points  a  link  between 
Classical  Apabhraihsa  and  Old  Gujarati,  but  not  a  few  of  them,  with 
slight  changes  in  spelling  or  wording,  also  continue  to  appear  in  Old 
Gujarati  literature  of  several  succeeding  centuries.  Hemachandra’s 
Apabhraihsa  illustrations  breathe  directness,  ease,  poignancy  and 
freshness  that  are  characteristic  of  a  genuinely  popular  literature. 
Their  themes  pertain  to  love,  valour,  general  morality  and  wisdom. 
As  remnants  of  a  lost  poetry  that  throbbed  with  full  and  intense  life, 
they  are  highly  precious. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  for  centuries  after  the  employ¬ 
ment  of  New  Indo-Aryan  languages  for  literary  purposes,  Sanskrit, 
Prakrit  and  Apabhraihsa,  too,  continued  in  use  side  by  side  with 
them  as  parallel  literary  mediums.  Most  of  the  early  Old  Gujarati 
writers  were  Jain  monks,  who  had  as  a  rule  some  works  in  one  or 
more  of  the  three  classical  languages  also  to  their  credit.  It  is  clear 
that  their  compositions  in  the  Desa  Bhasha  were  undertaken  with 


392 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

the  specific  purpose  of  administering  instruction  with  entertainment 
to  the  general  lay  followers  mostly  having  very  modest  educational 
or  spiritual  equipment.  This  fact  obviously  imposed  an  inherent 
limitation  on  the  general  character  and  scope  of  such  works. 

Most  of  the  twenty  and  odd  Old  Gujarati  poems  that  are 
available  to  us  onwards  from  about  the  third  quarter  of  the  twelfth 
century  A.D.  are  in  the  Rasa  form,  though  in  view  of  some  literary 
devices  and  specialised  character  of  the  subject-matter  they  have 
different  styles  like  Rasa ,  Barahamdsd,  Matrikd  and  Vivdhala. 

As  indicated  above,  our  specimens  are,  in  all  probability,  Jain 
imitations  of  the  then  most  popular  literary  types  that  have  conti¬ 
nued  to  be  productive  down  to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century. 

The  Rasa  had  a  long  and  varied  past.  It  was  known  to  several 
Puranas  and  Sanskrit  rhetorical  works12  as  a  type  of  group  dance 
specially  associated  with  the  divine  cowherd  Krishna  and  the  Gopis 
and  hence,  by  implication,  also  with  the  cowherd  community  of  the 
Abhiras.  In  rhetoric  tradition,  Rdsaka  is  treated  also  as  a  variety 
of  minor  Rupakas ,  essentially  operatic  and  involving  a  big  troupe  of 
dancing  pairs.13  Obviously  some  poetic  compositions,  too,  employed 
as  texts  for  these  Rupakas  that  were  performed  on  festive  occasions, 
came  to  be  called  “Rasakas”.  The  general  form  of  these  composi¬ 
tions  was  called  Rdsa-bandha,  and  as  a  characteristic  and  widely 
popular  Apabhramsa  literary  genre  it  has  been  described,  though 
very  briefly,  by  two  eminent  Prakrit  prosodists,  Virahanka  (before 
the  ninth  century)  and  Svayambhu.14  From  their  obscure  and  in¬ 
adequate  account,  this  much  at  least  can  be  gathered  that  the  Rasd- 
bandha  was  a  poem  having  either  a  specific  rhythm-controlled 
organic  structure  or  a  sustained  form  that  used  one  specific  metre 
for  the  general  frame,  and  other  choice  metres,  if  necessary,  for 
variation.  Unfortunately,  however,  not  a  single  Rdsaka  poem  of 
the  classical  Apabhramsa  period  has  been  preserved  to  us,  and  hence 
earlier  stages  of  the  development  which  culminated  in  the  Old 
Gujarati  Rasa  remain  mostly  in  the  dark. 

The  Old  Gujarati  Rasas ,  falling  within  the  period  under  our 
survey,  were  mostly  composed  to  be  sung  in  accompaniment  with 
the  Rasa  dance  that  was  performed  usually  in  Jain  temples,  espe¬ 
cially  to  celebrate  religious  festivals.  They  turned  around  some 
narrative,  biographical,  purely  doctrinal,  or  didactic  subject,  always 
with  a  religious  moulding. 

The  earliest  available  specimens,  viz.,  the  Bharatesvara-Bdhu - 
bali-ghora  (c.  A.D.  1170)  of  Vajrasena  and  its  expanded  version,  the 
Bharatesvara-Bdhubali-rdsa  (A.D.  1185)  of  §alibhadra,  narrate  the 


393 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


mythological  incident  of  war  between  the  kings  Bharata  and  Bahu- 
bali,  sons  of  the  first  Jain  Tirthankara  Rishabha.  In  the  latter , 
consisting  of  fifteen  sections  (each  composed  after  a  specific  metrical 
pattern),  descriptions  of  warlike  preparations,  Bharata’s  march  and 
a  few  battle  scenes  have  been  done  with  some  power.  The  diction 
does  not  lack  picturesqueness,  nor  is  the  style  without  vigour.  In 
Vajrasena’s  poem  (which  has  five  sections),  on  the  other  hand,  the 
sequal  is  characteristically  Jainistic.  Bahubali,  in  the  very  moment 
of  his  victory,  is  shown  becoming  at  once  disgusted  with  the  worldly 
life,  taking  to  asceticism,  and  eventually,  as  he  cures  himself  of 
pride,  attaining  omniscience;  the  account  of  the  previous  life  of  the 
principal  characters  is  briefly  touched  to  illustrate  the  working  of 
the  law  of  karman;  and  finally,  the  moral  is  spotlighted:  he  who  gives 
up  pride  and  deceitfulness  and  practises  contemplation  gets  very 
rich  rewards. 

The  Chandanab  ala-rasa  (A.D.  1201)  of  Asiga,  the  Jambu- 
svtimi-chariya  (A.D.  1210)  of  Dharma,  and  the  Gayasukumala-rdsct 
(possibly  c.  A.D.  1250)  of  Delhana  sketch  the  instructive  life-stories/ 
of  some  saints  of  Jain  mythology  and  legendary  history.  Chandana- 
bala  is  known  to  the  Jain  tradition  as  the  first  pravartinl  (head-nun) 
in  the  first  monastic  order  founded  by  the  Tirthankara  Mahavlra. 
Jambusvamin  was  the  fourth  pontiff  in  the  pontificate  that  started 
with  Mahavlra.  Gayasukumala  (Sk.  Gajasukumara)  was,  according 
to  the  Jains,  a  younger  brother  of  Krishna  Vasudeva.  As  an  ascetic, 
he  remained  unswerved  in  his  meditation  in  the  face  of  extreme 
physical  torture,  and  consequently  attained  omniscience.  Poeti¬ 
cally  these  compositions  hardly  contain  anything  saving  them  from 
banality. 

Of  the  remaining  Rasas ,  the  Revantagiri-rasa^G(c.  A.D.  1232)  of 
Vijayasena  eulogizes  in  four  Kadavas  (sections)  the  greatness  of 
mount  Girnar  in  Saurashtra  (and  especially,  of  the  temple  of  Nemi, 
the  twenty-second  Tirthankara,  newly  constructed  thereon)  as  a 
place  of  pilgrimage.  The  second  Kadava  weaves  in  the  swinging 
rhythm  of  the  Madanavatara  metre  a  picturesque  description  of  the 
mount.  The  Abu-rasa  (A.D.  1233)  of  Palhana  too  commemorates  the 
erection  of  a  temple  of  Nemi  on  mount  Abu  by  Tejahpala,  the 
famous  minister  of  king  VIradhavala  (first  half  of  the  thirteenth 
century).  Similarly  the  Pethada-rasa  (c.  A.D.  1300),  about  the  mer¬ 
chant  Pethada,  who  took  out  a  mass  pilgrimage  from  Patana  in 
Gujarat  to  mount  §atrunjaya  in  Saurashtra,  has  a  commemorative 
purpose. 

Among  the  three  Rasas  of  a  purely  religious-didactic  character, 
the  Buddhi-rasa  (c.  A.D.  1200)  of  Salibhadra  is  a  collection, 


394 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


in  four  sections,  of  moral  sayings,  proverbs,  pithy  maxims  and  reli¬ 
gious  instructions  given  as  a  summary  list  of  “do’s”  and  “don’t’s”. 
The  Jivadaya-rasa  (A.D.  1201)  of  Asiga,  consisting  of  fifty-three 
stanzas,  has  a  similar  though  more  restricted  purpose  in  that  it  con¬ 
centrates  on  religious  instructions.  The  Saptakshetri-rdsa]Q  (A.D. 
1271)  gives  in  119  stanzas  a  detailed  description  of  the  seven  pre¬ 
scribed  channels  of  religious  charity. 

The  compositions  generally  labelled  as  Barahamdsd,  Mdtrikd 
and  Vivahala  can  be  aptly  described  as  Rasas  that  are  characterized 
by  some  special  literary  device  or  subject-matter.  In  the  Bar  aha- 
mdsd,  the  theme,  preferably  of  love,  is  interlaced  with  the  month- 
to-month  description  of  varying  seasonal  characteristics  and  of  the 
corresponding  changes  in  the  life-routine  of  the  people  at  large.  It 
introduces  a  new  variant  in  the  long  tradition  of  seasonal  poems 
initiated  with  the  Ritusamhara.  Out  of  the  two  specimens  of  this 
type  the  Nemi-Rdjula-bdrahamdsd  of  Palhana  (c.  A.D.  1233)  possibly 
served  as  a  model  for  the  later  and  more  poetic  Neminatha-Chatush - 
padikd 19  of  Vinayachandra  (end  of  the  thirteenth  century).  The 
poems  describe  nature,  in  the  order  of  the  months,  from  the  angle 
of  love-lorn  and  expectant  Rajimati,  whose  wedding  with  prince 
Nemi  failed  to  come  off  because  the  latter  decided  at  the  eleventh 
hour  to  renounce  the  world  and  become  a  monk.  Palhana’s  poem 
has  fuller  descriptions,  but  it  is  Vinayachandra  who  has  succeeded 
in  giving  us,  we  can  say  for  the  first  time,  a  genuine  artistic  piece. 

The  central  mood  in  the  Neminatha-Chatushpadikd  is  effectively 
highlighted  by  delineating  the  situation  in  the  form  of  small  bits 
of  tete-a-tetes  between  Rajimati  and  her  confidante.  That  Vinaya¬ 
chandra  had  an  artistic  sense  of  form,  rather  exceptional  in  that 
period,  cannot  be  denied.  Its  forty  chatushpadikds  ( chaupdls )  are 
organized  in  thirteen  uniformly  patterned  units.  Each  unit  begins 
with  a  nature  cameo,  is  followed  by  the  confidante’s  loving,  com¬ 
forting,  and  practical  advice,  and  is  rounded  off  with  Rajimatfs 
words  that  reveal  a  heart  at  once  noble,  loving,  all-dedicating  and 
bleeding. 

Another  Bdrahamasd  of  the  thirteenth  century,  viz.  Jinadharma - 
suri-bdraha-navau  is  still  in  the  manuscript  form. 

The  Matrikas  give  moral  and  religious  instructions  in  verses, 
each  of  which  begins  with  a  letter  of  the  Sanskrit  syllabary  in  its 
serial  order.  This  device  is  as  old  as  the  Buddhist  sacred  text 
Lalitavistara.  We  have  got  no  less  than  three  such  specimens  for 
our  period:  the  Matrikd-chailpdl20  the  Samvega-mdtrikd 21  and  the 
Samyaktvamdi-chaiipdl  of  Jagadu  — all  the  three  to  be  dated  before 
the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century. 


395 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Lastly,  the  Vivdhala  type  is  illustrated  by  the  Jinesvara-suri- 
samyarnasri-vivdha-varTiana-rdsa23  (A.D.  1275)  of  Somamurti.  As 
is  clear  even  from  the  title,  in  such  compositions  the  occasion  of  ordi¬ 
nation  of  some  well-known  person  was  metaphorically  described  as 
his  wedding  with  the  lady  Self-control.  Somamurti’s  poem  relates 
to  the  ordination  of  one  Ambada  (A.D.  1189-1275),  who,  as  Acharya 
Jinesvara  Suri,  became  well  known  in  the  Kharatara  Gachchha. 

There  are  indications  that  a  few  other  types,  too,  e.g.  Kulaka , 
Phdgu,  Charchari,  Dhavala,  etc.  were  current  in  the  thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury.  But  the  materials  being  still  unpublished,  it  is  very  difficult 
to  gather  positive  information  about  them. 

All  these  types  of  compositions  remain  very  popular  for  cen¬ 
turies  to  follow.  Monk  after  monk  goes  on  mechanically  turning 
out  Rasas ,  Phagus ,  Mdtrikas,  Vivdhalas  and  Char  charts  with  the  ad¬ 
mitted  purposes  of  instructing,  earning  merit  and  religious  drilling. 
Very  few  of  them  succeed  in  reaching  the  literary  level. 

Structurally  Old  Gujarati  Rasas  reveal  two  distinct  types:  that 
which  is  made  up  of  a  number  of  sections,  each  constructed  after  a 
specific  pattern;  and  that  which  is  constructed  throughout  in  one 
particular  measure  which  is  occasionally  provided  with  a  refrain 
repeated  after  every  stanza.  In  the  first  type  the  main  topic  of  the 
section  runs  in  rhymed  verses  (distichs  or  three-lined)  and  frequent¬ 
ly  it  is  rounded  off  with  a  stanza  in  a  different  measure.  Of  course 
this  general  pattern  permitted  some  minor  variations.  The  Bhara- 
tesvara-Bahubali-rdsa,  Revantagiri-rasa,  and  Pethada-rasa,  among 
others,  have  this  pattern.  The  other  pattern  is  illustrated  by  the 
Nemindtha-chatushpadika,  Nemi-Rdjula-bdrahamasd,  Chandanabdla - 
rasa,  Gayasukumala-rasa,  and  others. 


1.  Apabhramsakdvyatrayl,  ed.  L.  B.  Gandhis  GOS.  37,  1927,  pp.  92-93. 

2.  Above  p.  350. 

3.  Ghatiyala  Inscription  No.  2,  v.  60,  JRAS,  1895,  p.  513;  Ghatiyala  Inscription 
No.  1,  El,  IX.  279.  For  fuller  references,  see  K.  M.  Munshi,  The  Glory  That 
was  Gurjaradesa,  Vol.  Ill  (1st  Ed.),  pp.  10-13. 

4.  L.  P.  Tessitori,  “Notes  on  the  Grammar  of  the  Old  Western  Rajasthani”  etc. 
I  A,  XLIII,  1914,  pp.  21-22. 

5.  The  nominal  derivative  suffix  -at  (feminine)  ‘aggregate,  status,  office’  is  attested 
in  Modem  Gujarati  words,  jivdt,  ‘germs  and  small  insects  collectively’  (from 
jlv  ‘a  creature’),  Bhtldt,  ‘the  Bhil  community’  (from  Bhxl ),  thakrdt  ‘fief  (from 
thakar  ‘a  feudal  chief’). 

6 .  Ike  usage  max  jania  ‘I  thought’  recurs  in  one  of  the  Apabhramsa  stanzas  of 
disputed  authorship  found  in  the  fourth  act  of  Kalidasa’s  Vikramorvaslya 
(S.  JP.  Pandit’s  edition,  Appendix  I,  st.  7),  in  a  stanza  cited  by  Hemachandra  in 
the  Apabhramsa  portion  of  his  Siddhahema  (8.4.377)  and  in  Modem  Gujarati 
in  the  form  mem  jdnyum. 

7.  Sabdna,  ‘small  tent’  (per.  sdyban )  is  used  in  the  Bh-aratesvara-Bahubali-rdsa 
(A.  D.  1185),  ed.  Jinavijaya  Muni,  1941,  st.  135. 

8.  IJnhau  and  slala  in  the  Siddhahema,  8.4.343  (1). 

9.  Siddhahema.  8.4.425. 

10.  Ibid,  8.4.397. 


396 


LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 


11.  S.  K.  Chatterji,  Indo- Aryan  and  Hindi,  1942,  99. 

12.  Vide  Bhagavata ,  10.33.2;  Brahma,  188.  21.  31;  Natyadarpana  of  Ramachandra 
and  Gunachandra,  p.  218;  Bhdvaprakasana  of  §aradatanaya,  p.  266.  Cf.  also  the 
definitions  of  Rasaka  given  in  Dhanapala’s  Paialachchhindmamaia  (word  No.  872) 
and  in  Hemachandra’s  Abhidhanachintamani  (8.62). 

13.  Bhdvaprakasana  pp.  263-265;  Kdvydnusasana  of  Vagbhata,  Nirnayasagara  edi¬ 
tion,  1894,  p.  181. 

14.  Vrittajdtisamuchchaya  of  Virahanka  (ed.  H.  D.  Velankar,  JBBRAS,  V,  1929), 
4.37-38;  Svayambhuchchhandas  of  Svayambhu  (ed.  H.  D.  Velankar,  JUB,  1936), 
8.49-50;  cf.  Chhandonusasana  of  Hemachandra,  Com.  on  5.3. 

15.  Prachina-Gurjara-kdvya-samgraha,  ed.  C.  D.  Dalai,  pp.  41-46. 

16.  Ibid,  pp.  1-6. 

17.  Ibid,  pp.  25-29. 

~  18.  Ibid,  pp.  47-58. 

19.  Ibid,  pp.  8-10. 

20.  Ibid,  pp.  74-78. 

21.  L.  B.  Gandhi,  Pattanastha-Prdchina-Jaina-Bhandagariya-Granthasuchi  p.  190. 

22.  Ibid,  pp.  78-82. 

23.  Jain  Aitihasik  Gurjar  Kdvya  Samchay .  pp.  225-227. 


397 


CHAPTER  XVI 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

A.  GENERAL  REVIEW 

The  outstanding  fact  in  the  religious  history  of  the  period  undei 
review  is  the  triumphant  revival  of  Brahmanical  religion.  Bud¬ 
dhism  disappeared  from  the  land  of  its  birth  and  Jainism  maintained 
its  stronghold  only  in  one  corner  of  India,  viz.  Gujarat.  But 
Brahmanical  religion  had  scarcely  recovered  its  dominant  position, 
practically  over  the  whole  of  India,  when  it  had  to  face  the  dis¬ 
astrous  effects  of  the  destructive  inroads  of  Islam.  The  full  effect 
of  this  was  not  apparent  till  a  later  age,  but  before  the  close  of  the 
thirteenth  century  A.D.  Islam  had  effected  permanent,  though 
scattered,  settlements  all  over  Northern  India,  which  were  big 
with  future  consequences.  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  India, 
the  country  was  permanently  divided,  from  a  religious  and  social 
point  of  view,  into  two  distinct  entities,  the  gulf  between  which 
even  seven  centuries  of  peaceful  existence  side  by  side  has  not 
been  able  to  bridge.  This  religious  and  social  aloofness  places  the 
Muslim  invasion  of  India  on  an  entirely  different  footing  from 
similar  invasions  elsewhere.  Analogy  has  been  drawn,  for  ex¬ 
ample,  between  Saxon  and  Norman  invasions  of  England  and  the 
Turkish  invasion  of  India  in  order  to  prove  that  since  the  invaders 
became  the  children  of  the  soil,  they  can  hardly  be  regarded  as 
foreigners,  and  the  ‘foreign  conquest’  of  India  is  a  misnomer  so  far 
as  the  pre-British  period  is  concerned.  This  analogy  is  however 
fallacious.  For  while  within  a  century  or  two  of  the  conquest  of 
England  by  William,  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  nobody  could  possi¬ 
bly  distinguish  the  Saxon,  Norman  or  other  elements  of  which  the 
English  people  were  composed,  it  does  not  require  a  moment’s 
thought  today  to  draw  a  clear  line  between  the  Hindu  and  Muslim 
population,  even  though  more  than  seven  hundred  years  (in  the 
case  of  Sindh,  twelve  hundred  years)  have  elapsed  since  the  Mus¬ 
lims  first  settled  in  the  country.1  Nor  can  we  reasonably  visualise 
a  period  when  this  difference  will  cease  to  exist. 

It  is  by  way  of  distinction  from  the  Muslims  that  the  term  Hindu 
came  into  use.  It  is  probable  that  the  name  was  chosen  by  the  Mus¬ 
lims  in  order  to  give  a  common  designation  to  the  people  whom  they 
found  in  India.  This  indirectly  proves  the  essential  unity  of  the 
creeds,  beliefs  and  religious  practices  of  the  latter,  in  the  eyes  of  the 


398 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


former.  In  any  case  the  term  Hindu  comes  into  general  use  during 
this  period  and  it  would  be  convenient  to  refer  henceforth  to  the 
Indians,  other  than  Muslims,  and  their  religion  as  Hindu.  As  is  well 
known,  Hindu,  a  modified  form  of  Sindhu,2  was  originally  a  geogra¬ 
phical  term  used  by  the  western  foreigners  to  denote,  first  the  region 
round  the  Sindhu  river,  and  then  the  whole  of  India.  The  Indians, 
however,  never  called  themselves  by  this  name  before  the  Muslim 
conquest.  It  was  re-introduced'  after  that  event,  with  the  added 
significance  of  a  particular  form  of  religious  persuasion.  Historically, 
therefore,  ‘Hindu’  really  signifies  the  aggregate  of  peoples  in  India 
and  their  culture  and  religion,  as  distinguished  from  Muslims.  The 
common  use  of  the  term  Hindu,  as  opposed  to  Buddhist,  Jain  or  fol¬ 
lower  of  any  other  religious  sect  in  pre-Muslim  India,  is  therefore 
quite  erroneous. 

The  period  under  review  thus  brings  into  relief  the  emergence 
of  Hinduism  as  the  dominant  faith  with  the  menace  of  Islam  as  a 
disturbing  element.  The  cloud  was  not  as  yet  bigger  than  a  man’s 
hand,  but  ere  long  it  grew  in  dimensions  and  cast  its  doleful  shadow 
over  the  whole  land.  For  the  time  being,  however,  this  remote  pos¬ 
sibility  was  not  visualised  by  the  Hindus. 

This  leads  us  to  one  important  question,  viz.  the  result  of  the 
impact  of  Islam  on  Hindu  religion  during  the  period  under  review. 
So  far  as  doctrinal  changes  are  concerned,  we  could  hardly  expect 
any  during  the  period  under  review  when  the  Muslims  were  still  a 
merely  militant  force  and  had  hardly  come  into  close  or  peaceful 
contact  with  the  Hindus.  To  the  latter,  the  Muslims  were  not  only 
foreign  and  mlechchha  (unclean  and  boorish)  conquerors,  but  they 
had  deeply  wounded  their  religious  susceptibilities  by  indiscriminate 
demolition  of  temples  and  destruction  of  images  of  gods  cn  a  large 
scale.  The  Hindus  would  therefore  be  hardly  in  a  mood  to  take  any 
lesson  from  the  teachings  of  Islam,  and  the  time  was  too  short  to 
produce  even  any  indirect  and  unconscious  effect. 

But  the  Hindus  kept  themselves  severely  aloof  in  order  to  save 
their  purity  against  the  unclean  aliens.  This  led  to  a  change  in  their 
religious  and  social  outlook  and  induced  them  to  adopt  stringent 
rules  in  regard  to  both  which  vitally  affected  their  progress  and 
future  development.  This  would  form  the  subject  of  discussion  in 

the  next  volume. 

While  our  main  attention  is  naturally  drawn  to  the  intrusion 
of  Islam  as  an  effective  factor  in  the  religious  history  of  India,  it 
is  necessary  to  refer  to  some  other  features  in  the  evolution  of  Indian 
religion  which  characterised  the  period  under  review.  The  most 

399 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


important  among  these  was  the  growing  influence  of  Tantrik  ideas 
over  both  Buddhism  and  Brahmanical  religion.  The  high  ideals  of 
Mahayana,  which  aimed  at  the  salvation  of  all  and  were  actuated 
by  the  noble  spirit  of  universal  love  for  all  mankind,  soon  yielded 
to  gross  superstitions  and  immoral  practices  so  far  at  least  as  the 
general  masses  were  concerned.  Belief  in  the  efficacy  of  mantra , 
mandala  and  other  elements  of  esoteric  practices  as  the  easiest  means 
for  attaining  salvation  retarded  the  growth  of  spiritual  ideas,  while 
the  conception  of  ultimate  reality  as  a  duality  of  male  and  female 
energy — Up  ay  a  and  Prajna  in  Buddhism,  and  Siva  and  Sakti  in 
Brahmanical  religion — ,  paved  the  way  for  the  dominance  of  erotic 
and  sensual  practices  which  undermined  the  sense  of  moral  values. 
Whatever  views  may  be  entertained  regarding  the  ideals  and  prac¬ 
tices  of  Tantra  in  their  essence  and  origin,  there  can  be  no  denying 
the  fact  that  they  led,  in  not  a  few  cases,  to  gross  debauchery  and 
perversion  of  morals  and  ethics.  It  may  be  conceded  that  the  funda¬ 
mental  principles  of  Tantra  were  conceived  by  great  minds  with  the 
best  of  intentions,  but  the  way  devised  for  salvation  was  very  risky 
and  dangerous  to  the  ordinary  and  unwary  devotee  and,  as  could  be 
easily  foreseen,  most  of  the  pilgrims  fell  victims  to  temptation  and 
perished  on  the  way  before  they  could  reach  the  promised  land  of 
bliss. 

There  has  been  much  speculation  regarding  the  causes  of  this 
general  degradation  of  religious  life  in  India.  It  is  a  significant 
fact  that  the  same  period  also  witnessed  a  great  decline  in  the 
general  intellectual  and  cultural  level  of  the  people  in  India.  But 
whether  the  first  is  the  cause  or  the  effect  of  the  second,  or  whether, 
and  if  so,  how  far,  they  reacted  on  each  other,  it  is  not  easy  to  deter¬ 
mine.  It  has  been  suggested  that  the  universal  appeal  of  Buddhism 
which  brought  within  its  fold  peoples  of  diverse  views  and  beliefs, 
in  all  stages  of  cultural  development,  wrought  its  own  ruin.  For, 
in  order  to  satisfy  the  masses  Buddhism  had  to  come  down  from  its 
high  pedestal  to  their  level  and  present  itself  in  a  popular  garb 
which  they  could  understand  and  appreciate  and  for  which  they  felt 
an  emotional  urge  in  their  own  hearts.  But  by  an  inevitable  process 
it  also  incorporated  to  a  large  extent  the  crude  ideas,  beliefs  and 
religious  practices  held  by  them.  A  popular  religion  has  little  scope 
for  an  appeal  to  the  intellect,  and  it  has  to  strive  its  utmost  to  win 
the  hearts  of  the  people.  This  process,  with  its  inevitable  result, 
was  in  full  swing  during  the  period  under  review. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  cause,  the  most  regrettable  feature 
was  the  degradation  in  ideas  of  decency  and  sexual  morality 
brought  about  by  the  religious  practices.  How  far  this  evil  corrod- 


400 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


ed  the  whole  society  would  be  plain  from  a  study  of  contemporary 
literature.  A  great  Sanskrit  poet  of  the  period  gave  a  vivid  des¬ 
cription  of  the  deva-dasis  in  a  temple  of  Krishna  and  added  that 
they  made  one  feel  as  if  the  goddess  Lakshml  had  come  down  on 
earth  to  attend  her  lord  the  god  Murari.3  Contemporary  epigra- 
phic  records  also  refer  in  rapturous  terms  to  the  personal  charm 
and  beauty  of  the  hundreds  of  deva-dasis  assigned  to  a  single 
temple.4  It  is  impossible  to  describe  in  a  modern  book  some  of 
the  worst  features  of  Tantrik  theories  and  practices  which  have 
been  described  by  an  eminent  Indian  scholar  to  be  “at  once  the 
most  revolting  and  horrible  that  human  depravity  could  think  of.”5 
Fortunately  the  esoteric  character  of  Tantrik  religion  limited  its 
field  of  operation,  and  it  may  be  conceded  that  such  debased  forms 
of  religious  practices  were  exceptional  and  not  normal.  Even  then 
we  have  to  admit  that  the  general  effect  of  such  religion  was  calcu¬ 
lated  to  degrade  rather  than  elevate  the  morals  and  general  charac¬ 
ter  of  the  people  at  large. 

If  we  remember  that  religion  in  all  ages  has  had  a  profound 
effect  on  Indian  minds,  the  state  of  religion  during  the  period  under 
review  cannot  be  regarded  as  an  isolated  topic,  but  has  to  be  reviewed 
in  the  context  of  the  general  history  of  India,  in  particular  its  poli¬ 
tical  history,  social  and  economic  condition,  development  of  art,  etc. 
The  overall  picture  is  one  of  decadence  in  every  respect  as  compared 
to  the  high  standard  of  older  times.  It  may  therefore  be  urged,  with 
some  degree  of  plausibility,  that  the  overthrow  of  Hindu  rule  was  as 
much  due  to  internal  as  to  external  causes.  The  wealth  and  luxury 
with  its  enervating  effect  upon  character  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
degraded  religious  and  social  life  on  the  other,  sapped  the  vitality 
of  the  people  and  destroyed  its  manhood.  The  great  fabric  of  culture 
and  civilisation,  reared  up  in  course  of  centuries,  was  tottering,  and 
it  was  no  longer  a  question  of  whether  but  when  it  would  fall. 
Foreign  invasions  merely  accelerated  the  process  of  decay  and  hasten¬ 
ed  the  downfall  which  was  inevitable  in  any  case. 

Next  to  the  growing  evil  of  Tantrik  practices,  and  not  altogether 
unconnected  with  it,  is  the  almost  complete  disappearance  of  Bud¬ 
dhism  from  the  land  of  its  birth.  This  question  has  been  discussed 
at  some  length  in  the  section  on  Buddhism.  It  will  suffice  to  state 
here  that  the  principal  reason  seems  to  be  the  destruction  by  foreign 
invaders  of  the  numerous  monasteries  in  Bihar  and  Bengal  which 
formed  the  stronghold  of  that  religion.  For  the  rest,  it  was  partly 
assimilated  to  Brahmanical  religion  and  partly  survived  in  disguise 
or  in  a  modified  form  in  various  medieval  religious  cults,  specially  in 
Bengal.  M.  M.  Haraprasad  Sastri  even  regarded  the  very  little 

401 


S.E.— 26 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


known  cult  of  Dharma-Thakur  as  a  living  relic  of  Buddhism  in  Ben¬ 
gal. 

The  Brahmanical  religion  has  always  showed  its  catholicity  by 
absorbing  powerful  rival  religious  sects.  At  a  much  earlier  period 
it  brought  the  cults  of  both  Krishna- Vasudeva  and  Rudra-Siva  with¬ 
in  its  fold.6  Now  it  repeated  the  same  process  in  regard  to  Buddhism 
by  declaring  the  Buddha  to  be  an  incarnation  of  Vishnu.  The  deve¬ 
loped  doctrines  and  rituals  of  Mahayana  and  Brahmanical  religion 
made  such  a  near  approach  to  each  other,  specially  through  the 
stress  upon  faith  and  devotion,  worship  of  images  of  numerous 
gods  and  goddesses,  and  the  use  of  Sanskrit  in  liturgical  texts,  on 
the  part  of  the  Buddhists,  and  the  acceptance  of  the  principle  of 
ahimsa,  specially  in  regard  to  diet,  on  the  part  of  the  Brahmanas, 
that  a  merger  of  the  two  was  not  only  rendered  quite  easy  but  be¬ 
came  almost  inevitable.  The  identification  of  the  Buddha  with 
Vishnu  by  means  of  the  theory  of  incarnation  completed  the  process, 
and  Buddhism  silently  merged  itself  into  Brahmanical  religion. 
Even  today  images  of  Buddha  are  worshipped  as  Siva  or  Vishnu 
in  many  places  in  Bengal.  It  is  also  interesting  to  note  that  Siva 
and  Buddha  were  identified  in  Java,  and  in  modern  Balinese  theology 
Buddha  is  regarded  as  a  younger  brother  of  Siva.  Further,  Siva, 
Vishnu  and  Buddha  were  all  regarded  as  identical  and  so  were  their 
Saktis.  These  no  doubt  truly  reflected  the  religious  conception  of  the 
motherland. 

The  Jains  were  more  fortunate  than  the  Buddhists.  Under  the 
patronage  of  the  Later  Chalukyas  and  the  Hoysalas  Jainism  main¬ 
tained  for  long  a  position  in  the  Deccan  and  South  India,  but  with  the 
growing  influence  of  Vaishnavism  and  Saivism  it  gradually  lost  its 
importance  in  both  these  religions.  The  Hoysala  rulers,  though  con¬ 
verted  to  Vaishnavism,  supported  the  Jain  religion,  but  the  Cholas 
and  the  Pandyas  were  bigoted  iSaivas,  and  are  said  to  have  persecuted 
the  Jains.  The  successful  revolution  of  the  Saiva  Lihgayat  sect 
against  the  Kalachuri  ruler  Vijjala,  who  was  a  Jain,  was  also  an 
important  factor  in  the  decline  of  Jainism,  specially  in  the  Deccan. 
Due  to  all  these  causes,  Jainism  gradually  lost  its  hold  in  the  Deccan 
and  South  India  before  the  close  of  the  period  under  review. 

Jainism  was  also  affected  by  the  assimilating  power  of 
Brahmanical  religion,  but  to  a  much  less  extent  than  Buddhism. 
This  is  due  to  the  innate  rigidity  and  conservative  character  of 
Jainism  which  enabled  it  to  maintain  to  a  certain  extent  its  special 
characteristics  vis-a-vis  Brahmanical  religion.  The  result  is  that 
while  Buddhism  disappeared  from  India,  Jainism  is  still  a  powerful 
force  in  Gujarat  and  Rajputana.  This  is  also  partly  due  to  the  fact 


402 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

that  these  two  strongholds  suffered  less  from  the  iconoclastic  fury 
of  the  early  Muslim  invaders  than  Bihar  and  Bengal  where  Buddhism 
found  its  last  refuge. 

One  great  thing  to  be  noted  about  Jainism  is  that  it  was  never 
subjected  to  the  contaminating  influence  of  Tantrik  ideas,  which 
proved  ruinous  to  Buddhism  and  Brahmanical  religion  in  North 
India.  The  Vaishnava  sects  of  Southern  India  were  also  largely 
free  from  the  degrading  Tantrik  ideas  of  the  North.  This  was  mainly 
due  to  the  rise  of  the  great  Acharyas  like  Ramanuja  and  Madhva 
who  shed  lustre  on  this  age.  The  great  Advaita  doctrine  of  Sankara, 
which  had  a  triumphant  career  in  the  preceding  period,  cut  at  the 
very  root  of  bhakti-vdda ,  i.e.  the  doctrine  of  love  and  faith,  for  if  there 
is  only  one  universal  spirit,  there  was  no  scope  for  love  or  devotion, 
which  necessarily  postulates  two  separate  entities,  the  lover  and  the 
beloved,  the  devotee  and  the  object  of  devotion.  Ramanuja  solved 
his  problem  and  placed  the  bhakti-cult  on  a  firm  philosophical  basis 
by  expounding  the  famous  doctrine  of  Visishtadvaita-vada,  which 
was  a  qualified  form  of  Sankara’s  Monism  and  a  reply  to  his  chal¬ 
lenge.  In  the  system  of  Vaishnavism  preached  by  these  Acharyas 
there  was  no  place  for  the  cowherd  girls  ( gopis ),  an  element  which 
so  profoundly  affected  the  Vaishnavism  of  the  North  and  ultimately 
degraded  it  to  the  level  of  the  gross  form  of  Tantrik  religion  referred 
to  above. 

But  the  South  did  not  altogether  escape  the  contamination  of  the 
North.  If  the  Bhdgavata  Purdna  were  really  composed  in  South 
India,  as  many  believe,  we  have  an  indisputable  evidence  of  the 
dominance  of  the  gopi  element.  Still  later,  Nimbarka,  a  Tailanga 
Brahmana,  also  stressed  the  gopi  element.  Krishna,  surrounded  by 
thousands  of  gopis ,  with  Radha  as  his  principal  beloved,  forms  an 
essential  element  of  his  doctrine.  It  is,  however,  not  without  signi¬ 
ficance  that  Nimbarka,  though  hailing  from  the  South,  lived  and 
preached  in  North  India  with  his  centre  at  Vrindavana  (near 
Mathura),  the  reputed  centre  of  Krishna’s  dalliance  with  the  gopis. 
The  followers  of  Nimbarka  are  also  mostly  to  be  found  in  North 
India.  The  Radha  cult  preached  by  him  was  further  stressed  by 
Chaitanya  in  the  sixteenth  century  and  it  is  still  the  most  popular 
aspect  of  North  Indian  Vaishnavism. 

The  gaivas  and  Saktas  were  more  affected  by  Tantrik  ideas  than 
the  Vaishnavas.  The  Sakti  cult  almost  became  a  synonym  for 
Tantrik  rites,  often  of  a  degrading  character.  Among  the  gaivas 
also,  both  in  the  North  and  the  South,  sects  like  Kapalikas  and  Kala- 
mukhas  followed  most  repulsive  and  obnoxious  practices  associated 

with  wine  and  women. 


403 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


The  growing  menace  of  Tantrik  ideas  and  practices  should  not, 
however,  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  purer  and  higher  forms  of  reli¬ 
gious  ideas  and  practices  continued  to  flourish,  at  least  among  the 
higher  classes,  even  in  those  regions  in  North  India  which  were 
most  contaminated  by  the  debased  ideas.  Further,  as  noted  above, 
there  were  also  large  areas,  particularly  in  Deccan  and  South  India, 
where  Tantrik  influence  was  hardly  perceptible. 

The  growth  of  big  temples,  both  Saiva  and  Vaishnava,  constitutes 
an  important  feature  in  the  religious  development,  particularly  in 
South  India.  Rich  endowments  made  to  them  by  kings,  merchants, 
and  other  men  of  wealth  made  them  not  only  important  centres  of 
higher  education,  but  also  centres  of  missionary  activity  and  spiri¬ 
tual  inspiration  like  the  Buddhist  monasteries  of  old.  The  mathas, 
which  grew  up  in  large  numbers,  not  only  supplemented  these  acti¬ 
vities,  but  also  took  up  humanitarian  work  like  feeding  the  poor  and 
tending  the  sick.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  many  Buddhist  monas¬ 
teries  were  actually  converted  to  such  mathas. 

Reference  has  been  made  above  to  the  persecution  of  Jains  by 
the  Saiva  rulers  of  the  South.  According  to  Tamil  Puranas,  the 
Saiva  religion  was  firmly  established  by  the  cruel  torture  inflicted 
on  the  Jains.  Specific  reference  is  made  to  a  case  of  an  earlier 
period  when  8000  Jains  were  impaled  on  stakes.  But  according  to 
some  scholars  the  story  is  apocryphal.7  There  are  also  stories  that 
Ramanuja  and  his  followers  were  subjected  to  persecution  by  the 
Cholas  who  were  ardent  Saivas.  It  is  difficult  to  say  how  far  these 
stories  can  be  relied  upon  as  true,  though  some  support  is  given  to 
them  by  the  fact  that  Ramanuja  had  to  withdraw  to  Mysore  and 
live  there  for  more  than  twenty  years,  before  he  could  return  to 
Srirangam.8  But  these  cases,  even  if  partially  true,  form  an  excep¬ 
tion  to  the  general  rule,  and  on  the  whole  the  Hindus,  even  during 
this  period,  did  not  show  any  lack  of  the  spirit  of  toleration  which 
marked  the  religious  evolution  in  India  throughout  the  ages.  This 
spirit  was  displayed  even  towards  the  Muslims9  in  the  face  of  the 
greatest  provocation  caused  by  their  iconoclastic  fury. 

B.  BUDDHISM 
I.  DOCTRINAL  CHANGES 

1.  Tantrik  Buddhism 

The  development  of  Tantrism,  during  the  period  under  review, 
effected  a  radical  change  in  the  outlook  and  character  of  Buddhism. 
The  Tantras,  whether  of  the  Saiva  or  Sakta  schools  or  of  the  Bud¬ 
dhists,  primarily  pertain  to  the  sddhand,  i.e.  religious  exercises  or 


404 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


practices,  as  contrasted  with  any  abstract  philosophy.  They  have 
little  to  do  with  metaphysical  speculations,  since  their  leading 
object  is  to  expound  practical  methods  for  the  realisation  of  the 
ultimate  truth.  These  methods  and  practices,  sometimes  of  highly 
erotic  nature,  comprise,  besides  esoteric  Yoga,  a  medley  of  hymns, 
rites,  rituals,  etc.  So  far  as  theological  speculations  and  philoso¬ 
phical  doctrines  are  concerned,  the  Saiva  and  Sakta  Tantras  accept 
the  Brahmanical  philosophical  systems  as  authority,  and  utilise 
their  fundamental  tenets,  while  the  Buddhist  Tantras  likewise 
adopt  and  put  to  use  the  Buddhist,  or  more  precisely,  Mahayana, 
principles.  It  should  not  be  supposed  that  Buddhism,  in  the  pro¬ 
cess  of  development,  had  evolved  Tantrism  at  a  certain  stage  of 
its  growth,  within  its  own  spheres,  or  out  of  its  own  materials. 
For  there  is  absolutely  no  inherent  relation  between  Tantrism  and 
Buddhism  proper.  In  point  of  fact,  Buddhism  in  the  later  phases 
of  Mahayana  had  adopted,  or  had  been  engrafted  into,  these  esoteric 
principles  and  practices  which  had  an  entirely  independent  growth 
and  an  independent  history  of  their  own.  But,  as  pointed  out  above, 9a 
Tantrik  ideas  may  be  traced  in  Buddhism  from  a  very  early  period. 

Mahayana  Buddhism  does  not  recognise  Sunyatd  or  perfect 
knowledge10  to  be  the  highest  truth,  which,  according  to  its  postu¬ 
lation,  is  a  state  where  Sunyatd  and  Ko,rund  are  united  together. 
Thus  the  emphasis  of  Mahayana  is  divided;  as  a  system  of  religion 
it  is  characterised  by  its  stress,  no  less  if  not  more,  on  Karuna  or 
universal  compassion,  a  feature  that  is  conspicuous  by  its  absence 
in  Hinayana.  The  final  goal  of  Hmayana  being  the  attainment  of 
Arhathood,  its  followers  are  supposed  to  dedicate  themselves  to 
the  selfish  hankering  for  personal  liberation  and  to  be  thus  busy 
with  themselves  only.  On  the  contrary,  the  avowed  object  of 
Karuna  is  to  stimulate  one  to  make  use  of  one’s  perfect  knowledge 
in  missionary  activities  for  the  welfare  of  the  suffering  world  and 
the  salvation  of  all  beings.  These  missionary  activities  mainly 
consist  of  preaching  the  gospel  to  all  the  laity  in  order  to  banish 
their  shroud  of  ignorance  and  make  them  realise  the  truth. 

Sunyatd}  or  perfect  wisdom,  and  Karuna,  or  universal  com¬ 
passion,  being  associated  together,  generate  in  one’s  mind,  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  Mahayana  conception,  the  Bodhi-chitta,  which  is  that 
mental  state  in  which  nothing  else  remains  but  a  firm  determina¬ 
tion  to  attain  bodki  or  perfect  knowledge,  mixed  up  with  a  strong 
emotion  of  compassion  for  the  redemption  of  all  suffering  beings 
of  the  world.  The  Bodhi-chitta  next  proceeds  on  an  upward  march 
through  ten  different  stages  ( bhumis ),  and  when  the  last  stage, 
known  as  Dharmamegha,  is  reached,  one  becomes  a  perfect  Bodhi- 
sattva.  To  the  Mahay anists,  the  ultimate  goal  is  not  final  extinction 


405 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


through  Nirvana z1  but  to  transcend  the  states  of  both  bhava  (exist¬ 
ence  in  the  world  of  birth  and  death)  and  Nirvana  (in  the  sense  of 
extinction),  and  to  attain  Buddhahood  through  different  stages  of 
Boddhisattvahood.  Every  human  being,  nay,  any  creature  of  the 
world,  is  according  to  Mahay  ana,  a  potential  Buddha,  and  has  with¬ 
in  him  all  the  possibilities  of  becoming  a  Samyak-sambuddha,  i.e. 
the  Perfectly  Enlightened  One;  but  this  hidden  possibility  can  find 
tangible  expression  only  by  the  attainment  of  the  Bodhi-chitta, 
which  is  a  unified  state  of  Sunyata  and  Karund. 

This  broad  outlook  of  Mahayana,  coupled  with  the  spirit  of 
benevolence  and  humanity,  elevated  it  to  the  sublimity  of  a  religion 
of  love  and  tender  sympathy  for  all  sentient  beings,  and  formed 
an  important  factor  in  popularising  Buddhism  far  and  wide.  For 
the  liberation  of  all  people  being  the  sacred  pledge  of  Mahayana,  it 
stood  out  prominently  as  a  religion  for  all.  From  this  standpoint,  it 
had  to  concern  itself  with,  and  accommodate  within  its  fold  folks 
of  all  grades,  shades,  and  tastes.  But  this  zeal  of  popularisation 
did  overstep  its  limits,  and  ultimately  brought  about  degene¬ 
ration  in  Mahayana,  inasmuch  as  an  influx  of  heterogenous  ele¬ 
ments  of  faith  and  religious  practices  into  the  enclosure  of  Buddhism 
was  rendered  inevitable.  What  is,  to  the  ordinary  or  plebian  sec¬ 
tion  of  people,  a  religion,  if  it  be  not  something  that  consists  of 
belief  in  a  pantheon  of  gods  and  goddesses  and  of  the  performance 
of  rites  and  ceremonies  and  some  esoteric  practices  along  with  the 
muttering  of  mystic  formulas,  etc.  with  which  they  had  been  hither¬ 
to  only  too  familiar?  So,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  ideas  and  sentiments 
of  what  is  called  the  mass  mind,  manifold  ceremonies  and  rites  and 
rituals  of  very  popular  and  homely  nature  had  to  be  incorporated, 
and  at  the  same  time  elements  of  mantras ,  dhdranis ,  mudrds,  manda - 
las ,  etc.  introduced  into  the  religion  of  the  Buddha.  Gradually, 
however,  a  section  of  people  of  higher  intellectual  level,  too,  became 
convinced  of  the  efficacy  of  the  mantra- charms  as  the  simplest  and 
most  suitable  means  for  the  realisation  of  the  ultimate  truth.  Just 
at  this  stage  of  development  Mahayana  was  subdivided  into  two 
distinct  schools,  Mantra-ydna  or  Mantra-nay  a  and  Pdramita-yana  or 
Pdramitd-naya,  and  the  former  may  justly  be  regarded  as  the  initial 
stage  of  Tantrik  Buddhism.  In  this  stage  the  emphasis  was  laid 
mainly  on  the  elements  of  mantra ,  dhdram ,  mudra,  mandala,  abhi- 
sheka,  etc.  But  these  elements  of  esoterism  have  by  nature  a  pro¬ 
pensity  to  generate  beliefs  in  magic,  sorcery,  charms,  etc.,  having 
their  application  to  gods,  demigods,  ghosts,  goblins,  demons,  fiends 
and  the  like.  And  when  to  these  were  added  the  elements  of  yoga 
or  sexo-yogic  practices,  it  was  full-fledged  Tantrism.  It  may 


406 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

thus  be  said  that  the  Mahayana  doctrine  of  Karuna  was,  directly  or 
indirectly,  responsible  for  introducing  Tantrism  in  Buddhism.  This 
doctrine  of  universal  compassion,  as  such,  was  also  adopted  and 
utilised  to  the  full  by  the  Tantrik  Buddhists  themselves.  All  their 
teachings,  all  their  mystic  rites  and  ceremonies  and  practices,  bear 
the  impress  of  Karuna  on  them,  and  every  thing  they  do  is  professed 
to  be  undertaken  with  the  set  purpose  of  saving  the  world  from  all 
miseries. 

It  should,  however,  be  borne  in  mind  that  there  is  no  funda¬ 
mental  difference  between  the  esoteric  sadhana  (religious  endeav¬ 
ours)  of  the  Brahmanical  and  Buddhist  Tantrism.  Both  the 
schools  lay  equal  stress  upon  the  theological  principles  of  duality 
in  non-duality,  and  hold  that  the  ultimate  non-dual  reality  possesses 
in  its  nature  the  potency  of  two  aspects  or  attributes,  viz.  the 
negative  and  the  positive,  the  static  and  the  dynamic,  the  principle 
of  pure  consciousness  and  the  principle  of  activity.  In  the  Abso¬ 
lute  Being  these  two  aspects  and  attributes  lie  merged  together  in 
a  state  of  absolute  non-duality.  In  the  process  of  phenomenalisa- 
tion,  however,  come  separation  and  duality,  which  mean  bondage 
and  suffering,  the  ultimate  escape  from  which  is  liberation.  The 
final  goal  of  both  the  schools  is  to  destroy  all  principles  of  dualism 
and  to  attain  the  final  state  of  non-duality. 

These  two  aspects  of  the  absolute  reality  are  conceived  as  Siva 
and  Sakti  in  Brahmanical  Tantrism  and  as  Prajna  and  Up  ay  a  in 
Buddhist  Tantrism.  The  terms  Prajnci  and  Upaya  are  not  of  its 
coinage  but  are  copiously  used  also  in  Mahayana  literature,  and 
are  practically  synonymous  with  Sunyata  and  Karuna  respectively. 
Sunyata  is  Prajna  because  it  represents  perfect  wisdom,  i.e.  know¬ 
ledge  of  the  void-nature  of  the  self  and  the  dharmas.  Karuna  or 
universal  compassion  is  called  Upaya  because  it  is  the  means  or 
medium  for  the  attainment  of  the  Bodhi-chitta  for  the  realisation 
of  the  highest  goal.  Prajna  or  Sunyata  (perfect  knowledge)  re¬ 
presents  a  static  or  negative  state  of  mind  which  separates  the  indi¬ 
vidual  from  the  world  of  suffering  beings;  it  makes  one  observe 
the  world  of  existence  from  a  point  of  view  where  there  is  neither 
suffering  nor  happiness  and,  therefore,  no  opportunity  left  for  dis¬ 
playing  the  spirit  of  benevolence;  it  makes  a  man  altogether  static. 
Upaya  or  Karuna)  on  the  other  hand,  operates  in  one’s  mind  like 
a  dynamic  force,  draws  one’s  attention  to  the  world  of  suffering, 
and  as  the  symbol  of  universal  compassion  removes  the  miseries 
of  the  suffering  world.  Through  Prajna,  which  is  the  one  universal 
principle  underlying  the  diversity  of  the  phenomenal  world,  one’s 
mind  is  purified,  while  Upaya  is  that  principle  which  brings  down 

407 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


one’s  perfectly  purified  mind  to  this  phenomenal  world,  the  world 
around  us,  where  the  helpless  beings  are  suffering  the  miseries  of 
life.  If  Upaya  impels  one  to  benevolent  activities  for  the  removal 
of  sorrow,  those  moral  activities  are  to  be  yoked  with  and  conduct¬ 
ed  by  Prajnd.  Prajnd  or  Sunyata,  standing  for  perfect  wisdom,  is 
regarded  as  absolutely  passive  and  negative  aspect  of  the  reality, 
while  Upaya  or  Karuna ,  with  its  active  inspiration  and  because  of 
its  dynamic  nature,  is  conceived  as  the  active  and  positive  aspect 
of  the  same.  The  nature  of  Prajnd  is  non-existence,  and  that  of 
Upaya  existence;  Prajnd  is  essencelessness,  while  Upaya  is  of  posi¬ 
tive  nature;  so  the  whole  truth  is  the  unity  of  both  these  positive 
and  negative  aspects. 

The  first,  as  also  the  foremost,  innovation  that  the  Tantrik 
Buddhism  effected  was  the  conception  of  these  two  cardinal  prin¬ 
ciples  of  Sunyata  and  Karuna  or  Prajnd  and  Upaya  of  Mahayana 
as  the  female  and  the  male.  Accordingly,  Prajnd  or  Sunyata  is 
the  female,  and  Upaya  or  Karuna,  male.  The  Tantrik  Buddhism 
differs  from  the  Saiva  and  Sakta  Tantras  as  well  as  some  other  Indian 
systems  of  philosophy  in  regarding  the  negative,  static  or  unquali¬ 
fied  aspect  of  the  reality  as  the  female,  and  the  positive  or  active 
counterpart  as  the  male.  Nevertheless,  the  most  important  thing  in 
the  Buddhist  Tantras  is  the  stress  on  the  union  of  Prajnd  and  Upaya 
both  in  the  philosophical  and  in  the  esoteric  Yogic  senses.  Prajnd 
is  declared  to  be  bondage,  if  unassociated  with  Upaya,  and  so  is  also 
Upaya  bereft  of  Prajnd;  when  the  one  is  conjoined  with  the  other, 
the  two,  being  one,  become  liberation.  In  other  words,  the  truth 
is  both  Prajnd  and  Upaya  united  together.  The  commingling  of 
Prajnd  and  Upaya,  like  that  of  water  and  milk,  in  a  state  of  non¬ 
duality,  constitutes  a  state  perfectly  pure  from  the  defilement  of 
reality  and  unreality  and  subjectivity  and  objectivity,  and  it  has 
only  to  be  realised  by  intuition. 

This  ultimate  state  of  non-duality,  on  the  destruction  of  all 
principles  of  dualism,  is  called  by  the  Tantrik  Buddhists  the  state 
of  Yuganaddha,  which  is  variously  called  in  other  esoteric  systems 
as  Advaya,  Maithuna,  Samarasa,  etc.  One  reaching  the  stage  of 
Yuganaddha  has  attained  perfect  enlightenment  and  eternal  tran¬ 
quillity  and  has  crossed  the  sea  of  birth  and  death.  This  is  in  fact 
perfect  enlightenment  of  Buddhatva,  and  this  is  the  way  in  which, 
according  to  the  Tantrik  Buddhists,  innumerable  Buddhas  have 
attained  perfection. 

The  Tantrik  Buddhists  share  in  common  with  other  esoteric 
schools  the  notion  that  practices  of  austere  penances,  difficult  vows, 
fasting,  going  in  pilgrimage,  etc.,  only  inflict  torture  upon  the  body 


408 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

and  mind  of  a  man,  make  him  morbid,  disfigure  his  face,  and  so  on, 
but  can  never  bring  forth  perfection.  To  them  this  very  approach 
appears  to  be  unnatural,  and  perfect  enlightenment  is  attainable 
only  through  an  easy  process,  viz.  through  enjoyment.  This  either 
supplements  or  is  supplemented  by  another  conception  of  moment¬ 
ous  consequences,  viz.  that  the  male  and  female  represent  in  this 
world  the  division  that  exists  in  the  nature  of  the  Absolute  as  Upaya 
and  Prajna  (cf.  Siva  and  Sakti),  the  union  of  which  is  the  highest 
reality.  As  such,  to  obtain  the  highest  spiritual  experience,  men 
and  women  must  first  of  all  realise  themselves  as  manifestations  of 
Updvya  and  Prajna  and  be  united  together  in  body,  mind,  and  spirit; 
the  supreme  bliss  that  emerges  from  that  union  is  the  highest  reli¬ 
gious  gain.  All  esoteric  sadhand  must,  therefore,  be  performed  by 
the  male  and  female  together,  and  this  is  precisely  the  easy  process 
of  realising  the  highest  truth.  The  son  of  Mayadevi,  Lord  Buddha, 
was  the  incarnation  of  Upaya,  and  his  wife  Gopa  that  of  Prajna , 
and  the  Buddha  attained,  we  are  told,  supreme  bliss  ( Mahasukha ) 
of  the  nature  of  Nirvana  in  union  with  the  Prajna  Gopa.12 

If  in  the  Buddhist  Tantras,  therefore,  Prajna ,  the  female  aspect 
of  the  absolute,  is  viewed  as  the  goddess  ( Bhagavati ),  it  is  also  a 
term  often  used  to  imply  the  Mudrd,  which  technically  denotes  the 
woman  to  be  adopted  in  the  Yogic  practice.  She  is  also  called 
Vajra-kanya,  Yuvati  (young  woman)  and  so  on.  In  some  Tantras, 
a  beautiful  girl  of  sixteen  to  be  adopted  for  the  sadhand  is  styled  as 
Prajna,  while,  again  in  some  places  Prajna  is  the  word  for  the  female 
organ,  because  it  is  the  seat  of  all  pleasure,  which  is  great  bliss 
(Mahasukha).  Prajna  and  Upaya,  as  the  symbol  of  the  female  and 
male,  are  also  called,  respectively,  the  lotus  (padma)  and  the 
thunder  (vajra),  the  former  symbolising  the  female,  and  the  latter, 
the  male  organ. 

The  Yogic  practices  involving  the  physical  and  physiological 
union  of  the  Prajna  and  the  Upaya  lead  to  the  inner  union  of  the 
two,  and  through  this  Yogic  union  is  produced  supreme  bliss  ( Mahd - 
sukha)  which,  according  to  the  Buddhist  and  all  other  schools  of 
T antra,  is  the  very  nature  of  the  Absolute.  One  realises  the  Abso¬ 
lute  only  when  one  realises  one’s  own  self  as  perfect  bliss.  The 
ultimate  end  is,  therefore,  to  attain  this  state  of  perfect  bliss.  In 
our  ordinary  life  we  do  feel  like  experiencing  intense  pleasure  in 
our  sex-experiences,  but  between  the  sex-pleasure  and  perfect  bliss, 
which  constitutes  the  ultimate  nature  of  our  self,  there  is  an  abyss 
of  difference.  The  experiences  of  sex-pleasure,  extremely  transi¬ 
tory  and  of  defiled  character  as  they  are,  only  fasten  us  to  a  lower 
plane  of  life,  as  against  ministering  to  our  progress  towards  self- 

409 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


realisation.  But  the  sexo-yogic  sddhana  of  the  Tantriks  is  a 
sadhana  which  is  calculated  to  be  capable  of  transmitting  “even 
gross  sex-pleasure  into  the  realisation  of  infinite  bliss  in  which  all 
the  activities  of  the  mind  are  absolutely  lost  and  in  which  the  self 
and  the  world  around  are  lost  in  an  all-pervading  oneness’’.  This 
is  what  is  reckoned  as  Nirvana 13  by  the  Tantrik  Buddhists; 

With  the  identification  of  Mahdsukha  with  Nirvana  and  that  of 
the  principles  of  Prajna  and  Upaya  with  the  female  and  male  organs, 
the  Mahayana  conception  of  the  Bodhi-chitta  was  destined  to 
undergo  a  thorough  change  in  Tantrik  Buddhism.  The  Bodhi-chitta 
is  no  more  the  state  of  the  mind  in  which  reigns  only  a  strong  de¬ 
termination  to  attain  perfect  wisdom  (bodhi),  but  signifies  the  pro¬ 
duction  of  an  extremely  blissful  state  of  mind  through  the  Yogic 
union  of  the  male  and  the  female.  This  is  further  elaborated  by 
the  identification  of  the  different  philosophical  concepts  with  the 
various  parts  of  the  nervous  system  of  the  human  body  and  the 
conception  of  the  attainment  of  the  final  bliss  as  a  physical  process, 
which  is  too  technical  and  intricate  to  be  explained  here. 

2.  Vajra-ydna 

This  system  of  Tantrism,  compounded  with  the  principle  of 
sexo-yogic  practice,  is  conventionally  known  by  the  general  name 
of  Vajra-yana,  or  the  Adamantine  path.  But  perhaps  we  should 
rather  take  Vajra-yana  merely  as  the  name  of  a  school  of  Tantrik 
Buddhism,  though  undoubtedly  the  largest  school.  The  justification 
of  the  name  of  the  school  is  to  be  sought  in  its  preference  of  the  use  of 
the  term  Vajra  in  place  of  Sunyata.  In  this  system  Vajra  connotes 
the  unchangeable  adamantine  void-nature  of  the  self  and  of  the 
dharmas.  Thus  Vajra-yana  is  the  way  for  the  realisation  of  the 
vajra- nature  or  the  changeless  and  impenetrable  void-nature  of  the 
self  and  all  entities.  It  has  been  rightly  suggested  that  Vajra-yana 
may  also  be  designated  as  &unyatd-ydna .14 

Notwithstanding  the  considerable  emphasis  laid  by  Vajra-yana 
upon  the  secret  Yogic  practices,  absolute  confidence  was  not  re¬ 
posed  upon  them  as  the  only  method  of  realising  the  truth.  This 
is  evinced  by  the  high  degree  of  importance  attached  at  the  same 
time  to  the  worship  of  various  gods  and  goddesses  of  an  extensive 
pantheon  that  it  evolved,  to  the  numerous  rites  and  practices  that 
it  developed,  to  the  efficacies  of  mantra- charms,  mudrds ,  mandalas, 
and  so  on.  A  singular  peculiarity  that  marks  out  Vajra-yana  is 
that  it  considers  everything  as  vajra.  For  instance,  in  worshipping 
a  god,  it  is  not  only  that  the  god  adored  is  meditated  on  as  of  vajra 
(void)  nature,  but  also  the  image  of  the  god,  the  mantras ,  the  pro- 


410 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


cesses  of  worship,  the  worshipper  himself,  etc.,  are  all  supposed  to 
be  vajra .  This  vajra  bias  is  so  acute  in  the  minds  of  the  followers 
of  the  system  that  even  the  articles  of  worship  including  the  image, 
flowers,  lamp,  conchshell,  bell,  jar,  incense,  sesamum,  fried  paddy, 
etc.,  all  bear  the  mark  of  vajra  on  them.  The  idea  underlying  this 
apparently  queer  pursuit  is,  however,  simple;  anything  stamped 
with  vajra  before  one’s  eyes  conduces  to  the  realisation  of  the  void- 
nature  of  the  self  and  the  dharmas. 

The  most  outstanding  feature  of  Vajra-yana  is  the  identifica¬ 
tion  of  the  ultimate  reality  with  the  conception  of  a  Lord  Supreme 
( Bhagavan )  as  Vajrasattva,  sometimes  also  called  Vajradhara.  This 
monotheistic  conception  is  the  most  significant  departure  of  Vajra- 
yana  from  earlier  Buddhism.  This  Vajrasattva  is  not  merely  of  the 
nature  of  Sunyatd,  but  is  as  well  the  non-dual  state  of  Sunyata  and 
Kanina.  He  is  thus  the  Being  of  infinite  wisdom  and  universal 
compassion.  Hence  it  is  that  Vajrasattva  is  often  identified  with  the 
Bodhi-chitta.  He  who  realises  Vajrasattva  becomes  himself  Vajra¬ 
sattva.  To  realise  Vajrasattva  is  to  bring  home  to  one’s  mind 
that  all  existence  is  nothing  but  &unyata  in  its  pure  nature,  and  as 
soon  as  one  attains  to  this  knowledge,  one  becomes  Vajrasattva.16 

The  evolution  of  the  idea  of  Vajrasattva  as  the  Lord  Supreme 
ushered  into  being  a  new  and  expanded  pantheon  of  gods  and 
goddesses  in  Vajra-yana.  Vajrasattva  as  the  Primal  Enlightened 
One  is  Adi-Buddha.  The  Primal  Lord  is  possessed  of  five  kinds  of 
knowledge  conceived  as  his  five  attributes,  from  which  proceed  five 
kinds  of  meditation  ( dhyanas );  from  these,  again,  emanate  five 
deities  known  as  the  five  Dhyam-Buddhas  or  Tathagatas,  viz.  Vairo- 
chana,  Ratnasambhava,  Amitabha,  Amoghasiddhi  and  Akshobhya. 
These  Dhyam-Buddhas,  who  are  the  presiding  deities  over  the  five 
skandhas  or  elements  whose  aggregate  constitutes  the  body,  have 
each  got  a  divine  consort  or  gakti  of  his  own,  viz.  Vajradhatvlsvarl, 
Lochana,  Mamaka,  Pandara  and  Arya-Tara  respectively.  Each 
Dhyanl-Buddha  has  again  a  particular  Bodhi-sattva  as  a  son  as  it 
were,  and  also  a  particular  human  Buddha  (Manushi  Buddha).  The 
consort  of  Vajrasattva  himself  is  variously  called  as  Vajra-sattvat- 
mika,  Vajra- Varahi,  Prajna-paramita,  etc.  We  have  the  injunction 
of  many  a  sadhana  that  the  god  to  be  worshipped  is  to  be  meditated 
on  as  in  union  with  or  deeply  embraced  by  his  Sakti  or  Prajnl, 
filled  with  erotic  emotion  and  as  enjoying  great  bliss  ( Mahdsukha ). 
This  illustrates  the  principle  of  Yuganaddha  or  Advaya.  Thus  we 
find  that  Vajrasattva  and  some  other  gods  are  depicted  in  sculp- 


411 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ture  as  “in  sexual  union  touching  at  all  points  of  contact”,  repre¬ 
senting  the  knowledge  of  non-dual  union. 

Some  idea  of  the  actual  process  of  worship  and  nature  of  medi¬ 
tation  in  Vajra-yana  may  be  had  from  the  description  of  a  parti¬ 
cular  sddhan'a  of  a  deity.  First,  the  Lord  Supreme  should  be  medi¬ 
tated  on  with  the  five  Dhyani-Buddhas,  and  then  flowers  are  to 
be  offered.  Then  these  five  with  their  five  respective  Saktis  are 
to  be  adored  with  offerings  of  flowers,  incense,  lamp,  etc.  Then 
follow  some  other  details  including  the  devotee’s  confession  of  his 
sins  before  the  Lord  and  taking  refuge  in  the  three  jewels,  Buddha, 
Dharma  and  Samgha.  “Then  he  takes  the  resolution  of  producing 
the  Bodhi-chitta  for  the  well-being  and  deliverance  of  all,  and 
adopts  the  path  followed  by  the  Sugatas  and  their  followers.  Then 
he  should  think  of  the  world,  both  static  and  dynamic,  as  all  void, 
and  place  himself  in  the  void  with  the  mantra ,  ‘Om,  I  am  of  the 
nature  of  the  immutable  knowledge,  of  the  void’.  Then  he  should 
realise  that  all  the  dharmas  are  pure  by  nature  and  he,  too,  is  pure 
by  nature,  and  then  he  should  read,  ‘Naturally  pure  are  all  the 
dharmas ,  pure  am  I  by  nature — amen”.  Then  after  some  details 
follows  the  meditation  of  the  self  as  the  Lord  himself,  and  that  of 
various  gods  and  goddesses  on  either  side  of  the  Lord  with  mantras , 
etc.16 


3.  Kalachakra-yana 

Within  the  fold  of  Vajra-yana  there  arose,  in  or  about  the  tenth 
century  A.D.,  a  school  known  as  Kalachakra-yana,  which  should  - 
not  be  regarded  as  a  separate  school  of  Tantrik  Buddhism  distinct 
from  Vajra-yana.  The  supreme  deity  in  this  school  is  called  the 
Lord  Srl-Kalachakra.  Kdla  means  the  ultimate  immutable  know¬ 
ledge  ( Prajnd )  or  the  state  of  Sunyatd ,  while  Chakra  means  the 
cycle  of  the  world  process,  or  the  body  of  the  Lord  containing  the 
potency  of  the  existence  of  the  universe,  which  is  just  the  principle 
of  Updya.  Kalachakra,  therefore,  implies  the  absolutely  unified 
principle  of  Prajnd  and  Updya ,  and  he  is  thus  the  Bodhi-chitta.  In 
some  Tantras  he  is  characterised  as  Sunyatd  and  Karund  unified,  as 
the  non-dual  Lord,  and  as  embracing  Prajnd.  There  is,  therefore, 
no  essential  difference  between  the  two  conceptions  of  Kalachakra 
and  Vajrasattva.  As  to  other  matters  also,  viz.  worship,  mantras, 
practices,  rites,  etc.,  the  principle  and  method  are  the  same  both 
in  Kalachakra-yana  and  Vajra-yana.  The  difference  between  the  two 
lies  in  a  few  distinctive  features  of  Kalachakra-yana,  of  which  one, 
though  not  the  main,  is  the  introduction  and  predominance  in  the 
system  of  a  number  of  gods  and  their  female  energies,  having  awful 
and  terrible  aspects,  though  as  powerful  as  the  celestial  Buddhas 


412 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

themselves,  and  of  other  dreadful  fiendesses  known  as  Ddkiriis,  all  of 
whom  have  to  be  appeased  with  mantra- charms,  magic  circles,  offer¬ 
ings  and  sacrifices.  One  other  distinctive  feature  is  the  stress  on  time 
which  is  the  common  meaning  of  the  term  Kdla.  Time,  with  all 
its  divisions  and  subdivisions,  viz.  moment,  hour,  day,  night,  week, 
fortnight,  month,  year,  etc.,  dwells  within  one’s  body,  in  which  lies 
the  whole  universe  with  all  its  animate  beings  and  inanimate  ob¬ 
jects.  And  Time  with  its  divisions  is  caused  by,  or  is  the  produc¬ 
tion  of,  the  vital  winds  ( vdyus )  that  remain  diffused  throughout  the 
entire  nervous  system  of  one’s  body.  One  who  can  control  the 
vital  winds  in  the  nerves  by  Yogic  practices,  thereby  keeps  oneself 
above  all  influence  of  the  whirl  of  Time,  which  is  the  root  cause  of 
all  miseries  including  decay  and  destruction.17 

The  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra-yana  completed  the  evolution 
of  Buddhism  in  India.  As  we  have  seen  above,  some  time  after  the 
seventh  century  A.D.  Hinayana  was  practically  dislodged  by 
Mahayana  from  the  mainland  of  India.  After  the  tenth  century, 
Mahayana,  too,  in  its  turn,  was  to  a  considerable  extent  eclipsed  by 
Vajra-yana,  which  “revolted  against  both  the  monasticism  and 
scholasticism  of  Hinayana  Buddhism  and  the  intellectual  pedantry 
of  the  Mahayanists”,18  and  now  began  to  make  its  triumphant  head¬ 
way.  It  exerted  its  influence  most  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth 
centuries  A.D.,  wherever  in  India  Buddhism  prevailed  at  that  time. 
The  influene  of  Kalachakra-yana  was  felt  more  from  the  latter  half 
of  the  eleventh  century,  and  speaking  generally,  its  sphere  of  influ¬ 
ence  was  limited  to  Bengal,  Magadha  (South  Bihar)  and  Kashmir, 
though  subsequently  it  spread  to  Nepal.  Round  these  two  schools 
a  vast  body  of  literature  grew  up  in  different  Buddhist  monasteries, 
while  the  artists  carved  out  a  large  number  of  images  of  deities  of 
the  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra-yana  pantheons  for  worship  in 
numerous  temples  that  were  built  up. 

4.  Sahaja-ydna 

In  Bengal,  during  the  Bala  period,  a  section  of  the  Tantrik  Bud¬ 
dhists  rose  in  revolt  against  all  conventionalism,  ceremonialism, 
muttering  of  mantras,  etc.  of  Vajra-yana.  These  rebels,  known  as 
Sahajiya  Buddhists,  also  made  their  position  distinct  by  their 
scrupulous  abhorrence  of  high  thinking  and  deep  learning,  even  of 
constructing  images  and  worshipping  gods,  etc.;  for  truth,  they 
affirmed,  was  a  matter  of  intuition  and  could  never  be  attained  by 
these  artificial  and  unnatural  means.  To  that  end  one  must  pro¬ 
ceed  through  the  natural  way,  which  lies  not  in  discarding  the  in¬ 
born  propensities  of  human  beings  and  the  total  annihilation  of  the 
sex  passions,  but  in  sublimating  the  same.  Sahajiya  Buddhists,  to 


413 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


whom  deliberate  infliction  of  any  sort  of  strain  on  human  nature 
was  an  idea  as  shocking  as  it  was  sickening,  would  adopt  human 
nature  itself  as  the  best  appliance  for  realising  the  truth,  and  con¬ 
sequently  they  called  their  path  the  easiest,  the  most  straight  and 
the  most  natural  (sahaja).  The  path  was  one  of  Yoga  practices, 
for  the  process  of  Yoga ,  according  to  their  way  of  thinking,  takes  its 
rise  from  one’s  sex  impulses. 

The  fundamental  tenets  of  these  Sahajiyas  are  known  exclusive¬ 
ly  from  a  number  of  Charyapadas  or  devotional  songs  and  Dohds 
composed  by  them.  As  for  the  Yogic  practices,  the  Sahaja-yana 
accepts  the  general  Tantrik  Buddhist  texts  as  its  authority,  though 
it  invented  some  new  terminologies  to  suit  its  standpoint.  In  the 
matter  of  sexo-yogic  practices,  the  Sahajiya  Buddhists,  however, 
went  ahead  of  the  Vajra-yanists  by  laying  more  emphasis  on  two 
points,  viz.  (i)  the  imperative  necessity  of  making  the  body  suffi¬ 
ciently  strong  and  fit  before  starting  with  Yogic  processes;  and 
(ii)  conception  of  an  internal  female  force  in  the  Nirmdna-chakra 
(navel  region),  corresponding  to  that  of  the  Kula-kundalini  sakti 
of  the  Brahmanical  Tantras. 

The  sphere  of  influence  of  the  Sahajiya  Buddhist  cult  was  for 
the  most  part  Bengal  and  probably,  to  some  extent,  its  western  and 
south-western  environs.  When  exactly  this  offshoot  of  Tantrik 
Buddhism  rose  as  a  distinct  school  is  difficult  to  determine,  but 
many  of  the  poets  of  the  Charyds  and  Dohds  are  known  to  have 
flourished  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  during  the  Fala 
period.  In  popular  mind  the  term  Sahajiya  or  Sahaja-yana  is  an¬ 
other  name  for  excesses  and  debauchery,  but  the  authors  of  the 
Charyds  and  Dohds  do  not  seem  to  have  prized  morality  any  less 
than  other  religious  systems  do.19 

II.  SPHERE  OF  INFLUENCE 

There  is  a  general  belief  that  Bengal  and  Bihar  remained  the  only 
resorts  of  Buddhism  in  India  after  the  age  of  Harsha-vardhana,  till 
it  was  finally  extirpated  in  the  twelfth  century.  But  both  epigraphic 
and  literary  records  testify  to  the  fact  that  it  had  quite  a  large  num¬ 
ber  of  followers  in  other  parts  of  India  also,  even  between  A.D.  1000 
and  1200.  It  is  true  that  Buddhism  had  ceased  to  be  a  creative  force 
in  religion,  literature  or  aesthetics,  and  was  merely  a  legacy  of  the 
past  in  less  capable  hands.  But  it  is  equally  true  that  Buddhism, 
in  a  new  form,  was  still  a  living  religion  in  India  during  this  period. 
This  will  be  evident  from  the  following  account  of  Buddhism,  arrang¬ 
ed  on  a  regional  basis. 


414 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


1.  Pala  kingdom  ( Bengal  and  Bihar) 

In  A.D.  1000  the  king  of  Bengal  (Gauda)  was  Mahipala  I,20 
doubtless  the  most  energetic  ruler  of  the  line  after  the  great  Dharma- 
pala  and  his  son  Devapala,  both  from  political  and  religious  points 
of  view.  Under  him  the  Pala  monarchy  once  again  outstripped 
the  limits  of  Magadha  to  the  west,  while  a  galaxy  of  Buddhist 
scholars  and  other  celebrities  joined  hands  with  him  to  revive 
Buddhism  in  Eastern  India  from  the  stupor  into  which  it  had  fallen 
in  the  tenth  century  A.D.  After  him  his  son  Nayapala  strove,  not 
without  success,  to  maintain  the  progress  of  Buddhism.  It  suffer¬ 
ed  decline  during  the  political  troubles  that  followed,21  but  in  the 
reign  of  Ramapala  (c.  A.D.  1077-1120)  the  religion  was  again  active 
and  stirring,  and  a  number  of  scholars,  teachers  and  artists  shed 
lustre  on  the  age  of  the  last  great  Pala  king.  But  this  was  the  last 
flickering  of  the  lamp  and  Buddhism  steadily  declined  till  it  was 
finally  ousted  from  the  land  of  its  birth  by  the  Muslim  raids  towards 
the  close  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D. 

The  possession  of  Magadha  gave  the  Buddhist  Pala  rulers  the 
mastery  over  the  greatest  vihdras  or  samghardmas  of  India,  viz. 
Nalanda,  Odantapurl  (Uddandapura,  probably  near  the  town  of 
Bihar),  and  Vikramaslla  (near  Bhagalpur),22  the  last  two  being  the 
creation  of  the  Palas  themselves  towards  the  commencement  of 
their  rule.  The  vihdras,  as  is  well  known,  served  as  Buddhist  seats 
of  learning,  as  also  citadels  of  strength  of  the  Samgha,  and  the 
centres  wherefrom  radiated  the  influence  of  their  doctrine  and 
culture.  As  such,  they  played  a  very  important  part  in  the  propa¬ 
gation  of  Buddhism  and  maintaining  its  influence. 

Nalanda,  the  origin  and  glorious  history  of  which  have  been  re¬ 
ferred  to  above,23  was  damaged  by  fire  some  time  before  the  eleventh 
regnal  year  of  Mahipala  I,  but  was  repaired  in  that  year.  Far  more 
damaging  to  it  was,  however,  the  rise  of  Vikramaslla,  which,  we  are 
told,  had  about  this  time  surpassed  Nalanda  in  fame  and  renown. 
Taranatha  even  hints  that  the  professorial  board  of  Vikramaslla  kept 
watch  over  the  affairs  of  Nalanda,  which  amounts  to  a  sort  of  control 
by  the  former  over  the  latter.24  Like  Vikramaslla  in  Magadha,  the 
university  of  Somapun  occupied  a  position  of  pre-eminence  in  Bengal 
ever  since  the  days  of  Dharmapala.25  The  monastery  of  Somapurl, 
the  site  of  which  is  represented  by  Paharpur  in  North  Bengal,  was 
in  a  flourishing  condition  till  the  eleventh  century.  The  great  Atisa 
or  Atisa  Dipankara  resided  here  when  he  translated  into  Tibetan,  in 
collaboration  with  some  others,  the  Madhyamaka-ratna-pradipa  of 
Bhavaviveka.26  We  have  also  a  stone  inscription  on  a  pillar,  in  cha- 


415 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


racters  of  the  eleventh  century,  found  in  the  ruins  of  Paharpur, 
recording  that  the  pillar  was  caused  to  be  made  by  Sri-Dasavala- 
garbha  for  the  good  of  the  animate  beings.27 

About  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  the  Somapuri-mahd - 
vihdra  was  set  on  fire  by  the  armies  of  Vangala  or  South-east  Bengal. 
Even  though,  some  time  after,  a  monk,  Vipulasrimitra,  undertook 
a  wholesale  renovation  of  the  monastery,28  it  could  not  be  restored 
to  its  former  glory.  About  this  time  Ramapala  established  a  new 
maha-vihara,  in  North  Bengal,  called  Jagaddala,  which  also  came 
to  occupy  an  important  position  in  Bengal.  Besides  Vibhuti- 
chandra  and  Danasila,  the  two  most  renowned  celebrities  of  Jagad¬ 
dala,  the  names  of  some  other  scholars,  e.g.  Mokshakaragupta,  the 
logician,  Subhakaragupta,  Dharmakara,  etc.  are  intimately  associat¬ 
ed  with  Jagaddala,  where  the  great  Sakyasribhadra  is  also  said  to 
have  dwelt  for  some  time.29 

To  all  these  maha-vihdras  or  universities,  richly  endowed  with 
royal  grants,  flocked  learners  from  all  quarters  of  India  to  receive 
instructions  at  the  feet  of  the  most  profound  savants  of  the  day. 
Another  feature  that  marked  them,  and  which  is  historically  very 
important,  is  that  they  were  largely  frequented  by  monks  from 
Tibet,  specially  from  the  time  of  Mahipala  I.  This  resulted  in 
bringing  Tibet  closer  to  India  than  ever.  While,  usually  on  invita¬ 
tion  from  the  Tibetan  kings,  the  viharas  used  to  send  forth  from 
time  to  time  pre-eminent  scholars  to  the  Land  of  Snow  with  the 
mission  of  preaching  the  gospel  of  the  Buddha  or  reforming  the 
religion  there,  they  also  frequently  supplied  competent  monks  to 
that  country  for  translating  Buddhist  works  from  Sanskrit  into 
Tibetan.  Thus  the  nucleus  of  a  Tibetan  Buddhist  literature  began 
to  take  shape  in  Tibet.  Gradually,  the  Tibetans,  too,  began  to  study 
Sanskrit  under  Indian  monks  both  in  Tibet  and  in  India  and  took 
up  the  task  which  had  hitherto  been  done  by  the  Indian  monks 
only.  The  influx  of  the  Tibetan  monks  began  to  swell  more  and 
more  as  time  went  on,  and  the  universities  had,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
to  make  commodious  provisions  for  them  to  learn  Sanskrit  and  be 
L ochavas.  The  Buddhist  Panditas  of  India,  in  their  turn,  found  it 
alluring  to  master  Tibetan,  in  order  to  permeate  Tibet  all  the  more 
with  the  doctrines  of  Buddhism  by  means  of  Tibetan  translations  of 
Sanskrit  books,  and  the  Indian  universities,  particularly  those  of 
Eastern  India  and  Kashmir,  became  genial  centres  of  the  cultivation 
of  Tibetan.  The  growth  of  the  vast  Tibetan  Buddhist  literature 
was  thus  due  as  much  to  the  contributions  of  Indian  scholars,  as  to 
those  of  the  Tibetans  themselves.  That  literature  forms  now,  for 
the  most  part,  the  only  extant  source  of  our  information  regarding 


416 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


the  Indian  Buddhist  scholars  and  their  works  during  the  period 
under  review. 

Besides  Somapuri  and  Jagaddala,  there  were  many  other  less 
known  vihdras  in  Bengal  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries. 
Among  these  Devlkota  in  North  Bengal  and  Pandita -vihara  in  the 
Chittagong  District  of  East  Bengal  deserve  particular  mention  and 
were  noted  as  seats  of  Buddhist  learning  and  culture.30 

Amongst  the  host  of  Buddhist  scholars  who  kept  the  light  burn¬ 
ing  in  Bengal  and  Bihar  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  by 
their  writings  and  other  exertions,  and  at  the  same  time  propagated 
and  popularised  the  faith,  through  the  medium  of  translation,  in 
Tibet,  it  is  possible  to  name  only  a  few.  Tilopada  or  Tilopa,  alias 
Prajnabhadra,  was  a  celebrity  of  the  Pandita-m/idra.  Nadapada, 
alias  Yasobhadra,  a  Kashmirian  by  birth,  w^as  his  disciple,  who 
worked  for  some  time,  along  with  Vinayasrlmitra  and  some  others 
of  Kashmir,  in  the  grand  vihara  of  Kanakastupa,  which  is  located  by 
some  in  Kashmir,  but  was  really  in  the  district  of  Tipperah  of  East 
Bengal.3  n  According  to  the  Tibetan  tradition  he  succeeded  Jetari 
in  the  chair  of  the  North-door  Pandita  of  Vikramaslla,  and 
subsequently  became  the  High-priest  of  Vajrasana.32  Jetari, 
alias  Jetakarna,  was  the  son  of  one  Gaganaghosha,  a  Brahmana.33 
and  not  of  Garbhapada34  nor  of  king  Sanatana  of  Varendra,35  as 
tradition  would  have  it.  Tradition  also  makes  Nadapada  a  pre¬ 
ceptor,  and  Jetari  a  teacher,  of  the  great  Atlsa  Dlpankara,  but  there 
is  no  positive  evidence  to  substantiate  it.  The  distinction  of  being 
a  preceptor  of  Atlsa,  however,  rightly  belongs  to  Ratnakara  Santi,  36 
better  known  to  the  Tibetans  as  Santi-pada,  a  voluminous  writer, 
an  eminent  logician,  and  occupant  of  the  Chair  of  Pandita ,  a  prize 
post  at  that  time,  at  the  East  gate  of  Vikramaslla37  in  the  first  half 
of  the  eleventh  century.  His  title  Rajacharya,38  if  it  has  any 
genuine  significance  at  all,  shows  that  he  was  the  spiritual  guide 
of  Mahlpala  I.  Contemporary  with  him  was  Jnanasrimitra  of 
Gauda,  also  associated  with  Vikramaslla.  Advayavajra,  who 
belonged  to  the  same  age  and  was  known  variously  as  Advayagupta, 
Atulyavajra,  Avadhutapada,  Maitripada,  etc.,  testifying  to  his  emi¬ 
nence,  lived  in  the  Devikota-mhcira  of  North  Bengal.  The  next 
exalted  figure  is  Atlsa  Dlpankara,39  otherwise  called  Dipaiikara 
Srijnana,  undoubtedly  the  greatest  of  all  Buddhist  Pandiias  of  Ben¬ 
gal,  and  possibly  the  most  outstanding  personality  in  the  entire 
Buddhist  world  after  Nagarjuna.  He  was  appointed  the  High-priest 
of  Vikramaslla  by  Nayapala  about  A.D.  1040-42,  but  resigned  owing 
to  the  repeated  importunities  of  the  Tibetan  king  Ye-ses-hod  and 
his  successor  Chan  Chub,  in  order  to  go  over  to  Tibet  to  reform  the 

417 


S.E.— 27 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


religion  thereof.  On  his  way  he  resided  for  a  year  in  Nepal.  He 
was  received  with  royal  honours  in  Tibet  and  worked  almost 
miracles  there  during  the  thirteen  years  of  his  great  mission,  till  his 
death  in  A.D.  1053  at  the  age  of  seventy-three.  The  Tibetans  still 
bestow  divine  honours  upon  him  and  he  richly  deserves  them  on  ac¬ 
count  of  his  literary  and  missionary  activity  in  that  far-off  land.  An¬ 
other  illustrious  monk,  later  by  half  a  century,  was  Abhayakara- 
gupta,  a  contemporary  of  Ramapala,  and  a  glory  of  Vikramaslla  in 
its  last  days.  To  him  also  is  attributed  the  authorship  of  a  good 
many  works,  mostly  on  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra-yana,  and  he 
exerted  immense  influence  on  Tibetan  thought  through  his  numer¬ 
ous  translations.  He  is  said  in  different  anecdotes  to  have  been 
born  in  Gauda  or  in  Jharikhanda  of  Orissa,  but  in  the  colophons  of 
at  least  two  works  of  his  own  he  figures  as  one  of  Magadha.  He  is 
still  worshipped  as  a  great  saint  by  the  Northern  Buddhists  and 
many  stories  are  current  about  his  various  supernatural  powers.40 

Another  monk  of  great  repute  was  Mahdpandita  Vibhuti- 
chandra,  son  of  a  king  ( raja-putra )  and  a  celebrity  of  Jagaddala. 
He  was  a  contemporary  of,  or  just  posterior  to,  Abhayakaragupta, 
and  a  pretty  large  number  of  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra-yana 
works  are  associated  with  his  name  either  as  an  author  or  as  a 
translator  or  redactor.  He  also  went  to  Tibet,  and  on  his  return 
journey  made  a  halt  in  Nepal  for  some  time.41  Another  famed 
writer  on  Tantrik  Buddhism  of  about  this  period  was  Danaslla  of 
Jagaddala,  who  must  not  be  confounded  with  an  earlier  namesake 
of  his  of  the  time  of  Dharmapala.  He  made  his  mark  chiefly  as  a 
translator,  and  translated  without  aid  more  than  fifty  works  into 
Tibetan.42 

Although  all  these  scholar-monks  and  others  of  this  period 
concerned  themselves  primarily  with  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra- 
yana  in  their  literary  activities,  some  of  them,  including  Jetari, 
Ratnakara-santi,  Atisa  Dipankara  and  Abhayakaragupta,  made  con¬ 
tributions  to  Mahayana  literature  (Sutra,  Mdo-Hgrel)  by  their 
commentaries  and  sub-commentaries.43  A  gloss  on  the  Ashtasa- 
hasrika  Prajndpciramitd,  entitled  Amnayanusarini,  is  ascribed  to 
king  Ramapala  himself.44  The  study  of  Buddhist  logic  was  also 
not  neglected  in  Bengal  in  this  period  and  we  have  logical  treatises 
in  Tibetan  translation  of  Jetari,  Ratnakara  Santi,  Mokshakaragupta, 
etc. 

As  literature  is  a  fair  index  of  the  ideas  of  people  of  the  upper 
stratum,  art  normally  reflects  the  popular  mind.  In  matters  religi¬ 
ous,  art  expresses  itself  through  divine  images  and  the  temples 
built  for  them.  A  large  number  of  Buddhist  images  belonging  to 


418 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

this  period45  presuppose  a  large  number  of  votaries  of  that  religion 
among  the  ordinary  people. 

2.  Kashmir 

Another  vigorous  centre  of  Buddhism  was  Kashmir.  The 
exodus  of  numerous  missionaries  from  this  region  in  order  to 
spread  the  doctrine  in  Tibet  and  Central  Asia  had  made  the  valley 
a  sort  of  holy  land  to  the  Northern  Buddhists.  When,  after  the 
notorious  persecution  of  the  Faith  in  Tibet  by  Glan-dar-ma46,  the 
decaying  religion  was  revived  a  century  later,  it  was  mostly  the 
Kashmirian  sramanas  whose  services  were  requisitioned  to  re¬ 
instruct  the  people  of  Tibet  in  the  forgotten  Law.47 

Again,  of  the  number  of  sramanas  who  went  over  to  China  in 
the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  some  belonged  to  Kashmir.  For 
instance,  a  Kashmirian  sramana  went,  along  with  another,  prob¬ 
ably  named  Danapala,  of  Udyana,  in  A.D.  980  to  China,  where  the 
emperor  commissioned  them,  both  well-versed  in  the  Tripitaka,  to 
translate  the  scriptures  from  Sanskrit  into  Chinese.  In  A.D.  1005 
another  sramana  from  Kashmir  repaired  to  China  with  some  manu¬ 
scripts  and  a  twig  of  the  sacred  Bodhi-tree  of  Bodh-Gaya,  which  he 
presented  to  the  Chinese  emperor.48 

Within  the  valley  itself  Buddhism  had  in  the  past  found  in 
Lalitaditya  Muktapida  and  his  grandson,  Jayaplda,  of  the  eighth 
century,  two  powerful  Brahmanical  kings  very  tolerant  towards 
Buddhism.49  To  the  Buddhists  of  Kashmir,  the  great  Buddha 
image  installed  by  Lalitaditya  at  his  new  capital,  Parihasapura, 
and  the  statue  of  the  Great  Buddha  (Brihad-Buddha)  set  up  much 
earlier  by  Jayendra,  the  maternal  uncle  of  king  Pravarasena  II,  in 
the  Jayendra -vihdra  of  Srlnagara,50  were  objects  of  great  adoration 
even  in  the  eleventh  century.  When  king  Harsha  (A.D.  1089-1101) 
of  the  Lohara  dynasty,  in  a  fit  of  rage,  gave  himself  up  to  the 
destruction  of  the  divine  images  of  Kashmir,  these  two  colossal 
statues  of  the  Buddha  were  saved,  it  is  said,  at  the  intercession  of 
two  Buddhists.61  But  this  might  also  have  been  due  to  Harsha’s  own 
pro-Buddhist  leanings,  clearly  reflected  in  the  hymn  entitled  Ashta - 
mahdsthdna-chaitya-vandand-stava  which,  along  with  another  hymn, 
Suprabhata-prabhata-stotra,  is  attributed  to  his  authorship  in  the 
Tangyur.52  And  it  derives  further  corroboration  from  the  fact 
that  it  was  in  his  presence,  or  under  his  auspices,  that  the  transla¬ 
tion  of  the  Paralokasiddhi  of  Dharmottara  was  executed  by  Bhavya- 
raja  of  Kashmir  in  the  Ratnarasmi -vihdra  at  Anupamapura.53  But 
king  Jayasimha  (A.D.  1128-1155),  the  contemporary  of  Kalhana, 
lacked  this  catholicity  of  heart,  and  broke  up  images  and  burnt 
down  a  vihdra  at  Arigon  near  Srinagara,  though  it  was  afterwards 


419 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


rebuilt.54  Fortunately  only  few  bigots  of  the  type  of  Jayasiihha 
sat  on  the  throne  of  Kashmir. 

The  famous  Jayendra -vihara  of  Srinagara  and  the  Raj  a-mhdra 
founded  by  Lalitaditya  at  Parihasapura,  which  long  inspired  the 
Buddhists  of  Kashmir,  had  played  out  their  part  in  history  by  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.  But  the  two  celebrated  vihdras,  viz.  Ratna- 
gupta-  and  Ratnarasmi -vihara,  in  the  centre  of  Anupamapura, 
figure  as  the  greatest  centres  of  Buddhist  learning  and  culture  in 
Kashmir  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.55  There  a  vast 
body  of  literature  grew  up  in  Tibetan  translation  during  this  period, 
and  a  considerable  part  of  this  corpus  of  translation  seems  to  relate 
to  Mahay  ana  works.56 

But  in  Kashmir,  as  in  Bengal,  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra-yana 
found  a  fertile  soil  and  the  Tangyur  furnishes  us  with  the  names  of 
a  fairly  large  number  of  Vajrdcharyas  and  Kalachakrdchdrya  of 
Kashmir  of  this  period,  who  made  mark  as  authors,  commentators 
and  translators.  Pre-eminent  amongst  these  are  Jnanasrimitra 
(A.D.  1074)  of  Anupama-uihdra,  and  Buddhasrljnana,  Sarvajnasrlrak- 
shita  and  Sakyasrlbhadra,  called  ‘the  Grand  Pandita  of  Kasmira’ ,57 
Among  less  known  scholars  may  be  mentioned  Jayananda,  Surya- 
gupta,  Sumanahjsrl,  Jinamitra,  Tilaka-kalasa,  Prajnasrlgupta,  Vala- 
sribhadra,  Mahajana  and  Manoratha,  whose  dates  cannot  be  fixed 
within  precise  limits,  except  that  of  the  first,  Jayananda,  who 
flourished  about  A.D.  1050. 

History  of  Kashmir  Buddhism  during  this  period  is  character¬ 
ised  by  a  lively  study  of  Buddhist  logic,  and  Bhavyaraja68  and 
Sahkarananda69  are  two  of  the  best  known  products  of  the  valley 
in  this  domain.  Of  the  former,  who  was  a  contemporary  of  king 
Harsha  (A.D.  1089-1101),  only  translations  of  three  works  of  Dhar- 
mottara  have  found  place  in  the  Tangyur,  but  his  grandiloquent 
title  Kdsmlra-nydya-chuddmani 60  indicates  real  contributions  to  Bud¬ 
dhist  logic  in  some  original  treatise  or  treatises  written  by  him. 
Of  other  logicians  of  Kashmir,  mention  may  be  made  of  Mahasu- 
mati,  bearing  the  title  of  Mahdtarkika ,61  Parahitavrata,  who  trans¬ 
lated  the  Pramdna-vinischaya  of  Dharmaklrti,62  and  Jnanasri,  the 
author,  amongst  others,  of  the  Tar/ca-bhasha.63 

Apart  from  sacerdotal,  theological  and  logical  works,  Kashmir 
produced  in  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century,  in  Kavya  style, 
the  far-famed  Bodhisattv-dvadanakalpalata ,64  which  is  a  collec¬ 
tion  of  legendary  stories  about  the  deeds  of  the  Bodhisattvas.  The 
author  of  this  book,  the  renowned  Kashmir  polymath  Kshemen- 
dra,  died  after  having  composed  107  pallavas  of  the  book.  His  son, 
Somendra,  not  only  added  an  introduction  and  the  concluding 


420 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


chapter,  but  also  wrote  the  Jimutavahana-Avaddna.  Kshemendra, 
who  strikingly  illustrates  in  this  poem  the  six  transcendental  per¬ 
fections  of  a  Bodhisattva,  was  after  all  a  layman,  and  celebrated 
the  Buddha  as  an  Avatara  of  Vishnu.  This  is  why  some  of  the  great 
Lamas  of  Tibet  have  discarded  the  book  as  profane.615 

Buddhism  produced  such  a  salutary  effect  on  the  minds  of  the 
people  of  the  valley  that  even  some  kings  had  insisted  upon  the 
practice  of  ahirhsd  in  their  daily  lives.66  And  it  also  seems  that  both 
the  Kashmir  schools  of  Saivism,  viz.  Spanda  and  Pratyabhijud ,  that 
came  into  being  in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries  A.D.,  had  been 
more  or  less  influenced  by  Buddhism,  and  this  accounts  for  their 
being  more  rational  and  humane  in  outlook  than  all  other  schools 
of  Saivism  in  India. 


3.  Madhyadesa 

When,  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century,  Hiuen  Tsang 
visited  India,  most  of  the  Buddhist  sacred  places  were  desolate  and 
in  ruins.67  With  the  establishment  of  the  Pala  empire  the  Maga- 
dhan  sites  again  became  popular,  and  in  the  eleventh,  as  also  the 
twelfth,  century  an  effort  seems  to  have  been  made  to  reclaim  and 
renovate  most  of  the  holy  places.  An  inscription  of  the  reign  of 
Mahipala  I,  at  Sarnath,  dated  in  Sarhvat  1083  or  A.D.  1026,  records 
the  restoration  of  many  monuments  as  noted  above,68  At  Bodh- 
Gaya,  too,  between  A.D.  1000  and  1033  there  was  an  influx  of  a 
good  many  Chinese  pilgrims  who  built  stupas,  etc.69  And  this  is 
exactly  the  period  covered  by  the  reign  of  Mahipala  I,  who  himself 
is  glorified  in  a  votive  inscription  on  an  image  of  the  Buddha  in¬ 
stalled  there  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign.70 

Even  the  long-forgotten  name  of  KausambI  (modern  Kosam) 
reappears  in  the  reign  of  Mahipala  I.  We  know  from  a  record  of 
the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign  that  the  Nalanda -mahavihara,  badly 
damaged  by  fire,  was  repaired  by  a  follower  of  Mahayana,  Bala- 
ditya  by  name,  hailing  from  KausambI  (Kausambi-vinirgata)  71 
We  have  yet  another  inscription,  over  the  gateway  of  the  fort  of 
Karra,  referring  to  Kosamba -mandala  or  the  district  of  KausambI,  in 
A.D.  1035, 72  which  also  falls  within  the  regnal  period  of  Maphlpala  I. 

Likewise,  the  name  Kapilavastu  is  heard  of  in  a  tradition  as 
the  birth-place  of  Damodara,  alias  Advayavajra,73  one  of  the  illus¬ 
trious  Buddhist  contemporaries  of  Mahipala  I.  Whether  the  tradi¬ 
tion  is  genuine  or  not,  it  shows  that  Kapilavastu  was  about  this 
time  not  a  depopulated  site.  At  Kusinara,  where  the  Master  obtain¬ 
ed  Parinirvdna,  a  stone  inscription  of  the  eleventh-twelfth  century 
refers  to  a  king  of  a  branch  of  the  Kalachuri  family,  who  a  Bud- 

421 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


dhist,  is  said  to  have  revered,  not  unusually,  the  Brahmanical  god, 
Siva,  along  with  the  Buddha  and  Tara.74  The  evidence  of  an  illus¬ 
trated  twelfth  century  MS.  of  the  Ashtasdhasrikd-Prajndpdramita 
shows  that  Vaisali  had  again  been  famous  in  the  Buddhist  world, 
for  a  temple  of  Tara  was  established  there  ( Tirabhuktau  Vaisali - 
Tara).  Similarly  in  the  Jetavana  mound  at  Sahet-Mahet,  the  anci¬ 
ent  SravastI,  has  been  found  a  stone  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1118, 
which  records  that  one  Vidyadhara,  a  counsellor  of  Madana  of  a 
line  of  Rashtrakuta  kings  in  U.P.,  had  established  a  convent  for 
the  Buddhist  ascetics.715  It  offers  a  striking  contrast  to  the  day  of 
Hiuen  Tsang  when  ‘all  was  in  ruins’  in  this  region.76 

After  the  reign  of  Mahipala  I  Sarnath  had  passed  under  the 
domination  of  the  Kalachuris  of  Tripurl,  and  a  fragmentary  inscrip¬ 
tion  found  in  a  monastery  there  says  that  in  A.D.  1058  in  the  reign 
of  Karnadeva,  Mamaka,  a  devout  worshipper  and  follower  of  Maha- 
yana,  caused  a  copy  of  the  Ashtasahasrikd-Prajhapdramita  to  be  writ¬ 
ten,  which  was  presented,  along  with  other  things,  to  the  order  of 
monks  residing  there.77 

Eventually  the  Sarnath  region  was  incorporated  within  the 
kingdom  of  the  Gahadavalas  of  Kanauj.  The  third  king  of  this 
dynasty,  Govindachandra,  was  not  himself  a  declared  Buddhist, 
but  his  reign  is  marked  by  two  memorable  events  in  the  history  of 
later  Buddhism.  The  first  is  the  construction  of  the  stupendous 
Dharmachakra-Jinavihara  (Monastery  I)  at  Sarnath  by  his  Buddhist 
wife  KumaradevI,  who  installed  therein  an  image  of  the  goddess 
Vasudhara.78  The  ruins  of  this  monastery,  so  far  exposed,  cover  a 
stretch  of  ground  more  than  700'  from  east  to  west.  About  the 
same  time  was  added  the  last  encasing  of  the  Dharmarajika  stupa , 
which  was  earlier  repaired  in  A.D.  1026  by  Sthirapala  and  his 
brother.79  Sarnath  thus  again  became  a  lively  centre  of  Buddhism, 
which  is  proved  not  only  by  the  inscriptions  but  also  by  the  dis¬ 
covery  of  a  variety  of  Buddhist  images  of  this  period. 

The  other  notable  incident  of  Govindachandra’s  reign  is  recorded 
in  an  inscription  at  Sahet-Mahet,  viz.  that  he,  having  been  gratified 
by  the  Saugata-Parivrdjaka ,  the  Mahdpandita  Sakyarakshita,  a  resi¬ 
dent  of  the  Utkala  country,  and  his  disciple,  the  Saugata-Parivrd¬ 
jaka,  the  Mahdpandita  Vagisvararakshita,  a  resident  of  the  Choda 
country,  bestowed  as  many  as  six  villages  upon  the  community  of 
Buddhist  friars  ( !§dkyahhikshu ),  of  which  Buddharakshita  was  the 
chief,  residing  in  the  holy  convent  of  Jetavana.80  Whether  this 
convent  at  Jetavana  was  the  one  established  by  Madana’s  counsel¬ 
lor  in  A.D.  1118  cannot  be  determined,  but  Jetavana,  where  the 


422 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

Master  resided  for  so  many  years  of  his  life,  was  not  a  desolate 
place  in  the  twelfth  century. 

In  the  matter  of  religion  Govindachandra  presents  a  striking 
resemblance  to  Harsha-vardhana;  both  are  styled  Parama-Mahes- 
vara  in  their  official  records,  but  both  had  imbibed  a  strong  inclina¬ 
tion  in  favour  of  Buddhism  in  some  period  of  their  lives.  In  case 
of  Govindachandra,  the  feeling  seems  to  have  been  considerably 
fostered  by  the  influence  of  his  two  Buddhist  queens  Kumaradevi 
and  Vasantadevi.81  Buddhism  thus  gained  so  strong  a  hold  over 
the  family  that  Govindachandra’s  grandson,  Jayachandra,  who  was 
originally  initiated  as  a  devotee  of  Krishiia,82  had  subsequently  be¬ 
come,  out  of  reverence  ( sraddhayd )  for  a  Buddhist  monk,  Srlmitra 
of  Bodh-Gaya,  his  disciple  “with  a  pleasing  heart  and  an  indescrib¬ 
able  hankering”.83  This  further  shows  that  Gaya  continued  to  be 
a  centre  of  Buddhism. 

There  are  other  evidences  also,  vouching  for  the  prevalence  of 
Buddhism  in  Madhyadesa  where  it  is  generally  believed  to  have 
been  almost  in  a  morbund  condition  in  the  eleventh-twelfth  century. 
We  know,  for  instance,  of  a  Vajracharya  of  Kosala,  Vairochanavajra, 
who  flourished  not  earlier  than  the  eleventh  century,  and  was  the 
author  of  a  few  works.84 

In  Malava,  too,  Buddhism  had  in  about  the  first  half  of  the 
twelfth  century  an  enterprising  adherent  in  Dana-srljhana,  styled 
differently  as  Bodhisattva,  Ackdrya  Bodhisattva  and  Mahdchdrya 
Bodhisattva  in  his  different  books.85  Sometimes  represented  as 
Malavahi  Pandita,86  he  was  more  popularly  known  as  phari-Srijna- 
na,  implying  his  residence  at  Dhara,  the  capital  of  Malava  under 
the  Paramaras,  and  it  may  be  that  he  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  his 
contemporary  Paramara  king. 

No  Chandella  king  of  Kalahjara  (Bundelkhand)  is  known  to 
have  directly  furthered  the  cause  of  Buddhism.  Yet  Paramardi- 
deva  of  this  dynasty,  while  registering  a  grant  of  land  in  A.D.  1179 
to  several  Brahmanas,  made  the  benign  provision  of  excluding 
from  it  a  piece  of  land  lying  therein,  as  that  had  previously  been 
granted  to  a  temple  of  the  Buddha.87  An  inscription  of  Malaya- 
simha,  the  Buddhist  feudatory  of  the  Chedi  king  Vijayasimha  of 
Tripurl,  dated  A.D.  1193,  records  the  excavation  of  a  big  tank, 
obviously  on  a  Buddhist  site  in  Rewa  (C.I.),  the  cost  of  which  was 
met  by  1,500  tahkakas  specially  designed  for  the  occasion,  stamped 
with  the  effigy  of  the  Buddha.88  The  prevalence  of  Buddhism  in 
this  region  in  the  eleventh-twelfth  century  is  further  attested  to 
not  only  by  some  other  epigraphical  and  literary  evidences  but  also 

423 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


by  several  images  of  Avalokitesvara  and  Tara,  discovered  at  Gopal- 
pur  in  the  Jabalpur  District.  89 

In  other  parts  of  North  India,  however,  Buddhism  presented  a 
sad  contrast.  From  Sindh,  where  Hiuen  Tsang  found  many  monas¬ 
teries  and  10,000  followers,  an  exodus  of  the  monks  followed  on  a 
large  scale  after  its  occupation  by  Muhammad-ibn-Qasim;  many 
came  to  the  Kampilya-Mahavihara  on  the  outskirts  of  Surat,90  while 
some  went  over  to  other  safe  quarters,  including  Bodh-Gaya.91 
We  have  in  the  Tangyur  a  work,  in  Tibetan  translation,  by  a  Vajra- 
charya  of  Gujarat,  the  Mahapanditci  Purnavajra,92  but  his  date  is 
not  known. 

4.  South  India 

Buddhism  suffered  a  steady  decline  in  South  India,  partly  by 
the  growing  importance  of  Jainism,  but  mainly  due  to  the  rise  of 
Saivism  and  Vaishnavism,  as  noted  above.93  But  that  the  religion 
lingered  in  some  form  even  after  A.D.  1000,  is  proved  by  literary 
evidences  as  well  as  by  no  fewer  than  fifteen  epigraphs.  Of  these 
the  Larger  and  Smaller  Leiden  plates  of  the  Cholas  have  been  re¬ 
ferred  to  above.94  Of  the  rest,  five  belong  to  Andhra,  and  six  to 

Karnataka. 

•  • 

The  records  of  Andhra,  dating  from  A.D.  1137  to  1234,  show 
that  the  famous  Amravatl  stupa  was  still  in  good  preservation; 
provisions  were  made  for  burning  perpetual  lamps  at  this  stupa  as 
also  in  the  temple  of  the  Buddha  at  Dipaladin,  near  Amaravati,  by 
some  individuals  of  the  Brahmanical  creed,  including  some  mer¬ 
chants,  ladies,  and  a  chief  of  the  Kota  family,  Keta  II,  and  his 
relations.96 

Two  inscriptions,  one  at  Belgami  in  the  Shimoga,  and  the  other 
at  Lakkundi  in  the  Dharwar  District,  refer  to  the  worship  of  the 
Buddha  and  Tara  along  with  some  deities  of  the  Brahmanical,  and 
sometimes  even  of  Jain,  pantheons,  in  the  self-same  temples  by 
some  followers  of  Brahmanical  religion,  mostly  merchants,  and  by 
princess  AkkadevI,  the  elder  sister  of  the  Western  Chalukya  king, 
Jagadekamalia  Jayasimha  III.96  An  analogous  instance  of  syncret¬ 
ism  or  universality  in  religion  is  to  be  found  about  this  time  in  case 
of  one  Gaganasiva,  a  Saivite  teacher  of  Orissa,97  where,  again,  we 
know  of  a  tenth  century  ruler,  Devananda,  alias  Dhruvananda,  who 
is  styled  a  devout  Saiva  in  one  of  his  records  and  a  devout  Buddhist 
in  another.98 

But  these  illustrations  do  not  really  signify  the  existence  of 
genuine  or  bona  fide  Buddhism.  The  donors  and  patrons  were  not 
Buddhists  and  did  not  even  claim  to  be  such.  To  some  of  them, 


424 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


the  worship  of  the  Buddha  was  that  of  an  avatar  a  of  Vishnu,  and 
in  other  cases  the  worship  of  the  Buddha  and  Tara  was  merely  due 
to  the  fear  of  incurring  the  displeasure,  unless  propitiated,  of  the 
two  supreme  deites  of  a  living  pantheon.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  some  of  the  real  or  orthodox  Buddhists  of  South  India  of  this 
time  preferred  to  leave  their  home  and  migrate  to  North  India." 
The  Tangyur  furnishes  us  with  the  names  of  some  Vajracharyas 
who  belonged  to  South  India  and  the  Deccan.100  A  large  number 
of  images  of  both  Mahay  ana  and  Vajra-yana  pantheons,  datable  in 
the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  and  lying  in  the  Mayurbhahja 
region  and  the  Nilgiri  States  of  Orissa,101  indicate  the  prevalence 
of  both  the  doctrines  in  this  part  of  the  country  during  the  period 
under  review. 


III.  THE  LAST  PHASE 

The  brief  sketch  given  above  leaves  no  doubt  that  Buddhism 
was  a  living  force  in  many  parts  of  Northern  India  down  to  the 
end  of  the  twelfth  century.  It  was,  of  course,  visibly  on  the  decline 
and  had  long  ceased  to  be  a  rival  of  Brahmanical  religion,  even  in 
Bengal  and  Bihar.  The  process  of  assimilation  between  the  two 
was  also  steadily  gaining  force,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  recognition 
of  Buddha  as  an  avatara  (incarnation)  of  Vishnu,  and  the  close 
affinity  between  Brahmanical  Tantrism  and  the  later  phases  of  Bud¬ 
dhism  such  as  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra-yana  described  above.  It 
is  not  unlikely  that  Buddhism  would  have  been  considerably  absorb¬ 
ed  by  Brahmanical  religion  in  course  of  time.  But  the  invasion  of 
the  Muslims  and  the  ruthless  destruction  of  Buddhist  monasteries  by 
them  finally  extinguished  the  lamp  of  Buddhism  that  was  still 
flickering  in  the  plains  of  North  India.  The  vivid  description,  by 
an  almost  contemporary  Muslim  writer,  of  the  wanton  destruction 
of  the  great  monastery  at  Uddandapura  (Bihar)  and  the  wholesale 
massacre  of  its  shaven-headed  monks,102  gives  us  an  idea  of  how  the 
great  monasteries  of  Nalanda,  Vikramaslla  and  others  of  less  re¬ 
nown  met  with  a  sudden  and  tragic  end.103  These  monasteries 
served  as  the  citadels  of  Buddhism,  and  with  their  fall  Buddhism 
lost  its  foothold  in  India.  It  found  a  last  refuge  in  the  fastnesses  of 
Nepal,104  where  it  is  flourishing  even  now,  though  in  a  modified 
form.  But  for  all  practical  purposes  it  vanished  from  the  rest  of 
India. 

It  is,  however,  hardly  possible  that  Buddhism,  which  was  once 
such  a  great  religion,  could  altogether  disappear  without  leaving 
some  traces  behind.  It  has  been  plausibly  suggested  that  it  was  not 
only  fused  with  Saktism  and  other  Brahmanical  Tantrik  cults,  but 

425 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


also  survived  in  the  guise  of  such  medieval  religious  cults  of  Ben 
gal  as  Nathism,  Sahajiya,  Avadhuta,  Baul,  etc.  Some  have  even 
found  in  the  cult  of  Dharma  a  living  relic  of  Buddhism  in  Bengal 
and  Orissa,  but  this  is  doubtful.105 

But  howsoever  that  may  be,  we  get  very  few  traces  of  Buddhism 
as  a  distinct  religious  cult  in  India  after  the  thirteenth  century. 
Buddhism  still  flourished  in  the  kingdom  of  Pattikera  (Comilla)106 
early  in  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  when  Muslims  had  not  yet 
penetrated  into  that  region,  and  a  Buddhist  king  Madhusena  was 
reigning  as  late  as  A.D.  1289  in  some  parts  of  Bengal.107  About  the 
same  time  we  find  two  other  Buddhist  rulers  Asokavalla  (or  Asoka- 
challa),  king  of  Sapadalaksha  (Siwalik  hills  in  U.P.),  and  his 
feudatory,  Purushottamasirhha  of  Kama  (Kumayun),  building  some 
new  structures  in  Bodh-Gaya.108  They  mention  in  their  records 
that  Buddhism  had  decayed,  but  nevertheless  votive  records  at 
Bodh-Gaya  prove  that  Buddhist  pilgrims  visited  the  holy  place 
down  to  the  fifteenth  century  A.D.  and  even  later.109  Stray  re¬ 
ferences  to  Buddhism  occur  in  a  few  other  records  of  the  thirteenth 
century  and  even  later,  and  Buddhist  manuscripts  were  copied  here 
and  there.110 

We  possess  contradictory  general  statements  about  Buddhism  in 
later  period.  Abul  Fazl  states  that  “for  a  long  time  past  scarce 
any  trace  of  them  (the  Buddhists)  has  existed  in  Hindustan.”111 
Although  when  he  visited  Kashmir  in  A.D.  1597  he  met  with  a  few 
old  men  professing  Buddhism,  he  ‘saw  none  among  the  learned’. 
This  is  borne  out  by  the  fact  that  Buddhist  priests  were  conspicuous 
by  their  absence  from  the  motley  crowd  of  learned  divines  that 
thronged  the  Ibadatkhana  of  Akbar  at  Fatehpur  Sikri. 

On  the  other  hand  the  Vaishnava  literature  of  Bengal  refers  to 
a  Buddhist  community  in  Bengal  as  also  in  South  India  in  the  six¬ 
teenth  century  A.D.,112  and  the  Tibetan  pilgrim  Buddhagupta  Tatha- 
gatanatha,  who  visited  India  in  the  seventeenth  century,  saw  traces 
of  Buddhism  not  only  in  Bengal  and  Orissa,  but  also  in  Trilmga 
(Trikalinga),  Vidyanagara  (Vijayanagara),  Karnataka,  and  some 
other  tracts  of  South  India.  He  also  mentions  by  name  a  few  Bud¬ 
dhists  who  possessed  great  supernatural  powers.113 

As  noted  above,  Buddhism  found  a  last  refuge  in  Nepal.  The 
popularity  and  vitality  of  Buddhism  in  this  region  are  proved  by 
the  large  number  of  viharas,  Buddhist  manuscripts,  many  of  which 
are  dated,  copied  there,  numerous  images  in  stone  and  metal,  and 
pictures  of  Buddhist  gods  and  goddesses.1 14  One  of  the  principal 
viharas  of  Nepal  during  the  first  three  centuries  following  A.D. 
1200,  was  the  Pandubhumi-vihara,  where  many  of  the  Indian 


426 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


Panditas  and  Tibetan  Lochavas  translated  many  important  sacred 

^1  n  lixi  im  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the 
resort^  in  Nepal  of  the  Kashmirian  monks  like  Vimalasrlbhadra, 
Somanatha,  etc.  while  the  three  leading  figures  associated  with  the 
history  of  this  vihara  were  Parama-Guru-Dharmaraja-Matidhvaja 
Srlbhadra,  Mahdndyaka  Sakyabhadra  and  Anandadhvaja  Srlbhadra, 
known  as  the  Grand  Pandita  of  Pandubhumi-^ihara.1 15  At  Svayam- 
bliu,  the  capital  of  Nepal,  was  the  great  Nirabhoga-iuhdra,1 16  which 
must  be  distinguished  from  the  Tibetan  vihara  of  the  same  name. 
Another  vihara  of  Svayambhu  that  attained  celebrity  was  the  Punya- 
dharodaya -vihara.1''7  Of  the  vihdras  of  Lalitapattana,  the  greatest 
was  the  Govindachandra-inhara,  associated  with  two  illustrious  scho¬ 
lars.  the  Mahapandita  Siddhesvara  Vanaratna,  for  whom  we  have 
the  date  A.D.  1384-1468;1 18  and  his  contemporary,  Sarvadigvijaya 
Matimat  Pitnya-Sagarasena,  who  was  a  follower  of  Yogachara 
school119  and  a  native  of  Nepal.  Vanaratna  is,  however,  said  to 
have  hailed  from  Sannagara  in  Eastern  India,120  and  this  affords  a 
clue  to  the  explanation  of  the  expression  Sannagariya  bhikshus 
which  has  for  long  been  a  puzzle  to  scholars.  Vanaratna  was  a 
voluminous  writer  and  an  assiduous  translator,  too,121  while  Sagara- 
sena  made  his  mark  as  a  translator  only.  They  found  a  brilliant 
collaborator  in  KumarasrI  (A.D.  1392-1481), 122  a  learned  Lochava 
working  in  the  same  vihara .  Another  monk  of  Eastern  India,  viz. 
Surya  of  Magadha,  followed  Vanaratna  in  Nepal,  became  his  disci¬ 
ple  and  composed  a  hymn  in  praise  of  his  preceptor.123  In  later  times 
there  grew  up  at  Lalitapattana  many  other  vihdras,  great  and 
small.124  After  the  sixteenth  century,  Nepalese  Buddhism  became 
more  and  more  stereotyped  and  unproductive  of  anything  really 
great.  There  are  at  present  four  different  sects  among  the  Buddhist 
community  of  Nepal,  which  belong  to  the  Vajra-yana  system.  These 
are  the  Svdbhavikas ,  the  oldest  of  the  four,  the  Aisvarikas,  and  the 
two  later  developments  of  these,  viz.  the  Kdrmikas  and  the  Yatnikas. 
Many  of  the  Nepalese  Buddhists  are  votaries  of  Pasupatinatha  (§iva) 
as  well. 


C.  JAINISM 

I.  JAINISM  IN  GUJARAT 

Gujarat  was  a  flourishing  centre  of  Jainism  throughout  the 
period  under  review.  The  Jain  influence  at  the  court  of  the  Chau- 
lukya  kings  of  Gujarat  may  be  traced  from  the  time  of  the  very 
founder  of  the  dynasty.  A  Jain  temple,  known  as  Mulabastikd,  is 
said  to  have  been  constructed  by  Mularaja  himself  at  his  capital 
Anahilapataka  or  Anahilavada.  According  to  the  Kathakosha  of 


427 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Srichandra  Mularaja  had  for  his  legal  adviser  ( dharma-stdnasya 
Goshthikah)  one  Sajjana  of  the  Pragvata  family  of  Anahilavada,  and 
Srichandra,  the  disciple  of  Sahasraklrti,  whose  spiritual  prede¬ 
cessors  were  Srutakirti  and  Srikirti  in  the  line  of  Kundakunda,  com¬ 
posed  the  work  for  the  instruction  of  the  family  of  Sajj  ana’s  son 
Krishna.  The  prestige  that  this  line  of  spiritual  teachers  enjoyed 
in  the  political  world  of  the  period  is  indicated  incidentally  in  the 
prasasti ,  where  Sahasrakirti  is  described  as  “the  sinless  teacher 
whose  supreme  lotus  feet  were  worshipped  by  eminent  kings  like 
Gangeya,  Bhojadeva  and  others.”  The  reference  is  presumably  to 
the  Kalachuri  king  of  Chedi  and  the  Paramara  king  of  Malwa.125 

During  the  reign  of  Bhlma  I,  his  minister  Vimala  of  the 
Pragvata  family  built,  at  Abu  or  Abu,  the  most  magnificent  Jain 
temple — that  of  Adinatha.  Indian  craftsmanship  of  the  age  has 
found  its  best  expression  here,  and  the  temple,  for  its  rich  delicate 
carving,  grace,  and  beauty,  is  considered  to  be  unique  in  the  world.126 
The  temple  was  completed  in  A.D.  1031,  i.e.  within  seven  years  of  the 
demolition  of  Somanatha  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni.  The  Kharatara - 
gachchha-pattavali  records127  that  minister  Vimala  of  the  Porwad 
caste  captured  the  parasols  of  thirteen  Sultans,  founded  the  town 
of  Chandravati,  and  built  the  temple  of  Rishabhadeva  on  the 
Arbudachala.  These  activities  of  Vimala  which,  of  course,  had  the 
approval  of  his  royal  master,  Bhima,  were  probably  a  reaction  to 
the  Muslim  vandalism  exhibited  at  Somanatha  and  other  places. 

Jainism  became  more  dominent  at  the  Chaulukya  court  during 
the  reigns  of  Siddharaja  and  his  successor  Kumar apala.  The  latter 
actually  became  a  convert  to  Jainism  under  the  influence  of  “the 
most  learned  man  of  his  time,”  the  celebrated  Hemachandra  (A.D. 
1088-1172),  and  under  his  inspiration  and  guidance  enriched 
Gujarat  with  Jain  shrines  to  an  enormous  extent.  During  his  reign 
Gujarat  became  a  stronghold  of  Jainism,  in  respect  of  followers  as 
well  as  institutions,  for  all  time  to  come.  The  secret  of  this  suc¬ 
cess  was  not  any  fanatic  zeal,  but  the  promotion  of  understanding 
between  different  faiths,  which  is  the  corner-stone  of  Jainism  and 
was  particularly  emphasised  by  Hemachandra  in  word  as  well  as 
in  deed.  The  continuity  of  the  faith  and  the  prosperity  of  the  fol¬ 
lowers  are  attested  by  the  temple  of  Neminatha  built  in  the  vicinity 
of  Adinatha  temple  at  Abu,  mentioned  above,  by  Tejahpala  of  the 
Porwad  family,  who  was  a  minister  of  the  Chaulukya  king  Soma- 
simhadeva.  It  was  completed  in  A.D.  1230.  In  its  beauty  of  sculp¬ 
tural  decoration  it  is  only  comparable  to  the  Adinatha  temple.  To 
these  were  added  numerous  Jain  shrines  and  other  structures  dur¬ 
ing  the  twelfth  and  the  thirteenth  century,  the  fame  of  which  gave 


428 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


the  place  its  new  name  Devala-Vada  or  Delwada.  Besides  Abu, 
Satrunjaya  and  Girnar  in  Kathiawad  received  particular  attention  of 
the  rulers  and  merchants,  whose  bounty  is  reflected  in  the  huge 
and  beautiful  temples  which  have  since  been  adorning  their  peaks. 
The  Chintamani  Parsvanatha  temple  at  Khambhata  (Cambay)  was 
built  about  A.D.  1108  and  repaired  in  A.D.  1295.  It  records  names 
of  several  devotees  from  Malwa,  Sapadalaksha,  and  Chitrakuta,  who 
endowed  the  temple  from  time  to  time. 

II.  JAINISM  IN  THE  DECCAN  AND  SOUTH  INDIA 

At  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century,  the  Western  Chaluk- 
yas  and  the  Hoysalas  gained  political  ascendancy  in  the  South. 
Both  these  royal  dynasties  were  great  patrons  of  Jainism,  and  their 
emergence  into  power  proved  a  great  boon  for  the  propagation  and 
glorification  of  the  faith. 

Tailapa,  the  founder  of  the  Western  Chaiukya  dynasty,  was  the 
patron  of  the  great  Kannada  poet  Ranna.  The  next  king  Satyasraya 
received  spiritual  guidance  from  a  Jain  teacher  named  Vimala 
Chandra  Panditadeva  of  the  Dravida  Sangha.  Many  other  kings  of 
this  dynasty  such  as  Jayasimha  II,  Somes  vara  I  and  II,  and  Vikrama- 
ditya  VI,  showed  favour  to  the  Jain  faith  by  patronising  Jain  writers, 
and  giving  lands  to  Jain  teachers  and  Jain  temples  or  settlements 
fbasti  or  vasadi). 

As  regards  the  Hoysalas,  reference  has  been  made  above  to  the 
legend  about  the  founder  of  the  dynasty  who  owed  his  greatness 
to  the  benedictions  of  a  Jain  saint.  A  Jain  saint,  Vardhamanadeva, 
is  said  to  have  been  “foremost  in  the  management  of  the  affairs  of 
the  Hoysalas,”  probably  during  the  reign  of  Vinayaditya.  The  next 
two  kings  had  Jain  saints  as  their  spiritual  teachers.  All  these  kings 
made  grants  to  Jain  temples  and  settlements.  Vishnu vardhana, 
the  most  celebrated  and  glorious  of  the  Hoysalas,  is  said  to  have 
changed  his  faith  under  the  influence  of  the  Vaishnava  teacher 
Ramanujacharya,  but  there  is  ample  evidence  to  prove  that  he  con¬ 
tinued  to  be  benevolent  and  generous  towards  Jainism  all  through 
his  regime.  Even  as  late  as  A.D.  1125  he  paid  his  devotions  to  the 
Jain  saint  iSrlpala  Traividyadeva,  built  the  Jain  abode  at  Chalya, 
and  made  suitable  grants  for  repairs  of  the  Jain  temples  as  well  as 
for  the  maintenance  of  Jain  saints.128  According  to  another  stone 
inscription  at  Belur  (A.D.  1129), 129  he  made  a  gift  to  the  Malli 
Jinalaya.  In  A.D.  1133,  he  granted  a  village  to  the  Parsvanatha  tem¬ 
ple  in  the  capital  itself,  Dvarasamudra,  and  to  commemorate  his  re¬ 
cent  victories,  he  named  the  God  as  Vi  jay  a  Parsvanatha  and  his  own 
son  as  Vijaya  Narasirhha.130  Here  we  have  a  clear  indication  how 


429 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Vishnu vardhana  tried  to  hold  the  balance  even  between  his  loyal¬ 
ties  to  his  ancestral  faith  and  to  the  faith  of  his  choice.  His  queen 
Santaladevi  continued  to  be  a  staunch  devotee  of  Jainism  all  through 
her  life,  and  made  several  donations  to  the  Jain  temples.  Her  spiri¬ 
tual  guide  was  Prabhachandra  Siddhantadeva,  the  disciple  of  Megha- 
chandra  Traividyadeva.  She  died  by  the  Jain  form  of  renunciation 
called  Sallekhana  in  A.D.  1131.  Some  of  the  most  outstanding 
ministers  and  commanders,  to  whom  Vishnu  vardhana  owed  his 
great  victories  and  conquests,  were  also  staunch  devotees  of  the  Jain 
faith.  Amongst  them  was  Gangaraja,  who  built  several  Jain  temples, 
repaired  many  more  and  generously  endowed  numerous  Jain  insti¬ 
tutions.  His  wife  Lakshmimati  died  in  accordance  with  the  rules 
of  Jain  Sallekhana ,  and  her  noble  husband  commemorated  her  by 
an  epitaph  at  Sravana  Belgola.  Other  commanders  of  Vishnu- 
vardhana,  who  subscribed  to  the  Jain  faith  and  served  it  properly, 
were  Boppa,  Punisa,  Maniyane  and  Bharatesvara  whose  devotion 
to  Jain  teachers  and  acts  of  piety  are  recorded  in  several  inscrip' 
tions  at  Sravana  Belgola  and  other  places.  Vishnu vardhana’s  suc¬ 
cessor  Narasimha  I  paid  a  visit  to  Sravana  Belgola  and  endowed 
the  Chaturvimsati  basadi  built  by  his  illustrious  general  Hulla,  by 
the  grant  of  a  village.131  The  later  Hoysala  kings  were  also  patrons 
of  Jainism.  Two  of  them,  Vira  Ballala  II  and  Narasimha  III,  had 
Jain  saints  as  their  spiritual  ancestors,  and  these  and  others  erected 
Jain  temples  and  made  rich  endowments  to  them.  It  will  thus  be 
seen  that  the  Hoysala  kings  personally  professed  Jainism  and  by 
their  active  support  and  patronage  Jain  temples  and  other  institu¬ 
tions  grew  and  benefited  immensely  in  the  South. 

It  was  not  only  these  predominant  royal  houses  that  patronised 
Jainism,  but  the  faith  was  adopted  by  several  feudatory  chiefs  and 
small  rulers  in  the  land  as  well.  For  example,  the  Santaras,  who 
ruled  over  that  part  of  Karnataka  which  roughly  corresponds  with 
the  modern  Tirthahalli  Taluk  and  its  surrounding  country,  were  the 
followers  of  Jainism  from  the  very  beginning.  Bhujabala  Santara 
erected  a  Jain  temple  in  his  capital  Pomburcha  and  granted  to  his 
guru ,  Kanakanandideva,  a  village  for  its  maintenance.  In  A.D.  1081 
Nagularasa,  the  minister  of  Vira  Santara,  is  described  as  ‘a  fortress 
to  the  Jain  Dharma’.132  The  later  chiefs  also  built  numerous  Jain 
temples  and  shrines  and  endowed  them  suitably  with  lands  and  tolls. 
In  A.D.  1173, 133  Vira  Santara  is  described  as  ‘a  bee  at  the  lotus  feet 
of  Jina’.  Later  on,  however,  the  Santaras  adopted  the  creed  of  Vira- 
saivism,  and  this  affected  the  progress  of  Jainism  in  that  region  to 
some  extent.  During  the  thirteenth  century  the  capital  of  the 
Santaras  was  shifted  to  Kalasa,  and  later  to  Karkala  in  Tuluva, 


430 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

where  they,  in  spite  of  their  new  faith,  continued  to  be  benevolent 
towards  Jainism. 

The  Kangalvas,  who  ruled  over  north  Coorg  and  the  Arkalgud 
Taluk  in  the  south  of  the  Hassan  District  of  Mysore,  and  emerged 
into  prominence  during  the  eleventh  century,  were  great  patrons  of 
Jainism.  The  Kangalva  rulers  constructed  Jain  temples  and  made 
grants  for  their  maintenance  till  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  cen¬ 
tury,  when  their  fortunes  declined  consequent  upon  the  expulsion 
of  the  Cholas  by  the  Hoysalas  from  the  land. 

Similarly,  the  Changalvas  of  the  Changanad  (roughly  corres¬ 
ponding  with  the  Hansur  Taluk  in  Mysore  State),  although  §aivite 
by  profession,  were  benevolent  towards  Jainism,  as  is  clearly  proved 
by  epigraphic  records  of  A.D.  1091  and  1100 134  which  make  mention 
of  their  construction  of  Jain  temples  and  donations  for  the  same, 
particularly  to  some  of  the  “sixty-four  basadis  in  the  city  of  Hana- 
soge  or  Panasoge  (in  the  Yedatore  Taluk  of  Mysore),  reputed  to  have 
been  built  by  Rama  the  son  of  Dasaratha.”  We  possess  numerous 
records,  both  dated  and  undated,  and  ranging  between  A.D.  1000  and 
1300,  of  solitary  rulers  and  noblemen,  in  addition  to  those  of  persons 
of  the  merchant  class  and  others,  who  built  temples,  installed  images, 
performed  worship  and  made  endowments  for  perpetual  service  of 
divinity  and  piety,  and  who  even  ended  their  lives  by  the  renuncia¬ 
tion  of  all  worldly  attachments  and  by  observing  fasts  in  strict  ac¬ 
cordance  with  the  Jain  faith.  Jain  temples,  shrines,  images,  tombs 
and  epitaphs,  found  strewn  all  over  the  South,  amply  testify  to  the 
fact  that  during  this  period  the  Jain  religion  was  extremely  popular 
and  constituted  a  living  faith  of  all  classes  of  people  from  royalty 
to  peasantry,  inspiring  them  to  deeds  of  piety  and  philanthropy 
during  life,  and  affording  them  solace  and  hope  in  death. 

III.  ASCETIC  ORGANISATIONS  AND  SUCCESSION  LISTS 

A  large  number  of  inscriptions,  found  at  Sravana  Belgola,  re¬ 
cord  genealogical  lists  of  pontifical  succession  for  several  centuries, 
and  afford  us  an  insight  into  the  organisation  of  monks  and  their 
activities.  The  Siddharabasti  pillar  inscription  of  Saka  1320  (A.D. 
1398) 135  records  the  tradition  that  Arhadbali,  acquired  brilliance  by 
his  two  pupils  Pushpadanta  and  Bhutavali,  and  that  he  split  the 
Mula-sangha  Kundakundanvaya  into  four  branches,  namely  Sena, 
Nandi,  Deva  and  Simha,  in  order  to  assuage  the  jealousies  arising 
out  of  the  nature  of  the  Age.  The  earliest  mention  of  the  Mula- 
sahgha  and  Kundakundanvaya  is  met  with  in  the  copper-plate  grants 
of  the  fifth  century.  Records  of  the  subsequent  period  show  that 
Sanghas,  Ganas,  Gachchhas,  Balis,  and  Sakhas  of  monks  had  grown 


431 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


into  a  very  large  number  by  A.D.  1000.  During  the  period  of  the 
next  three  centuries  we  meet  with  references,  in  the  epigraphical 
records,  to  the  following  orders:  Mula-sangha,  Nandi-sangha, 
Namilura-sangha  or  Mayura-sangha,  Kittura-sahgha,  Kollatura- 
sangha,  Nandi-gana,  Desi-gana,  Dramila-gana,  Kanura-gana,  Pustaka- 
or  Sarasvati-gachchha,  Vakra-gachchha,  Tagarila-gachchha,  Mandi- 
tala-gachchha,  Ihgulesvara-bali,  Panasoge-bali,  etc.  Epigraphie 
evidence  shows  that  some  of  the  pontiffs  of  these  branches  of  the 
Digambara  Jain  community  distinguished  themselves  in  the  South 
during  this  period. 

The  pontifical  succession,  as  recorded  in  the  North  during  the 
same  period,  is  somewhat  different.  According  to  the  Svetambara 
Pattavalis,  Sarvadeva  Suri,  the  thirty-sixth  pontiff  (Acharya)  in  the 
line  of  succession  after  Mahavira,  wielded  the  leadership  at  the 
beginning  of  the  eleventh  century.  A  few  events  of  his  time  are 
recorded  in  the  Pattavalis  with  dates.  Dharmaghosha  Suri  converted 
the  chief  minister  Vimala  in  A.D.  1011,  and  Santi  Suri  Vddi-Vetdla 
of  the  Thirapadra-gachacha,  who  composed  a  commentary  on  the 
Uttarddhyayana,  attained  heaven  in  A.D.  1039.  Sarvadeva  Suri  was 
followed  by  Deva  Suri,  Sarvajayadeva  Suri,  and  Yaiobhadra  Suri 
successively.  Of  the  last  it  has  been  recorded  that  in  his  time  Sri 
Abhayadeva  Suri,  the  author  of  commentaries  on  the  nine  Angas, 
went  to  heaven  in  A.D.  1078,  or,  according  to  another  account,  in  1082. 
Yasobhadra’s  successor  Munichandra,  who  lived  on  sour  gruel 
(sauvira)  only,  was  the  foremost  logician  and  was  the  author  of 
Anekanta-Jaya-Patakd-Panjikd,  Upadesapada-Vritti  and  other  works. 
He  attained  heaven  in  A.D.  1121.  During  his  leadership  the 
Punamiya-gachchha  was  founded  by  his  colleague  Chandraprabha 
Suri  in  A.D.  1102,  and  for  its  guidance  Munichandra  wrote  the 
Pdkshika-Saptati.  The  next  in  succession  was  Ajitadeva  Suri.  His 
co-disciple  Vadideva  Suri  is  said  to  have  held  a  disputation  with  the 
Digambara  teacher  Kumudachandra  at  the  court  of  Jayasimhadeva  in 
Anahilapattana,  and  vanquished  him;  as  a  result  of  this  the  Digam- 
baras  were  prevented  from  entering  the  capital  any  more.  This 
claim  is  denied  by  the  Digambara  sect.  Whatever  may  be  the  truth, 
the  record  is  an  evidence  of  the  jealousy  which  had  unfortunately 
developed  between  the  two  sister  communities.  The  spirit  of  the 
times  is  also  reflected  in  the  record  of  a  series  of  splits  within  the 
Svetambara  sect  itself.  The  foundation  of  the  Kharatara-gachchha 
by  Jina  Vallabha,  the  pupil  of  Jinesvara  Suri  of  the  Kurchapura- 
gachchha  Chaityavasin,  took  place  at  Chitrakuta  in  A.D.  1147.  Nine 
years  later  the  Anchalaka-mata  was  founded.  The  year  A.D.  1169 
saw  the  emergence  of  Sardha-Paurnamiyaka-mata,  a  branch  of  the 
Punamiya  sect  mentioned  above,  and  in  A.D.  1193  Agamiyaka-mata 


432 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


came  into  existence.  In  A.D.  1165  minister  Bahadadeva  is  said  to 
have  carried  out  some  reconstruction  work  to  the  Parsvanatha  tem¬ 
ple  at  Satrunjaya. 

The  pontifical  period  of  Ajitadeva  is  also  remarkable  for  the 
activities  of  Hemachandra  Suri,  the  pupil  of  Deva  Suri.  It  has  been 
recorded  about  Hemachandra  that  he  was  born  on  the  15th  of 
Karttika  in  V.S.  1145  (A.D.  1088),  received  initiation  at  the  age  of 
five,  became  a  Suri  at  twenty-one,  and  attained  heaven  in  V.S.  1229 
(A.D.  1172).  In  A.D.  1157  he  converted  king  Kumarapala  and  found¬ 
ed  the  Purnatala-gachchha.  The  claim  that  he  was  the  author  of 
three  crores  of  books  ( Trikoti-grantha-karta )  is,  of  course,  absurd. 
There  is,  however,  no  doubt,  that  no  other  author  has  enriched  litera¬ 
ture,  both  in  volume  and  variety,  to  the  extent  that  Hemachandra 
has  done.  An  account  of  his  literary  works  has  been  given  above.136 

Ajitadeva  Suri  was  succeeded  by  Vijaya  Simha  Suri  who,  in 
his  turn,  was  succeeded  by  Somaprabha  Suri  and  Maniratna  Suri 
jointly.  This  period  was  marked  by  the  birth  of  Vastupala  and 
Tejahpala  (A.D.  1205),  their  pilgrimage  to  Siddhachala,  and  erection 
by  the  latter  of  the  temple  on  Mount  Abu  at  an  expense  of  eighteen 
crores  of  silver.  The  next  pontiff  in  succession  was  Jagatchandra 
Suri.  He  was  devoted  to  austere  penances,  in  recognition  of  which 
the  Nahada  Ranas  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  ‘Tapa’.  It  was  thus 
that  the  sixth  schism  ‘Tapa-gachchha’  was  founded  in  A.D.  1228. 
The  next  in  succession  was  Devendra  Suri,  who  was  much  honoured 
by  minister  Vastupala.  During  his  preaching  tours  Devendra  Suri 
visited  Prahladapura  where  he  nominated  Vidyananda  Suri  as  his 
successor  in  A.D.  1266.  At  Srlstambha  Tlrtha  (Khambhata-Cambay) 
he  found  that  Sri  Vijayachandra  Suri  had  been  following  his  own 
ascetic  practices  for  the  last  twelve  years  without  any  reference  to 
the  pontifical  head,  whom  he  did  not  even  now  care  to  welcome. 
Devendra  Suri,  therefore,  stayed  separately  from  him,  and  hence 
his  party  came  to  be  designated  as  ‘Laghu-Salika’  as  distinguished 
from  the  party  of  Vijayachandra  Suri  which  had  been  settled  in  the 
place  much  earlier  and  was  therefore  called  ‘Vriddha-Salika’.  Deven¬ 
dra  is  said  to  have  toured  for  a  long  time  in  Malwa  and  died  in  A.D. 
1270.  He  was  the  author  of  Kcirma-grantha,  Sraddhadina-kritya- 
vritti  and  other  works. 

Devendra  Suri’s  nominee  Vidyananda  Suri  also  died  just  thirteen 
days  after  his  predecessor,  and  so  Dharmaghosha  Suri  succeeded 
to  the  pontifical  seat.  He  blessed  the  merchant  Pethadadeva,  who 
became  the  chief  minister  of  the  ruler  of  Mandapa  and  proved  his 
loyalty  to  the  faith  by  building  eighty-four  Jain  temples  and  causing 
‘seven  compendiums  of  knowledge’  ( Sapta-Jnanakosa )  to  be  produced. 

433 

S,E.— 28 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


He  also  installed  the  Indramala  at  Satrunjaya  and  took  the  vow 
of  celibacy  at  the  age  of  thirty-two.  His  only  son  Jhahjhanadeva 
installed  gold  and  silver  flagstaff  at  Satrunjaya  and  Urjayanta,  and 
celebrated  the  event  of  his  spiritual  teacher’s  arrival  at  Mandapachala 
at  an  enormous  cost.  Dharmaghosha  Suri  is  credited  with  great- 
magical  powers  and  some  of  his  magical  deeds  are  recorded.  He  died 
in  V.S.  1357,  i.e.  A.D.  1300. 

IV.  LITERATURE 

The  literary  activity  of  the  Jains  during  this  period  was  very 
intense,  and  reference  has  been  made  above,  in  Chapter  XV,  to  the 
Sanskrit,  Prakrit,  and  Apabhramsa  works  of  a  large  number  of  Jain 
writers.  The  study  of  the  Jain  ArdhamagadhI  canon  was  carried  a 
step  further  by  Abhayadeva  (A.D.  1064),  who  wrote  commentaries 
on  the  nine  Ahgas,  and  by  Santi  Suri  and  Devendragani  (eleventh  cen¬ 
tury),  both  of  whom  wrote  exhaustive  commentaries  on  the  im¬ 
portant  and  popular  canonical  work,  the  Uttaradhyayana.  The  lite¬ 
rary  productions  of  Hemachandra  constitute  a  library  by  themselves, 
and  have  been  referred  to  above.  '38  Narrative  poetry  was  mainly 
directed  towards  the  lives  of  the  Tirthahkaras.  Sdntindtha-charita 
was  written  both  by  Deva  Suri  and  Manikyaehandra,  Nemindtha- 
charita  by  Suracharya  as  well  as  Maladhari  Hemachandra,  and  Pdr- 
svandthacharita  by  Vadiraja,  Bhavadeva  and  Manikyaehandra.  The 
Nemiduta  by  Vikrama,  son  of  Sahgana,  though  probably  of  a  much 
later  date,137  is  interesting,  as  the  last  line  of  each  verse  is  here 
taken  from  Kalidasa’s  Meghaduta,  and  is,  thus,  a  good  example  of 
Samasydpurti  Kdvya.  Vagbhata  wrote  his  Neminirvdna-kdvya, 
mentioned  above,  under  Jayasimhadeva  Chauiukya,  to  whom  he  pays 
a  tribute  in  his  ‘Alankara’  where,  in  one  of  the  verses  illustrating 
the  figure  of  speech  called  Samkara ,  he  says  that  there  are  only 
three  gems  in  the  world,  namely,  x^nahilapura  city,  king  Jayasimha- 
deva,  and  his  Srlkalasa  elephant.  The  Mrigavati-charitra  of  Mala¬ 
dhari  Devaprabha  (thirteenth  century)  contains  interesting  legends 
about  Udayana,  Vasavadatta  and  Padmavati,  reminiscent  of  Bhasa’s 
dramas.  For  short  religious  stories  mention  may  be  made  of  the 
Kathakosa  of  Jinesvara,  pupil  of  Vardhamana  (A.D.  1092).  As 
examples  of  literary  activity  in  Malwa  we  might  mention  Srlchan- 
dra,  pupil  of  £rinandi,  who,  under  Bhojaaeva  of  Dhara,  wrote 
Purdnasara  and  commentaries  on  Padma-charita  of  Ravishena  and 
Mahdpurana  (Apabhramsa)  of  Pushpadanta.  Another  poet  of 
Malwa,  namely  Aisadhara,  deserves  a  special  mention.  He  is  the 
author  of  more  than  twenty  works,  the  Sagdra-Dharmamrita  and 
Andgdra-Dharmdrtirita  being  the  most  famous  and  popular.  He  wan¬ 
dered  from  place  to  place  due  to  fear  of  harassment  by  the  Muslim 


i 


434 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

raiders,  and  makes  mention  of  five  kings  of  his  time,  Vindhya-varma, 
Subhata-varma,  Arjuna-varma,  Devapala  and  Jaitugideva.  He  was 
reputed  as  ‘Kali-Kalidasa’  on  account  of  his  poetic  attainments, 
even  as  Hemachandra  became  famous  as  ‘Kalikala-Sarvajna’. 
Mahasena  wrote  his  Pradyumna-charita  under  Sindhuraja  who 
died  about  A.D.  1000.  Mention  is  made  of  his  being  honoured  by 
Munja.  Amitagati,  mentioned  above,  claims  to  have  been  honoured 
by  Bhoja,  Munja  and  Sindhula,  and  composed  a  compendium  of  Jain 
philosophy  called  Panchasamgraha .  At  the  court  of  the  Western 
Chalukya  king  Jayasirhha  flourished  the  great  logician  poet  Vadi- 
raja,  of  whom,  besides  the  works  mentioned  already,  we  have  two 
works  on  logic,  Prama na-N irnaya  and  Nydyavinischayavivarana ,  a 
work  on  duties  of  householders,  Upasakdchdra,  a  lyrical  poem  Eki- 
bhdvastotra  and  three  other  works,  Aradhand,  Sdmayikapdtha,  and 
Adhydtmasataka,  on  meditation  and  spiritual  practices. 

Of  a  very  special  importance  are  the  contributions  of  two  writers 
of  dramas,  one  of  whom  flourished  in  the  north  and  the  other  in 
the  south.  Ramachandra  (A.D.  1110-1173),  a  pupil  of  Hemachan¬ 
dra  in  Gujarat,  has  given  us  no  less  than  eleven  dramas,  namely 
Raghuvildsa,  Nalavildsa,  Yaduvilasa,  Scitya-Harischandra,  Nirbhaya - 
Bhima-vyayoga,  Mallikamakaranda,  Raghavabhyudaya,  Rohini-mri- 
gdnka,  Vanamdld-ndtikd,  Kaumudlmitrdnanda,  and  Yadavabhyudaya. 
He  is  also  the  author  of  a  collection  of  verses  called  Sudhdkalasa. 
He,  in  collaboration  with  Gunachandra,  also  wrote  Natyadarpana,  as 
noted  above,  and  Dravydlamkara,  a  work  on  Jain  logic.  The 
other  dramatic  genius  of  the  age  was  Hastimalla  who,  according  to 
the  Prasasti  attached  to  one  of  his  plays,  Vikrdnta-Kaurava,  was  a 
southerner  (Dakshinatya).  He  is  the  author  of  four  plays  of  con¬ 
siderable  value  from  the  poetic  as  well  as  technical  points  of  view. 
These  are  Vikrdnta-Kaurava,  Maithili-kalydna,  Anjana-pavananjaya, 
and  Subhadra.  The  Rdmayana  and  the  Mahabharata  have  been 
here,  as  everywhere  else,  the  chief  sources  of  themes  with  an  origi¬ 
nal  colouring  suitable  to  the  faith  and  the  genius  of  the  writer. 
Hastimalla’s  date  is  not  precisely  known,  and  all  that  may  be  said 
with  certainty  is  that  he  wrote  between  A.D.  900  and  1300. 

D.  VAISHNAVISM 

I.  NORTH  INDIA 

The  doctrine  of  Vaishnavism  underwent  profound  changes 
during  the  period  under  review.  The  most  important  of  these  was 
the  gradual  dominance  of  the  pastoral  life  of  Krishna  and  his  dalli¬ 
ance  with  the  gopis  or  cowherd  girls.  The  beginnings  or  germs  of 


435 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


all  this  may  be  traced  in  early  literature.  But  the  story  in  its  fully 
developed  form — the  birth  of  Krishna  in  the  prison  of  Kariisa,  his 
secret  removal  to  the  house  of  Nanda,  bringing  up  by  Yasoda,  early 
life  among  cowherds,  miraculous  acts  like  holding  up  of  Govardhana 
hill,  killing  of  Putana  and  Kaliya-naga,  etc.,  amorous  dalliance  with 
gopls  or  cowherd  girls,  particularly  with  Radha,  wife  of  a  near  rela¬ 
tion — all  these  are  found  in  detail  in  the  literature  of  this  period. 
The  Bhagavata  Purdna,  which  is  almost  a  complete  store-house  of 
these  legends,  is  generally  believed  to  have  been  composed  in  the 
ninth  or  tenth  century  A.D.,  somewhere  in  South  India.  Although 
even  this  late  work  does  not  mention  Radha,  she  certainly  came  into 
great  prominence  during  the  period  under  review.1 3  7a  The  most 
poetic,  and  at  the  same  time  very  realistic,  description  of  the  amorous 
relations  between  Krishna  and  Radha  is  given  in  the  Gita-govinda  by 
Jayadeva,  a  court-poet  of  Lakshmanasena  (twelfth  century  A.D.).  It 
is  a  famous  lyric  poem  highly  venerated  by  the  Vaishnavas  all  over 
Northern  India,  who  explain  away  the  erotic  elements  as  allegorical 
or  symbolical  representation  of  the  highest  spiritual  ideals.  The 
representation  of  amorous  scenes,  however,  takes  a  more  grossly 
sensual  form,  bereft  of  Jayadeva’s  poetic  charms,  in  texts  like 
Brahma-V aivarta  Purdna ,  which  is  a  later  work  but  probably  be¬ 
longs  to  this  period.  Whatever  may  be  the  value  of  the  explanation 
offered  by  the  Vaishnavas,  it  is  impossible  to  ignore  the  vulgar  ele¬ 
ments  in  these  erotic  pictures  and  their  influence  upon  the  morals 
of  the  common  people.  This  is  sufficiently  indicated  by  the  fate 
which  overtook  Vaishnavism  at  no  distant  date  in  future,  when  a 
class  of  this  sect  came  to  be  a  byword  for  sexual  immorality.  There 
can  be  hardly  any  doubt  that  this  was  largely  due  to  the  prevalent 
Tantrik  ideas  and  practices  to  which  reference  has  been  made  above. 

II.  SRI  VAISHNAVAS 

A  refreshing  contrast  is  offered  by  the  development  of  Vaishna¬ 
vism  in  South  India.  Thanks  to  the  Srlvaishnava  sect  founded  by 
Nathamuni,1 3  7b  a  more  elevated  form  of  Vaishnavism  prevailed  in 
this  region.  His  worthy  successors  not  only  maintained  the  purity 
of  the  doctrine  but  placed  it  on  a  firm  philosophic  basis. 

Acharya  Nathamuni  was  succeeded  on  the  apostolic  seat  by  his 
disciple  Pundarlkaksha,  also  called  Uyyakondar  or  “Saviour  of  the 
New  Dispensation”,  a  title  which  he  received  from  his  preceptor. 
He  was  a  native  of  Tiruvallar  near  Srlrangam.  The  third  Acharya 
was  Ramamisra,  who  was  the  guru  of  the  next  Acharya,  the  celebrat¬ 
ed  Yamunacharya,  grandson  of  Nathamuni.  Yamunacharya  or 


436 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


Yamunamuni  was  born  at  Viranarayanapura  or  Mannargudi.  He 

was  the  son  of  Nathamuni’s  son  Isvarabhattta. 

•  • 

1.  Yarnunacharya 

It  is  said  that  Yarnunacharya  received  the  title  Alavandar  or 
“the  victor”  from  the  Chola  queen  by  vanquishing  in  a  disputation 
the  Pandit  at  the  court  of  the  reigning  Chola  king.  The  king  granted 
him  some  lands  with  which  he  began  to  live  a  life  of  luxury.  Later, 
at  the  instigation  of  his  preceptor  Ramamisra,  he  took  his  residence 
at  Srirahgam  and  spent  his  life  in  expounding  the  doctrines  of  the 
Visishtadvaita  school. 

Yarnunacharya  is  stated  to  have  been  the  real  founder  of  the 

Visishtadvaita  or  Srlvaishnava  school  and  to  have  “laid  the  founda- 
•  • 

tion  of  all  the  doctrines  that  go  under  Ramanuja’s  name”.  It  has 
been  said  that  had  there  been  no  Yamuna  there  would  have  been  no 
Ramanuja.  Yarnunacharya  is  the  author  of  a  number  of  works 
such  as  the  Siddhitraya,  Agamaprdmdnya,  Gitdrthasamgraha,  Mahd- 
purushanirnaya  and  Stotraratna.  The  Siddhitraya,  which  contains 
three  sections,  viz.  Atmasiddhi,  Isvarasiddhi  and  Samvit-siddhi, 
demonstrates  the  real  existence  of  the  Individual  and  Supreme  Souls 
and  refutes  the  doctrine  of  Avidya.  The  Agamaprdmdnya  defends 
the  grounds  of  the  orthodox  Bhagavata  or  Pancharatra  school  against 
Sankara’s  criticism.  The  Gitarthasamgraha  analyses  the  text  of  the 
Gita  as  an  exposition  of  Bhakti  doctrine  giving  only  a  subordinate 
position  to  the  Karma-yoga  and  Jnana-yoga. 

2.  Ramanuja 

Yarnunacharya  was  succeeded  by  Ramanuja  said  to  have  been 
born  in  Saka  938  corresponding  to  A.D.  1016-17. 138  At  first  Ramanuja 
lived  at  Kanchlpura  and  was  a  pupil  of  the  Advaita  philosopher 
Yadava-prakasa.  Having  been  dissatisfied  with  the  teaching  of  spiri¬ 
tual  monism,  Ramanuja  began  to  study  the  works  of  the  Alvars  and 
found  solace  in  them.  After  becoming  the  successor  of  Yamuna- 
charya,  he  settled  at  grirangam.  In  his  later  years  he  is  said  to  have 
been  persecuted  by  the  Chola  prince  who  was  a  follower  of  the  Saiva 
faith.  As  a  result  Ramanuja  is  said  to  have  taken  refuge  in  A.D. 
1096  at  the  court  of  the  Hoysala  prince  Vishnuvardhana138a  whom 
he  converted  to  Vaishnavism.  Ramanuja  was  the  author  of  a  num¬ 
ber  of  works  including  the  Vedantasara,  Vedartha-samgraha,  Vedan- 
tadipa  and  the  commentaries  on  the  Brahma-sutra  and  the  Bhagavad- 
gitd. 

It  is  said  that  one  of  the  last  directions  of  Yarnunacharya  to 
Ramanuja  was  to  compose  a  commentary  on  Badaray ana’s  Brahma- 

437 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


sutra.  This  was  absolutely  necessary  to  maintain  the  doctrine  of 
love  and  grace,  the  fundamental  tenet  of  Vaishnavism,  in  the  face 
of  the  theory  of  spiritual  monism  which  Sankara  based  upon  the 
Brahma-sutra  and  the  Upanishads.  According  to  Sankara’s  theory 
there  exists  only  one  spirit,  and  the  attributes  of  the  animal  spirit, 
such  as  the  feelings  of  individuality  as  well  as  the  variety  of  the 
inanimate  world,  are  due  to  illusion  ( maya )  and  are  unreal.  Thus 
according  to  this  view  love  and  piety  favoured  by  the  Vaishnavas 
have  room  only  in  the  illusive  state  of  the  human  soul  and  have  no 
place  in  the  world  of  reality.  The  Vaishnavas  had  therefore  to 
defend  their  doctrine  by  reconciling  it  with  the  same  Brahma-sutras 
and  the  Upanishads  and  to  overthrow  the  doctrine  of  maya  on  the 
authority  of  the  same  works. 

According  to  Ramanuja’s  doctrine,  which  is  called  Visisht - 
advaita  or  qualified  monism,  there  are  three  eternal  principles,  viz. 
chit  (the  individual  soul),  achit  (the  insensate  world)  and  Isvara  (the 
Supreme  Soul).  The  individual  soul  and  the  insensate  world  are 
the  attributes  of  the  Supreme  Soul  and  form  his  body.  The  Supreme 
Soul,  which  exists  in  a  subtle  form  before  creation,  develops  itself 
in  the  form  of  the  universe  (which  in  its  subtle  form  before  creation 
is  called  Prakriti)  at  the  time  of  creation.  The  Supreme  Soul  or 
God  is  the  creator,  preserver  and  destroyer  of  the  world.  He  is 
thus  the  material  and  efficient  cause  of  the  world  and  is  a  composite 
personality  having  the  individual  souls  and  the  inanimate  world  as 
his  body.  He  has  no  defects  and  is  the  grantor  of  boons  to  his  devo¬ 
tees.  He  has  five  different  aspects,  viz.  Para  or  the  highest,  Vyuha 
in  which  he  appears  in  the  four  forms  of  Vasudeva,  Sankarshana, 
Pradyumna  and  Aniruddha  for  creation  and  other  purposes,  Vibhava 
in  which  he  appears  as  the  ten  incarnations,  Antaryamin  in  which 
he  lives  in  the  hearts  of  all,  and  Pratima  or  idol.  The  conception  of 

the  cowherd  Krishna  and  of  the  relation  between  Krishna  and  the 

•  •  •  • 

cowherdesses,  including  Radha,  is  absent  from  Ramanuja’s  Vaishna¬ 
vism.  Ramanuja  regarded  Bhakti  to  be  the  same  as  the  Upanishadic 
updsand  or  meditation. 

3.  Ramanuja’s  Followers 

After  the  death  of  Ramanuja  about  A.D.  1137,  the  Sri-Vaishnavas 
were  gradually  divided  into  two  sects  called  Vadakalai  (i.e.  the 
school  of  northern  learning)  and  Tenkalai  (i.e.  the  school  of  southern 
learning).  One  class  believed  that  salvation  was  more  easily  obtain¬ 
able  through  the  Sanskrit  scriptures  like  the  Vedas,  Upanishads 
and  the  Gita  than  through  the  Prabandhas,  called  the  Tamil  Veda, 
while  the  other  class  held  the  diametrically  opposite  view.  Rama- 


438 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

nuja  himself  gave  equal  importance  to  both  the  classes  of  scriptures. 
But  the  difference  of  attitude  on  this  point  led  to  the  growth  of 
ceitain  doctrinal  differences,  and  ultimately  to  the  division  of  his 

followers  into  two  distinct  sects,  about  the  close  of  the  fourteenth 
century. 

Both  the  Vadakalai  and  the  Tenkalai  agreed  as  to  the  necessity 
of  saran-agati  or  prapcitti,  i.e.  self-surrender  unto  God;  but  while 
the  former  laid  emphasis  on  the  performance  of  karma,  the  latter 
believed  that  self-effort  is  unnecessary,  as  God’s  love  is  spontaneous 
and  brings  salvation  to  mankind  by  itself.  The  Vadakalai’s  belief 
that  Lakshmi  is  also  capable,  like  her  consort,  of  bestowing  final 
emancipation,  is  not  shared  by  the  Tenkalai.  Generally  the  Tehka- 
lai  sect  is  more  liberal  than  the  Vadakalai.  It  provides  for  the 
teaching  of  the  eight-syllabled  formula  Om  namo  Nardyanaya  to 
all  classes  of  peoples,  while  the  Vadakalai  sect  omits  the  syllable 
Om  from  the  mantra  when  taught  to  non-Brahmanas.  The  Tehka- 
lai  sect  favours  equal  treatment  for  all  castes. 

The  two  sects  trace  two  different  guru-par ampard,s  from  Rama¬ 
nuja.  According  to  the  Vadakalai,  Ramanuja  was  succeeded  by 
Kurukesa,  the  celebrated  author  of  the  Six  Thousand .  His  successor 
Vishnuchitta  or  Engal  Alvar,  who  flourished  during  the  second  half 
of  the  twelfth  century,  immortalised  himself  by  his  Sarartha-chatush - 
taya  and  Vishv,uchittiyam  (a  commentary  on  the  Vishnu  Purdna ), 
Vishnuchitta’s  successor  was  his  disciple  Varadacharya  or  Nadadur 
Animal  who  was  the  leader  of  the  Sri-Vaishnavas  for  the  first  three 
quarters  of  the  thirteenth  century.  He  preferred  Kanchlpuram  to 
§rlrahgam  for  his  residence  and  activities.  This  resulted  in  the 
development  of  Srirahgam  as  a  prominent  centre  of  the  Tenkalai. 
Varadacharya  was  the  author  of  the  Tattvasdra,  while  his  interpre¬ 
tation  of  Ramanuja’s  Sri-Bhdshya  was  committed  to  writing  by  his 
disciple  Sudarsana  in  his  Srutaprakd,sika.  Varadacharya’s  successor 
was  Atreya  Ramanuja  or  Appillar,  who  was  succeeded  by  his 
nephew  Vedantadesika  or  Venkatanatha  in  A.D.  1290.  In  the  history* 
of  the  medieval  Vaishnavism  the  name  of  Vedantadesika,  who  was 
born  in  A.  D.  1269  and  died  in  1370,  is  second  only  to  that  of  Rama¬ 
nuja.  His  works  number  more  than  a  hundred.  He  was  equally 
great  as  a  poet,  philosopher  and  controversialist,  and  wrote  both  in 
Sanskrit  and  Tamil.  His  Tamil  works  include  original  compositions 
like  those  of  the  Alvars  as  well  as  a  large  number  of  commentaries. 
He  became  famous  as  Kavitarkikasimha  (the  lion  among  poets  and 
philosophers),  Sarvatantrasvatantra  (the  master  of  all  the  branches 
of  learning)  and  Vedantacharya.  By  this  third  name  he  is  invoked 
by  all  sects  and  subsects  of  the  §n-Vaishnavas  while  beginning  the 


439 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


study  of  the  £ri-Bhashya.  Vedantadesika  acted  as  an  arbiter  in  a 
disputation  between  Vidyaranya  and  Akshobhyatirtha,  a  disciple 
of  Madhvacharya,  and  gave  a  decision  in  favour  of  the  latter. 

The  Tehkalai  sect  regards  Embar,  a  cousin  of  Ramanuja,  as  the 
latter’s  apostolic  /successor,  although  he  died  earlier.  Embar’s 
successor  was  his  disciple  Parasarabhatta,  author  of  the  Sahasrana - 
ma-bhashya.  Parasarabhatta’s  successor  Nahjiyar  composed  a  com¬ 
mentary  on  the  Prabandhas ,  called  the  Nine  Thousand ,  while  the 
views  of  Nahjiyar ’s  disciple  Nampillai  on  the  Tamil  Veda  were  in¬ 
corporated  in  Periya  Achchan  Pillai’s  commentary  entitled  the 
Twenty-jour  Thousand l.  Pinbalagiya  Perumaljlyar,  another  disciple 
of  Nampillai,  composed  the  Twelve  Thousand,  which  is  a  commen¬ 
tary  on  the  Tiruvoimoli,  and  the  Guruparampard,  which  is  a  biogra¬ 
phical  work  on  the  succession  of  the  Tehkalai  Acharyas.  The 
successor  of  Nampillai  was  Krishnapada  or  Vadakkutiruvidi  Pillai 
who  composed  another  commentary  on  the  Prabandhas,  called  the 
Thirty-six  Thousand.  This  work  is  generally  known  as  the  Idu  ( i.e . 
‘the  equal’),  probably  because  it  was  considered  equal  to  the  com¬ 
mentary  on  the  Sri-Bhdshya  composed  by  his  contemporary  Sudar- 
sana,  disciple  of  Varadacharya.  The  idu  was  afterwards  made  the 
subject  of  compulsory  study  by  the  followers  of  the  Tehkalai. 
Krishnapada ’s  son  and  successor  was  Pillai  Lokacharya  who  was  an 
elder  contemporary  of  Vedantadesika.  He  is  regarded  as  the  real 
founder  of  the  Tehkalai  sect.  His  works  are  believed  to  contain  the 
only  correct  interpretation  of  the  views  of  Ramanuja  and  the  Alvars. 
He  died  some  time  after  the  capture  and  sack  of  grirangam  in 
A.D.  1327. 

4.  Nimbarka 

The  founder  of  another  school  of  Vaishnavism  supporting  the 
cult  of  Bhakti  against  the  doctrine  of  Maya  was  Nimbarka  who  is 
said  to  have  been  a  Telugu  Brahmana  residing  at  the  village  of 
Nimba.  This  village  has  been  identified  with  Nimbapura  in  the 
Bellary  District.  His  father  was  a  Bhagavata  named  Jagannatha. 
Nothing  is  definitely  known  about  the  time  when  Nimbarka 
flourished;  but  Bhandarkar  suggests  that  he  lived  some  time  after 
Ramanuja.  His  death  has  been  tentatively  assigned  to  a  date  in 
the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  century.  Nimbarka  lived  at  Vrinda- 
vana  near  Mathura  and  the  followers  of  his  school  are  usually  found 
in  North  India.  The  Vaishnavas  of  the  Nimbarka  school,  called  the 
Sanaka-sampradaya  (i.e.  the  school  founded  by  Sanaka),  wear  on  the 
forehead  two  perpendicular  lines  of  Gopichandana  with  a  black 
mark  in  the  middle.  They  also  use  a  necklace  and  a  rosary  made 


440 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

of  the  wood  of  the  TulasI  plant.  They  are  divided  into  two  classes, 
viz.  ascetics  and  householders. 

Nimbarka  composed  the  Vedantaparijdtasaurabha,  a  com¬ 
mentary  on  the  Brahma-sutra,  as  well  as  the  Siddhantaratna  usually 
called  the  Dasasloki.  Nimbarka  was  succeeded  by  his  disciple  Srini¬ 
vasa  who  commented  on  his  preceptor’s  Vedantaparijdtasaurabha. 
Devacharya,  the  thirteenth  successor  on  the  pontifical  seat  after 
Nimbarka,  was  the  author  of  the  Siddhantajahnavi  on  which  a  com¬ 
mentary  called  the  Setu  was  composed  by  the  next  pontiff  Sundara- 
bhatta.  The  thirtieth  pontiff  Kesava  Kasmlrin  wrote  a  commen¬ 
tary  on  the  Brahma-sutra.  Harivyasadeva,  who  was  the  thirty- 
second  in  the  list  of  succession,  commented  on  Nimbarka’s  Siddhan¬ 
taratna  or  Dasasloki. 

The  doctrines  of  the  Nimbarka  school  of  Vaishnavism  resemble 
in  some  respects  those  of  Ramanuja’s  school.  But  Nimbarka  preach¬ 
ed  Bhakti  in  its  original  sense  of  love  and  gave  exclusive  prominence 
to  the  conception  of  Krishna  attended  by  the  cowherdesses  headed 
by  Radha.  Ramanuja’s  theory  about  the  Supreme  Soul  being  a 
composite  personality  and  developing  into  the  animate  and  inani¬ 
mate  world  is  not  accepted  by  the  Nimbarka  school,  according  to 
which  the  Supreme  Soul  (God),  the  individual  soul,  and  the  inani¬ 
mate  world  are  both  identical  and  at  the  same  time  distinct  from 
one  another.  They  are  identical  in  the  sense  that  the  individual 
soul  and  the  inanimate  world  are  entirely  dependent  on  God  and 
have  no  independent  existence.  Nimbarka’s  theory  is  thus  both 
monistic  and  pluralistic. 

5.  Madhva  or  Anandatirtha 

Madhva  or  Anandatirtha,  whose  original  name  was  Vasudeva, 

was  born  at  Belle  in  the  South  Kanara  District.  In  the  Madhva - 

•  • 

vijaya  .by  Narayana,  Madhva  is  said  to  have  been  born  in  the 
Madhyageha  family  of  Rajatapltha.  Madhva  or  Anandatirtha  was 
also  known  as  Purnaprajna  and  Madliyamandara.  He  received  his 
initiation  from  Achyutaprekshacharya,  otherwise  called  Purushot- 
tamatirtha,  and  went  on  pilgrimage  to  Badarikasrama  from  where 
he  brought  the  images  of  Digvijaya-Rama  and  Vedavyasa.  Later 
he  travelled  in  different  parts  of  the  country  to  establish  his  own 
doctrine  against  other  schools  including  the  followers  of  Sankara. 
His  pupils  were  Padmanabhatlrtha,  Naraharitlrtha,  Madhavatlrtha 
and  Akshobhyatlrtha.  Of  these  Naraharitlrtha  was  sent  to  Jagan- 
natha-kshetra  (Purl)  in  Orissa  to  bring  the  idols  of  Rama  and  Sita. 
Naraharitlrtha  became  the  preceptor  of  the  Ganga  king  Narasimha  II 
(A.D.  1279-1306)  and  is  known  from  several  inscriptions  with  dates 


441 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ranging  between  Saka  1186  (A.D.  1264)  and  1212  (A.D.  1290).  There 
is  little  doubt,  therefore,  that  his  guru  Madhva  flourished  in  the 
thirteenth  century.  Bhandarkar  suggested  that  Madhva  was  born 
in  Saka  1119  (A.D.  1197)  and  died  in  Saka  1198  (A.D.  1276). 

The  followers  of  Madhva  wear  on  the  forehead  the  mark  of  two 
white  perpendicular  lines  of  Gopichandana  joined  by  a  cross  line  on 
the  bridge  of  the  nose,  together  with  a  dark  line  in  the  middle  with 
a  reddish  spot  in  the  centre.  They  also  wear,  on  various  parts  of 
the  body,  especially  the  shoulders,  Gopichandana  prints  of  the  vari¬ 
ous  weapons  of  Vishnu.  Sometimes  permanent  prints  are  made  on 
the  skin  with  the  help  of  heated  metallic  stamps.  The  Kannada 
country  is  the  stronghold  of  the  Madhvas,  i.e.  the  followers  of 
Madhva-Anandatirtha.  There  are  eight  Mathas  of  this  sect,  some 
of  which  were  founded  by  Madhva  himself. 

Madhva  did  not  favour  the  conception  of  Gopala-Krishna  attend¬ 
ed  by  Radha  and  the  cowherdesses.  The  Vyuha  doctrine  also  has 
no  place  in  his  system.  Madhva  denies  that  God  is  the  material 
cause  of  the  world.  According  to  him,  God  is  a  substance  entirely 
different  from  the  individual  souls  and  the  inanimate  world.  The 
innumerable  individual  souls,  which  are  distinct  from  one  another 
and  are  characterised  by  defects  like  ignorance,  go  through  a  succes¬ 
sion  of  existences.  The  relation  between  God  and  the  individual 
souls  is  like  that  between  the  master  and  his  servant.  By  serving 
and  worshipping  God,  the  individual  souls  become  like  God  in  most 
respects.  Madhva  enjoins  worship  of  Vishnu  as  God.  He  was 
bitterly  against  Sankara’s  theory  of  Maya.  Madhva’s  theory  of 
creation  is  based  on  the  doctrine  of  the  Sankhyas. 

Thirty-seven  treatises  are  ascribed  to  Madhva.  The  most  im¬ 
portant  among  those  are  his  commentaries  on  the  Brahma-sutra  and 
the  Upanishads.  One  of  his  works,  based  on  the  epics  and  the 
Puranas,  is  the  Bharatatatparyanirnaya.  Large  commentaries  on 
his  works  were  composed  by  his  followers,  one  of  them  being  Jaya- 
tlrtha,  sixth  successor  of  Madhva  on  the  pontifical  seat.  Jayatirtha, 
whose  original  name  was  Dhondo  Raghunatha,  was  a  native  of 
Mahgalvedha  near  Pandharpur. 

E.  SA1V1SM 

I.  ROYAL  PATRONS  OF  SAIVISM 

In  the  previous  volume  we  gave  an  account  of  Kashmir  Saivism 
and  showed  how  both  kings  and  scholars  helped  to  spread  and  conso¬ 
lidate  the  doctrine.  In  the  centuries  which  are  covered  by  the  pre¬ 
sent  volume  Saivism  continued  to  flourish  in  Kashmir.  Of  the 


442 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

successors  of  Abhinavagupta  who  wrote  on  the  Pratyabhijha  system, 
mention  may  be  made  of  Kshemaraja,  the  author  of  the  Pratya- 
bhijnd-hridaya,  which  is  an  important  manual  of  the  doctrine.  The 
tutelary  deity  of  the  Royal  House  of  Nepal  is  Pasupatinatha.  In 
Nepal,  as  elsewhere,  Mahayana  Buddhism  mingled  with  Saivism, 
and  there  were  mutual  borrowings  in  doctrine  and  in  practice. 

In  Assam,  the  cults  of  Siva  and  Vishnu  were  prevalent.  Ratna- 
pala,  the  most  important  king  in  the  eleventh  century,  professed 
faith  in  both  Siva  and  Vishnu. 

The  founder  of  the  Sena  kingdom  of  Bengal,  Vijayasena,  was 
a  devotee  of  Siva.  He  assumed  the  titles  of  Parama-Mcihesvara  and 
At  iv  rishabha- Sankara,  and  built  a  Siva  temple.  His  son  and  succes¬ 
sor,  Ballalasena,  was  also  an  ardent  follower  of  Saivism.  But  Laksh- 
manasena,  who  succeeded  his  father  Ballala,  became  a  convert  to 
Vaishnavism. 

Govindachandra,  the  Gahadavala  king  of  Banaras  and  Kanauj, 
was  a  Pcirama-Mahesvara.  But  he  practised  religious  tolerance  and 
patronised  the  Bauddhas.  On  the  obverse  of  his  gold  and  copper 
coins  are  found  the  figures  of  a  trisula  (trident). 

The  founder  of  the  Chaulukya  dynasty,  Mularaja  I,  was  a  wor¬ 
shipper  of  Siva.  Among  his  successors,  we  find  Jayasimha  Siddha- 
raja,  who  was  a  staunch  Saiva,  though  he  patronised  Jains  like 
Hemachandra,  and  Kumarapala  who  visited  Somanatha  frequently, 
and  included  in  his  inscriptions  invocations  to  Siva,  even  after  he 
became  a  convert  to  Jainism. 

Bhoja  I  of  the  Paramara  dynasty  of  Ujjain  and  Dhara  was  not 
only  a  follower,  but  also  an  exponent,  of  Saivism.  One  of  his  works, 
the  Tattvaprakdsa ,  deals  with  Saivism.  His  brother  or  cousin  Uda- 
yaditya  built  the  Nilakanthesvara  temple  at  Udayapur.  The  later 
Paramaras  were  also  adherents  of  Saivism.  Ujjain  was  in  those  days 
a  stronghold  of  the  Saivas,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  Jainism  was  then 
in  a  flourishing  condition  in  Western  India. 

The  Kalachuris  of  Tripun,  with  a  few  exceptions,  were  Saivas. 
So  also  were  the  Chandellas  of  Bundelkhand.  Kirtivarman  of  the 
Chandella  dynasty  patronised  Krishna-misra,  who  wrote  the  Pra- 
bhodha-chandrodayci i,  and  probably  also  built  a  Siva  temple  at 
Mahoba. 

The  Western  Chalukyas,  whose  capital  was  Kalyana,  were 
of  Saiva  persuation.  Somesvara  I  (A.D.  1043-1068)  was  an  ardent 
Saiva.  During  the  reign  of  his  son  Somesvara  II  (A.D.  1068-1076), 
Saivism  made  rapid  progress.  Vikramaditya  VI  (A.D.  1076-1126), 
who  succeeded  his  brother  after  deposing  him,  was  probably  a  Jain 


443 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


at  first;  but  he  became  a  staunch  Saiva  in  later  life.  About  A.D.  1156 
Bijjala,  claiming  kinship  with  the  Kalachuris,  usurped  the  throne. 
It  was  during  his  reign  that  there  was  a  revival  of  Virasaivism 
under  the  great  leadership  of  Basava.  We  shall  give  an  account  of 
this  system  of  Saivism  in  the  next  section. 

The  Eastern  Chalukyas,  the  Eastern  Gangas,  and  the  Kakatlyas 
were  Saivas.  They  w7ere  profoundly  influenced  by  the  Virasaiva 
revival.  Prataparudra  I  (A.D.  1162-1185),  who  founded  Warangal, 
was  the  patron  of  Somanatha,  a  well-known  Virasaiva  writer,  who 
was  proficient  in  Sanskrit,  Telugu  and  Kannada.  Under  the  aegis 
of  the  Hoysalas  of  Dvarasamudra  flourished  several  Virasaiva  scholars. 
Harlsvara  and  Raghavanka,  Devakavi  and  Somaraja  were  among 
the  men  of  letters  of  first  rank  who  popularised  Virasaivism. 

From  many  inscriptions  of  Mysore  we  learn  that  Saivism  be¬ 
came  in  that  part  of  India  a  very  popular  faith  from  the  twelfth 
century  onwards.  Even  earlier,  the  Lakullsa  and  Kalamukha  forms 
of  Saivism  seem  to  have  been  in  vogue.  In  an  inscription,  dated 
A.D.  1078,  one  ascetic  is  described  as  an  ornament  to  the  Lakula 
school,  and  another  is  referred  to  as  *a  hand  of  Lakula’.  Another 
inscription,  dated  A.D.  1103,  speaks  of  Somesvara  Suri’s  contribution 
to  the  Lakula  doctrine.  A  third  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1177,  calls 
certain  ascetics  upholders  of  the  Lakulagama-samaya.  There  are 
also  other  epigraphic  records  of  grants  made  to  scholars  of  the 
Saiva  schools.  In  some  of  them  are  to  be  found  the  names  of  great 
Sivacharyas. 

The  Chola  kings  were  great  patrons  of  Saivism.  Vlrarajendra  I 
(A.D.  1063-1070)  made  an  offering  of  a  ruby  to  Sri  Nataraja  of 
Chidambaram.  In  A.D.  1128  Vikrama  Chola  gave  large  donations 
to  the  Chidambaram  temple.  Similar  benefactions  were  made  by 
his  successor  Kulottunga  II  (A.D.  1133-1150).  Kop-Perunjinga 
(A.D.  1229-78),  who  started  his  career  as  a  loyal  feudatory  of  Raja- 
raja  III  and  later  declared  his  independence,  was  also  an  ardent 
devotee  of  god  Nataraja.  The  eastern  gopura  of  the  Chidambaram 
temple  was  built  by  him.  The  Pandya  kings,  like  the  Cholas, 
continued  to  follow  Saivism.  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  I 
(A.D.  1251-c.  1268)  gave  expression  to  his  devotion  to  Sri  Nataraja 
by  covering  with  gold  the  roof  of  the  temple  at  Chidambaram. 

One  of  the  important  features  of  this  age  in  South  India  was 
the  rising  rivalry  between  Saivism  and  Vaishnavism.  An  inscrip¬ 
tion  of  the  Tanjore  District,  dated  A.D.  1160,  makes  mention  of  a 
Mahasabha’s  resolution  prohibiting  the  association  of  Saivas  with 
Vaishnavas.  But  generally  the  kings  adopted  an  attitude  of  tolera- 


444 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


tion.  Rajaraja  I,  for  instance,  was  well  disposed  towards  the 
Vaishnavas,  though  he  was  himself  a  Saiva;  and  his  sister  Kun- 
dava  built  temples  for  Siva  and  Vishnu  at  Dadapuram  in  South 
Arcot  District. 

The  principal  faiths  of  the  day,  Saivism,  Vaishnavism  and 
Jainism,  flourished  at  Kanchi.  The  Kalamukhas  had  great  influ¬ 
ence  in  the  capital  city.  There  were,  besides,  the  Kapalikas  and 
the  Pasupatas  also.  Temples  and  mathas  became  important  all 
over  the  country.  The  ruling  princes  made  rich  endowments  to 
them  and  saw  to  it  that  their  influence  with  the  people  grew. 

II.  VIRAsAIVISM 

Virasaivism  or  Lingayatism  traces  its  origin  to  the  five  great 
religious  teachers,  Renuka,  Daruka,  Ghantakarna,  Dhenukarna,  and 
Visvakarna  who,  according  to  tradition,  were  the  earthly  manifesta¬ 
tions  of  the  five  aspects  of  Para-Siva,  viz.  Sadyojata,  Vamadeva, 
Aghora,  Tatpurusha  and  isana.  These  five  teachers  are  said  to  have 
incarnated  in  the  Kali-yuga  as  Revanasiddha,  Marulasiddha,  Ekorama, 
Panditaradhya  and  Visvaradhya,  and  expounded  anew  the  ancient 
system  of  Lingayat.  They  are  referred  to  as  the  Panchacharyas,  and 
an  account  of  their  incarnation  is  given  in  the  Svayambhuva  Agama , 
They  are  said  to  have  established  five  mathas  in  the  different  parts 
of  India — Kedara  in  the  Himalayas,  UjjayinI  in  the  South,  Srlsai- 
lam  in  the  East,  Rarnbhapuri  in  the  West,  and  Banaras  in  the  North. 
These  institutions  were  charged  by  them  with  the  mission  of  spread¬ 
ing  the  Lingayat  faith  and  of  safeguarding  the  interests  of,  and 
giving  a  lead  to,  the  Lingayats. 

The  names  of  three  of  the  five  Acharyas,  viz.  Visvaradhya, 
Panditaradhya  and  Ekorama,  are  mentioned  in  the  beginning  of  the 
Basava  Parana;  and  they  are  spoken  of  as  old  teachers  of  Virasaiv- 
ism.  We  learn  from  an  inscription  at  Ablur  that  one  Ekanta 
Ramayya,  an  ardent  worshipper  of  Siva,  defeated  the  Jains  by  per¬ 
forming  a  miracle.  He  is  said  to  have  laid  a  wager  that  he  would 
cut  off  his  own  head,  and  that  it  would  be  restored  seven  days  later 
by  the  grace  of  Siva.  King  Bijjala,  to  whom  we  have  already 
referred,  seems  to  have  received  news  of  this  miracle;  and  he 
summoned  the  Sivacharya  to  his  court  where  the  miracle  was 
repeated.  According  to  the  Basava  Parana,  Basava  himself  was 
present  at  the  court  when  the  miracle  was  repeated.  But  beyond 
Ramayya’s  yogic  powers,  of  which  there  is  a  record  both  in  the  in¬ 
scription  and  the  Purana,  nothing  is  known  either  of  the  teacher  or 
of  his  teachings. 


445 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


The  greatest  name,  however,  in  the  history  of  Vlrasaivism  is 
that  of  Basava,  who,  though  not  the  founder  of  the  faith,  was  main¬ 
ly  responsible  for  making  it  popular  in  the  Kannada  country. 
According  to  the  traditional  account,  Basava  was  born  at  Bageva^i 
in  the  Bijapur  District  as  the  son  of  Madiraja  and  Madalambike. 
Tie  spent  his  early  days  at  Kappadi,  at  the  junction  of  the  Mala- 
prabha  and  Krishna,  where  a  shrine  stands,  dedicated  to  Sanga- 
mesvara,  “Lord  of  the  Confluence.”  Here  Basava  is  said  to  have 
received  a  divine  call  to  work  for  the  revival  of  Vlrasaivism.  He 
found  a  great  opportunity  to  fulfil  his  mission  when  he  was  ap¬ 
pointed  prime  minister  of  Bijjala  (A.D.  1156-1168)  in  succession 
to  his  own  maternal  uncle  who  had  filled  that  post  till  his  death. 
Basava’s  influence  in  the  realm  increased  when  the  king  married 
his  sister,  Padmavatl.  In  concert  with  Channabasava,  the  son  of 
another  sister  of  his,  he  pursued  a  vigorous  policy  of  spreading 
the  Vlrasaiva  doctrine  through  the  priests  of  the  faith  called 
Jahgamas.  The  other  officers  at  the  court  carried  tales  about 
Basava  to  the  king,  and  accused  him  of  embezzlement.  Basava  fled 
and,  with  the  help  of  his  numerous  followers  who  accompanied  him, 
defeated  the  king,  who  was  compelled  to  reinstate  him  in  his  former 
high  office.  True  reconciliation,  however,  there  could  not  be,  and 
we  possess  different  accounts  of  what  followed. 

The  Lingayat  account  is  that  Basava  directed  one  of  his  disci¬ 
ples  to  slay  the  king  when  he  came  to  know  of  the  latter’s  design 
to  put  out  the  eyes  of  two  Lingayat  devotees,  and  fled  to  Sanga- 
mesvara  where  he  was  “absorbed  into  the  Linga”.  The  Jain  version 
is  that  when  the  king  was  camping  on  the  bank  of  the  Bhlma  river 
after  a  military  expedition,  Basava  sent  him  a  poisoned  fruit,  and 
then  fled  to  Ulavi,  at  the  foot  of  the  Western  Ghats,  where  he  threw 
himself  into  a  well  to  escape  capture  by  the  king’s  son. 

After  Basava,  his  nephew  Channabasava,  became  the  leader; 
and  he  was  helped  in  his  mission  by  a  band  of  able  apostles.  The 
Virasaiva  movement  gradually  gained  strength,  and  spread  to  the 
Andhra  country  and  also  further  south.  A  number  of  mystic  bards 
arose,  who  expounded  the  doctrine  in  a  popular  and  catching  man¬ 
ner.  Their  writings  are  known  by  the  collective  name  Vachana- 
sastra,  to  which  a  detailed  reference  has  been  made  above.1 38h 
Even  in  the  humblest  of  homes  in  the  Kannada  country  the 
Vachancis  are  current  coin.  The  pithy  epigrams  of  the  Vachana - 
writers  have  become  proverbial  in  the  popular  language.  The  one 
burden  of  these  writing's  is  to  call  men  back  from  their  career  of 
sin  and  make  them  turn  to  Siva  for  refuge. 


446 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

Virasaivism  means  the  Saivism  of  the  stalwarts  or  heroic 
Saivism.  The  name  serves  to  distinguish  the  Virasaivas  from  the 
three  other  classes  of  Saivas,  viz.  the  Samanya-,  Misra-,  and  the 
Suddha— Saivas.  The  first  two  of  these  classes  worship  Siva  and 
also  Vislinu,  while  the  Suddha-  and  Vlra-Saivas  worship  Siva  alone. 
The  Linga  they  wear  on  their  person  distinguishes  the  Virasaivas 
from  the  Suddhasaivas.  Hence  the  name  ‘Lingayats’  is  also  ap¬ 
plied  to  them,  and  the  cult  itself  is  called  Linga, yata. 

Virasaivism  is  generally  described  as  a  phase  of  the  Agamanta, 
from  the  fact  that  Saiva  Agamas  constitute  the  basic  authority  of 
this,  as  of  other  forms  of  Saivism.  But  the  Agamas  themselves  are 
regarded  as  texts  expounding  the  Vedic  religion.  Reverence  is  paid 
by  the  Virasaivas  to  the  sixty-three  Tamil  saints  also,  and  their 
writings  are  accepted  as  divinely  inspired.  These  saints  are  refer¬ 
red  to  as  purdtanas  in  contrast  to  the  later  mediaeval  saints  who 
are  called  nut  ana-pur  dtanas.  Seven  hundred  and  seventy  of  these 
later  mystics  are  enumerated,  and  Basava  and  his  principal  disciples 
are  included  among  these.  The  sayings  of  thejsaints,  besides  the  Vedas, 
Agamas  and  Puranas,  are  accepted  by  the  Virasaivas  as  their  autho¬ 
rities  in  religion  and  philosophy.  The  other  pramdnas  admitted  by 
them  are  perception  ( pratyaksha )  and  inference  ( anumana ). 

The  Virasaiva  philosophy  is  called  Saktivisishtadvaita — a  term 
which  means  the  non-duality  of  God  (viz.  Para-Siva)  as  qualified 
by  Power  (or  Sakti).  When  expanded,  the  meaning  of  the  expres¬ 
sion  would  be:  “There  is  no  duality  between  the  soul  and  the  Lord, 
each  qualified  by  Sakti/’  According  to  this  system,  therefore,  God 
and  soul  are  in  an  inseparable  union  through  the  inalienable  power 
called  Sakti.  The  individual  soul  is  neither  absolutely  identical 
with,  nor  entirely  different  from,  God.  It  is  a  part  of  which  God 
is  the  whole;  it  is  the  body  of  which  God  is  the  Soul. 

As  in  the  other  systems  of  Saivism,  so  in  Virasaivism,  Para- 
Siva  is  the  supreme  reality,  the  one  Absolute  without  a  second. 
He  is  of  the  nature  of  existence  (sat),  intelligence  (chit)  and  bliss 
(ananda).  He  is  all-powerful,  omniscient,  most  glorious,  and  en¬ 
dowed  with  all  auspicious  qualities.  The  universe  of  souls  and 
matter  is  but  a  part  of  him,  a  projection  of  His  will.  The  mani¬ 
festation  of  the  universe,  however,  does  not  affect  Him  in  any  way. 
He  himself  does  not  undergo  any  change  or  mutilation.  His  great¬ 
ness  is  such  that  in  spite  of  being  the  ultimate  cause  (parama  kdrana) 
of  the  world,  He  does  not  suffer  any  change  or  diminution.  As  in 
Kashmir  Saivism,  so  in  Virasaivism,  Para-Siva  is  held  to  be  both 
the  material  and  the  instrumental  cause  of  the  universe.  He  is 
immanent  as  well  as  transcendent.  From  Him  all  beings  spring 


447 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


into  existence;  in  Him  they  live;  and  unto  Him  they  return  at  the 
end.  The  Kaivalya  Sruti  says:  “Without  beginning,  middle  or  end, 
He  is  the  one  all-pervading  reality,  of  the  nature  of  intelligence  and 
bliss,  without  form  and  wonderful.  United  with  Uma  (His  consort), 
the  Paramesvara  is  the  lord  with  three  eyes  and  a  blue- throat,  and 
is  quiescent”. 

Sakti  is  the  Power  which  eternally  resides  in  Parama-Siva  as 

His  inseparable  attribute.  It  is  the  ultimate  creative  principle, 

mula-prakriti  or  maya,  which  evolves  itself  into  the  phenomenal 

universe.  The  term  maya,  in  Virasaivism  is  not  to  be  understood  in 

the  sense  of  the  principle  of  illusion  of  Advaita-Vedanta.  The 

Siddhantagama  interprets  the  word  to  mean  “that  which  naturally 

attains  to  and  eternally  resides  in  the  supreme  Brahman.”  As  heat 

is  to  fire  and  light  to  sun,  Sakti  is  to  Siva,  inseparably  united  with 

Him  as  His  attribute.  It  is  through  His  Sakti  that  Siva  becomes  the 

cause  of  the  universe.  Siva  lends  His  own  nature  to  Sakti;  and  in 

its  discriminative  or  differentiating  aspect  ( vimarsakhya ),  it  becomes 

the  agent  of  world-manifestation.  Out  of  Sakti  come  all  beings  that 

constitute  the  universe.  This  is  called  creation  or  srishti.  And  in 

••  • 

pralaya,  all  return  to  Sakti  and  remain  therein  in  a  seedal  form. 

The  individual  soul  or  jwa  is  a  part  (amsa)  of  Siva;  and  it 
imagines  itself  to  be  different  from  Him  on  account  of  ignorance 
( avidyci ).  The  soul  is  identical  with  Siva  in  the  sense  that  it  pro¬ 
ceeds  from  Siva,  partakes  of  His  essence,  and  finds  ultimate  rest 
in  Him.  Having  no  independent  existence,  it  finally  becomes  one 
with  Him,  on  the  removal  of  avidya.  It  is  also  distinct  from  Siva 
in  the  sense  that  though  sharing  in  His  essence,  it  does  not  possess 
the  attributes  of  omniscience,  omnipotence,  etc.  Its  powers  of  know¬ 
ledge  and  action  are  limited  and  imperfect.  It  is  a  victim  of  impu¬ 
rities  such  as  karma  and  maya ,  and  is  consequently  a  creature  of 
samsara.  The  Upanishadic  simile  of  sparks  and  fire  is  employed  by 
the  Vlrasaiva  philosophers  to  explain  the  relation  of  the  soul  to  God. 
And  since  both  difference  and  identity  are  said  to  govern  the  re¬ 
lation,  the  Vlrasaiva  philosophy  is  a  doctrine  of  bhedabheda 
(difference  cum  non-difference). 

The  final  goal  of  the  soul  is  conceived  in  the  Vlrasaiva  system 
as  aikya  or  unity  with  Para-Si va,  the  supreme  reality.  The  soul  in 
union  with  Siva  enjoys  unexcellable  bliss.  This  final  state  of  ex¬ 
perience  is  technically  called  lihganga-samarasya,  i.e.  identity  in  es¬ 
sence  between  Ling  a  (Siva)  and  anga  (soul). 

Para-Siva  Brahman,  which  is  the  supreme  reality,  is  known  as 
sthala  in  Virasaivism.  The  word  sthala  means  place,  position  or 
abode.  Para-Siva  is  the  home  or  abode  of  all  beings.  He  is  the 


448 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


support  of  all  things.  In  Him  the  universe  exists  (stha  signifying 
sthdna  or  residence);  and  to  Him  it  returns  at  the  end  (la  signifying 
lay  a  or  dissolution).  Out  of  His  own  will  and  by  the  agitation  of 
His  innate  power  (sakti),  Para-Siva,  the  supreme  Sthala,  becomes 
divided  into  Liiiga  and  anga.  Linga  is  Siva  or  Rudra,  and  is  the 
object  of  worship  or  adoration.  Anga,  which  means  part ,  is  the 
individual  soul,  and  is  the  worshipper  or  adorer.  Sakti  also  gets 
divided  into  two  parts — kald  and  bhakti,  the  former  resorting  to 
Siva  and  the  latter  to  the  individual  soul.  Kola  is  responsible  for 
the  projection  of  the  world  from  Siva.  Bhakti  leads  the  soul  from 
bondage  to  final  release. 

The  three  terms  most  often  used  in  Vlrasaiva  writings  are  Guru , 
Jangama  and  Liiiga.  The  Guru  is  the  preceptor  who  imparts  to  the 
aspirant  spiritual  knowledge;  the  Jangama  is  the  realised  soul;  and 
the  Linga  is  the  Deity,  Siva. 

As  aids  to  progress  in  faith,  Vlrasaivism  teaches  eight  rules 
to  be  observed,  which  are  called  ashtdvarana:  (1)  obedience  to  a 
guru;  (2)  worship  of  a  liiiga;  (3)  reverence  for  the  jaiigama  as  for 
an  incarnation  of  Siva;  (4)  smearing  of  ashes  ( vibhuti)  made  of  cow- 
dung;  (5)  wearing  of  a  rosary  of  rudrdksha  beads;  (6)  pddodaka, 
sipping  the  water  in  which  the  feet  of  a  guru  or  jaiigama  have  been 
bathed;  (7)  prasdda,  offering  food  to  a  guru ,  liiiga,  or  jangama,  and 
partaking  sacramentally  of  what  is  left;  and  (8)  panchakshara,  utter¬ 
ing  the  five  syllabled  formula  namah  sivdya.  At  the  diksha  cere¬ 
mony  these  eight  modes  of  piety  are  taught  to  every  Lingayat  child. 

We  have  already  mentioned  that  the  distinguishing  mark  of 
a  Lingayat  is  the  wearing  of  a  Linga  on  his  body.  This  is  called  the 
Ishta-liiiga  and  is  the  object  of  Lingayat  worship.  The  Lingayats 
do  not  concern  themselves  with  the  worship  of  Siva  in  public  tem¬ 
ples.  Some  of  the  other  peculiarities  of  the  sect,  which  are  in  the 
nature  of  reforms,  are  the  following:  the  dikshd  ceremony  which 
takes  the  place  of  upanayana  is  performed  in  the  case  of  girls  also, 
and  the  women,  too,  have  to  wear  the  Linga,  like  men.  The  widows 
are  allowed  to  marry,  and  women  are  not  considered  to  be  polluted 
during  their  monthly  periods.  The  Lingayats  dispense  with  the  rite 
of  offering  oblations  in  fire;  and  instead  of  the  Brahma-gay atri  they 
make  use  of  the  Siva-gayatri.  The  reformist  zeal  of  the  Lingayat 
teachers  and  the  spiritual  fervour  of  the  V achana-writers  have  com¬ 
bined  in  making  Vlrasaivism  the  most  popular  faith  in  the  Kannada 
country. 

III.  SAIVA-SIDDHANTA 

Another  school  of  Saivism  which  flourished  in  South  India 
during  the  period  under  review,  and  which  still  claims  as  its  fol- 

449 

S.E.— 2'J 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


lowers  a  large  number  of  Tamils,  is  Saiva-siddhanta .  An  account 
of  the  lives  and  teachings  of  Tamil  saints  has  been  given  above.  The 
chief  of  these,  Manikkavachakar,  Appar,  Sambandhar  and  Sundarar, 
are  regarded  as  the  four  great  teachers  of  the  Saiva  faith  ( samayd - 
chary  as).  They  did  not  expound  the  Saiva  philosophy  in  any  syste¬ 
matic  way.  Their  sole  aim  was  to  create  a  fervour  in  the  hearts  of 
the  people  and  make  them  turn  towards  Siva,  relinquishing  what 
they,  the  Siva-bhaktas ,  considered  to  be  unsuitable  forms  of  faith, 
viz.  Jainism  and  Buddhism.  The  task  of  formulating  the  metaphy¬ 
sics  of  Saivism  was  left  to  the  later  teachers,  called  the  Santana - 
chary  as ,  preceptors  of  the  Saiva  metaphysical  doctrines.  Reference 
has  already  been  made  above1 38c  to  four  of  them  who  are  reckoned 
as  the  most  important.  They  are:  Meykanda-deva,  Arulnandi-siva- 
charya,  Marai  jnana-sambandhar  and  Umapati-sivacharya.  For  a 
knowledge  of  the  Saiva-siddhanta  metaphysics  we  must  turn  to  the 
writings  of  these  teachers. 

Meykanda’Sr  Siva-jhana-bodham,  written  in  the  first  half  of  the 
thirteenth  century  A.D.,  is  the  basic  text  of  the  Saiva-siddhanta 
philosophy.  Two  of  the  works  listed  among  the  Siddhanta-sastras, 
viz.  tiruvundiydr  and  Tirukkalirrup-padiydr ,  were  composed  by  two 
authors,  teacher  and  disciple  according  to  tradition,  bearing  the 
same  name  ‘Uyyavanda-deva,’  who  came  before  Meykanda.  But 
these  two  works  should  be  regarded  as  making  the  transition  from 
the  stotras  of  the  Samaydcharyas  to  the  sdstras  of  the  Santana - 
chary  as.  It  is  the  Siva-jhana-bodham  that  provides  the  Sutras  of 
Saiva-siddhanta,  stating  in  a  nutshell,  as  it  were,  the  leading  doc¬ 
trines  of  the  system.  There  is  a  verse  which  says:  “The  Veda  is  the 
cow;  its  milk  is  the  true  Agama;  the  Tamil  sung  by  the  Four  is  the 
ghee  extracted  from  it;  and  the  virtue  of  the  Tamil  work,  full  of 
wisdom  ( bodham )  of  Meykandar  of  the  celebrated  city  of  Vennai, 
is  the  fine  taste  of  the  ghee.” 

The  chief  of  Meykanda’s  disciples  was  Arulnandi-sivacharya. 
The  Siva-jnana-siddhiyar  which  he  wrote  is  next  in  importance  only 
to  the  Siva-jndna-bddham.  As  it  gives  an  authoritative  explanation 
of  the  bodham,  it  is  held  in  high  esteem  by  the  students  of  Saiva- 
siddhanta.  Arulnandi  wrote  also  another  work  called  Irupaviru- 
padu.. 

The  other  two  Santdndchdryas ,  Marai-jnana-sambandhar  and 
Umapati-sivacharya,  were  related  as  master  and  disciple.  The  master 
is  not  known  to  have  written  any  work.  But  the  disciple  amply 
compensated  for  this  by  contributing  as  many  as  eight  treatises  to 
the  Siddhanta-sastras.  His  works  are:  Tiruvarutpayan ,  Porrippahro- 
$ai,  Vina-venbfi,  Kodxkkavi,  Unmai-nerivilakkam,  Sankalpa-nira - 


450 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


karanam ,  N  ehjuvidu-tudn ,  and  Sivaprakasam.  Of  these  the  most 
important  work  is  the  last.  In  the  Sahkalpa-nirakaranam,  Umapati 
gives  the  date  of  its  composition  which  works  out  to  be  A.D.  1313. 

One  other  author,  whose  work  Unmai-vilakkam  is  included 
among  the  fourteen  Siddhanta-sastras,  is  Manavachakam-kadandar. 
He  was  one  of  the  disciples  of  Meykanda.  His  name  signifies  “one 
who  has  gone  beyond  thought  and  speech.” 

We  now  proceed  to  give  a  short  account  of  the  Saiva-siddhanta 
system.  The  Saiva-siddhanta  is  a  system  of  pluralistic  realism,  as 
it  recognises  the  reality  of  the  world  and  the  ultimate  plurality  of 
the  souls.  From  the  fact  that  the  siddhanta  writers  employ  the 
analogies  of  body  and  soul,  and  of  consonant  and  vowel,  it  may  be 
shown  that  there  is  some  identity  of  views  on  an  important  topic 
as  between  the  Siddhanta  and  Visishtadvaita.  But  the  Siddhantin 
himself  does  not  favour  the  characterisation  of  his  system  as  Visish¬ 
tadvaita.  He  claims  that  his  view  is  the  true  Advaita.  Meykanda 
uses  the  term  ‘Advaita’  to  refer  to  his  own  system.  Tayumanavar 
describes  Meykanda  as  one  who  saw  the  truth  of  pure  Advaita.  But 
in  the  interpretation  of  the  term  ‘Advaita’  the  Siddhantin  differs 
from  the  Saiikara-Advaitin.  What  is  denied  by  him  by  the  negative 
expression  ‘Advaita’  is  not  the  existence  of  two,  but  the  duality 
of  two.  He  says:  “They  are  not  two”,  and  not  “There  are  not  two”. 
Advaita  does  not  mean  absence  of  difference  ( bheda-abhdva )  but 
similarity  ( sadrisyci ).  Introducing  the  metaphysics  of  the  Siddhanta, 
Umapati  says  in  his  Sivaprakasam :  “We  expound  here  the  beauty 
of  Saiva-siddhanta,  the  cream  of  the  Vedanta,  whose  excellent  merit 
consists  in  its  exposition  of  the  Advaita,  postulating  an  inseparable 
relation  like  body  and  soul,  eye  and  the  sun,  the  soul  and  the  eye, 
supported  as  it  is  by  the  Dharma  of  the  highest  authoritative  books, 
and  unlike  the  bheda  and  bhedabheda  and  abheda  relations  illus¬ 
trated,  respectively,  by  light  and  darkness,  word  and  meaning,  gold 
and  ornament,  set  forth  by  other  schools,  and  which  is  further  sup¬ 
ported  by  perfectly  logical  methods,  and  is  light  to  the  truth-seekers 
and  darkness  to  others.” 

The  supreme  Reality  is  Siva,  the  Lord  ( pati )  of  all  beings. 
Though  the  human  intellect  cannot  comprehend  Siva’s  nature,  an 
attempt  is  made  to  understand  His  greatness.  Siva  is  superior  to 
the  Trimurtis,  Brahma,  Vishnu  and  Rudra.  Even  when  He  is  identi¬ 
fied  with  the  Destroyer,  His  superiority  to  the  other  two  may  be 
easily  seen.  Brahma  and  Vishnu  are  also  affected  in  a  way  by 
pralaya.  Only  Siva  stands  unaffected  and  exists  eternally  as  the 
supreme  Being.  Eight  qualities  are  attributed  to  Siva:  independ¬ 
ence,  purity,  self-knowledge,  omniscience,  freedom  from  mala, 


451 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


boundless  benevolence,  omnipotence,  and  bliss.  The  author  of  the 
Rural  describes  God  as  en-gunattan  (endowed  with  eight  qualities). 
But  there  is  no  limit  to  the  Lord’s  greatness.  The  most  comprehen¬ 
sive  terms  that  we  can  apply  to  Siva  are  Sat  and  Chit.  As  Satf  God 
is  the  plenitude  of  being  and  is  incomprehensible.  As  Chit  or  in¬ 
telligence,  we  can  know  Him.  Sat  and  Chit  are  like  the  sun  and 
its  light.  From  these  characteristics,  all  the  other  attributes  of  God 
may  be  derived.  It  is  wrong  to  think  of  God  as  attributeless.  What 
is  void  of  qualities  would  be  a  mere  blank,  a  night  of  nothingness. 
When  scriptures  speak  of  Brahman  as  nirguna,  what  they  mean  is 
that  God  is  above  the  gunas  of  Prakriti,  sattva,  rajas  and  tamas. 

Siva  is  immanent  in  the  universe  and  transcendent  as  well.  The 
conception  of  Ashta-murti  brings  out  the  aspect  of  immanence. 
Manikkavachakar  says: 

“Earth,  water,  air,  lire,  sky,  the  Sun  and  Moon, 

The  sentient  man,  these  eight  forms  He  pervades.” 

God  is  of  the  form  of  the  universe  {visvarupa) .  “Behold!  He  is  the 
male  and  the  female  and  the  neuter”,  sings  the  bard  of  the  Tiruvd - 
chakam .  The  omni-form  of  the  Lord  is  described  by  almost  all  the 
saints.  But  at  the  same  time,  they  are  conscious  of  the  fact  that 
the  universe  does  not  exhaust  God.  Siva  exceeds  the  world.  His 
greatness  is  beyond  conception.  Meykanda  says  that  S>iva  is  not 
the  object  of  perception  nor  the  content  of  thought.  Manikkava¬ 
chakar  declares  that,  though  the  supreme  Siva  became  man,  woman 
and  what  is  neither,  ether,  fire  and  the  final  cause,  He  transcends 
all  these  forms.  Rudra  is  visvddhika  (more  than  the  universe). 

It  is  to  stress  the  transcendent  nature  of  God  that  the  Sid- 
dhantin  conceives  of  Siva  as  the  operative  cause  of  the  world,  and 
not  as  the  material  cause  also.  One  of  the  arguments  for  the  exist¬ 
ence  of  God  offered  by  the  Siddhantin,  the  cosmological  argument, 
seeks  to  establish  the  efficient  causality  of  Siva  in  relation  to  the 
world.  The  first  sutra  of  Siva-jnana-bodham  contains  this  argument: 
“The  universe  which  is  diversified  as  ‘he’  ‘she’  and  ‘it’,  and  is  subject 
to  the  states  of  origination,  sustentation  and  destruction,  should 
have  a  cause  which  is  eternally  free  and  intelligent.  That  cause 
is  Hara  (i.e.  Siva)”.  The  analogy  of  the  potter  is  used  to  explain 
God’s  causality  in  relation  to  the  world.  Mere  clay  will  not  trans¬ 
form  itself  into  a  pot  but  for  the  operation  of  an  active  agent,  viz. 
a  potter.  Maya  is  the  material  cause  of  the  world,  as  clay  is  of  pot. 
God  is  the  efficient  or  operative  cause,  and  is  analogous  to  the  potter. 
His  Sakti  is  the  instrumental  cause,  like  the  potter’s  wheel.  The 
analogy  of  the  potter,  however,  should  not  be  pressed  too  far.  God 
has  no  purpose  of  His  own  to  be  fulfilled  through  His  creation.  He 


452 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


is  saiya-sankaipa  and  dpta-kdma ;  His  resolves  are  all  true,  and  de¬ 
sires  eternally  accomplished.  He  causes  the  world  to  evolve,  in 
order  that  the  souls  may  be  given  opportunities  for  the  riddance  of 
their  impurities.  Of  the  five  functions  of  Siva,  tirodhanci,  srishti, 
sthiti,  samhara,  and  anugrahci,  the  first  four  have  the  last  as  the 
goal.  And  even  when  evolution  takes  place  Siva  remains  unaffected. 
Just  as  the  wind  causes  disturbances  only  to  a  part  of  the  sea,  evolu¬ 
tion  relates  to  a  part  of  God’s  parigraha-soJcti.  The  sun  is  impartial 
and  the  same  to  all  things;  but  because  of  it,  diverse  phenomena 
occur;  the  lotus  blooms,  the  burning  glass  emits  heat,  and  water 
evaporates.  We  should  understand  the  nature  of  Siva  in  relation 
to  the  world  in  a  similar  way. 

One  of  the  distinctive  features  of  the  Siddhanta  is  that  it  does 
not  countenance  the  doctrine  of  Avatdra.  The  author  of  the  Siva- 
jfidna-siddhiyar 139  says  that  while  the  other  gods  are  subject  to 
birth  and  death,  suffering  and  enjoyment,  Siva,  the  consort  of  Uma, 
is  free  from  these.  There  is  no  incarnation  for  Siva;  for  incarnation, 
with  birth,  death  and  other  changes  which  are  incidental  to  it,  is 
the  result  of  karma  and  constitutes  samsara.  This,  however,  does 
not  mean  that  Siva  does  not  appear  in  bodily  forms.  He  appears  in 
the  form  in  which  He  is  worshipped  by  the  devotee.  Out  of  His 
great  love  for  the  souls,  He  comes  as  the  guru  to  save  them  from  . 
samsara.  One  of  the  favourite  themes  with  the  Saiva  saints  and 
hymnalists  is  the  conception  of  God  as  Love  and  Grace.  There  is  a  ! 
well-known  verse  of  Tirumular’s  which  says  that  only  the  ignorant 
distinguish  between  God  (Siva)  and  Love  (anbu),  and  that  wisdom 
lies  in  identifying  the  two. 

Besides  Siva,  the  Siddhantin  accepts  tw7o  other  ontologically 
distinct  and  eternal  entities,  viz.  may d  and  jlva.  Believing  in  the 
theory  of  sat-karya  as  he  does,  the  Siddhantin  argues  that  as  the 
material  cause  of  the  non-intelligent  world  there  must  be  admitted 
the  non-intelligent  mayd.  Maya  is  so  called  because  the  world  is 
resolved  (rad)  into  it,  and  is  evolved  (yd)  from  it.  It  is  the  primor¬ 
dial  stuff  of  which  the  universe  is  made.  It  provides  the  souls  with 
bodies  (tanu),  organs  ( karana ),  worlds  (bhuvana),  and  objects  of 
enjoyment  ( bhogya ).  Being  non-intelligent,  mayd  cannot  evolve  of 
itself.  It  requires  guidance  from  an  intelligent  being;  and  that  being 
is  Siva.  Siva,  however,  acts  on  mayd,  not  directly,  but  through  His 
Chit-sakti.  Thus  guided,  mayd  projects  from  itself  the  tattvas  which 
constitute  the  universe. 

Jlva  or  soul  is  by  nature  infinite,  pervasive,  omniscient,  etc.  But 
on  account  of  its  association  with  malas  or  bonds,  it  experiences  it¬ 
self  as  limited,  finite  and  parviscient.  The  three  malas  that  bind 


453 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

the  soul  are  dnava,  karma  and  may  a.  (1)  Anava  is  a  connate  impu¬ 
rity,  and  occupies  in  the  Saiva-siddhanta  a  position  similar  to  that 
of  avidyd  in  Advaita-Vedanta.  Being  connate  to  the  soul,  it  is 
beginningless.  It  is  the  cause  of  the  soul’s  delusion  and  the  conse¬ 
quent  transmigration.  (2)  The  lot  of  the  soul  in  any  particular  life 
is  the  result  of  its  past  karma.  And  in  working  out  its  past  karma 
it  acquires  fresh  karma.  This  vicious  circle  could  be  broken  only 
through  the  grace  of  Siva.  Even  for  adjusting  deserts  to  deeds  the 
guidance  of  God  is  necessary,  since  karma  is  a  blind  force,  being 
non-intelligent  by  nature.  (3)  The  third  mala  which  is  may  a  we  have 
already  taken  note  of. 

The  jiva  is  related  to  Siva  as  body  to  soul.  God  pervades  the 
soul  as  the  letter  A  pervades  all  the  other  letters.  The  relation 
between  Siva  and  jiva  is  described  by  the  Siddhantin  as  advaita. 
But  ‘advaita’  to  him  means,  not  abheda  or  non-difference,  but  ana - 
nyatd,  non-separateness.  As  a  substance,  the  soul  is  different  from 
God;  in  nature  it  is  similar  to  God.  Even  in  moksha  it  does  not  lose 
its  personality;  as  an  entity  it  is  unique  even  then. 

Souls  are  many,  since  each  has  a  distinct  body,  mind,  etc. 
When  one  is  born,  all  are  not  born;  when  one  dies,  all  do  not  die; 
and  when  one  is  released,  all  are  not  released.  The  scriptural 
statement  that  the  ‘self  is  one’  does  not  refer  to  the  souls;  it  is  a 
declaration  made  about  God  wTho  is  one.  Innumerable  are  the  souls, 
and  they  belong  to  various  types  ranging  from  the  egg-born  to  the 
placenta-born.  The  kind  of  birth  that  a  soul  takes  is  determined 
by  its  previous  karma.  The  birth  of  a  soul  as  a  human  being  is 
superior  to  birth  in  the  other  species  of  existence.  But  the  birth 
as  a  Saiva-siddhantin  is  said  to  be  the  best,  as  one  so  born  has  the 
best  chance  of  release. 

Charyd,  kriya,  yoga  and  jnana  are  the  means  the  soul  has  to 
adopt  for  gaining  its  freedom  from  mala .  Following  the  path  of 
charyd,  the  soul  thinks  itself  to  be  the  servant  of  God,  and  engages 
itself  in  such  acts  as  cleansing  God’s  temples,  adorning  the  images 
of  God  with  garlands,  praising  God,  serving  God’s  devotees,  etc. 
When  the  soul  reaches  the  stage  of  kriya,  it  becomes  more  intimate 
to  God  and  considers  itself  to  be  His  son.  Its  service  to  God  becomes 
closer.  It  invokes  God’s  presence,  and  offers  Him  its  love  and 
praise.  The  acts  of  service  are  still  of  an  external  type.  But  there 
is  a  change  in  the  inner  attitude  which  enables  the  soul  to  march 
nearer  to  God.  The  next  stage  which  is  yoga  makes  the  soul  regard 
itself  as  a  friend  of  God.  Here  the  soul  withdraws  its  senses  from 
their  respective  objects,  and  concentrates  its  mind  on  God.  The 
three  paths  we  have  now  considered,  charyd,  kriya  and  yoga,  are 


454 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


but  preparatory  stages  which  the  soul  has  to  go  through  before  it 
is  made  fit  to  meet  its  Lord.  The  reward  of  chary  a  is  salokya,  i.e. 
residence  in  the  region  of  God;  the  fruit  of  kriyd  is  sdmipya,  i.e. 
attaining  the  nearness  of  God;  and  the  result  of  yoga  is  sdrupya,  i.e. 
gaining  the  form  of  God.  None  of  these  three  acquisitions  is  to  be 
regarded  as  the  final  goal.  The  supreme  end  is  sayujya  or  union 
with  Siva.  This  is  to  be  attained  only  by  jhdna  or  wisdom;  for  what 
binds  the  soul  is  ignorance,  and  the  antidote  for  ignorance  is  wisdom. 
Jndna-mdrga,  or  san-mdrga ,  as  it  is  otherwise  called,  is  the  last  stage 
in  the  journey  to  God.  All  that  goes  before  it  is  of  the  nature  of 
preparation  for  this  final  step. 

The  attainment  of  Sivatva,  which  is  release,  is  not  complete 
mergence  of  the  soul’s  being  in  Siva;  for  as  an  existent  the  soul  is 
ever  different  from  Siva.  Even  after  the  release  the  soul  continues 
to  be  a  soul  and  does  not  become  God.  It  can  claim  God’s  nature 
as  its  own  too;  but  it  cannot  claim  that  it  is  itself  God.  What  hap¬ 
pens  in  moksha  is  this:  ceasing  to  experience  through  pasa  which  it 
did  in  bondage,  the  soul  now  experiences  through  pati  (the  Lord). 
It  has  shed  its  pasa-jndna  and  pasu-jndna;  its  knowledge  now  is  pati- 
jndna.  The  expression  pati-jndna  does  not  mean  the  Lord’s  know¬ 
ledge  but  the  soul’s  knowledge  through  the  Lord. 

Moksha  is  a  state  of  freedom  from  mala.  There  is  no  longer 
any  need  for  the  soul  to  return  to  empirical  life.  In  moksha  the 
soul  finds  rest,  peace  and  bliss.  It  enjoys  the  bliss  of  Siva,  but  not 
His  five-fold  function  of  creation,  sustentation,  destruction,  conceal¬ 
ment,  and  bestowal  of  grace.  Thus  the  entitative  difference  bet¬ 
ween  God  and  soul  still  continues  and  will  never  go.  Like  the 
combination  of  the  two  words  ‘taV  and  ‘talai’  in  the  compound  word 
‘tadalai’,  in  moksha,  there  is  a  mystic  union  of  soul  with  God. 
Moksha  is  not  a  state  of  bare  identity;  it  is  the  experience  of  unity- 
in-duality.  God  is  the  giver  of  eternal  bliss;  and  the  soul  is  the 
recipient  thereof.  They  are  not  two,  but  two-in-one.  This  is  the 
Advaita  of  Saiva-siddhanta. 

IV.  Si  V  ADVAITA 

Srikantha,  who  was  probably  a  contemporary  of  Ramanuja, 
expounded  a  system  of  Saivism  which  is  called  Sivadvaita.  While 
resembling  Kashmir  Saivism  in  certain  respects  and  Saiva-Siddhanta 
in  certain  others,  Srikantha’s  Saivism  has  unique  features  of  its  own. 
Srikantha  bases  his  exposition  on  the  Veddnta-sdtra,  and  identifies 
Brahman  with  Para-Siva  who  is  superior  to  the  trimilrtis,  viz. 
Brahma,  Vishnu  and  Rudra.  Because  Srikantha  explains  the  relation 
between  the  world  of  souls  and  matter  on  the  one  hand,  and  God  on 


455 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  other,  on  the  analogy  of  the  relation  between  body  and  soul,  his 
system  has  been  described  as  Siva-visishtadvaita.  Srikantha  himself 
calls  his  system  so.  But  unlike  Ramanuja  Srikantha  does  not  criticise 
Sankara’s  Advaita.  On  the  contrary,  there  are  indications  in  his 
writings  of  his  leaning  towards  non-dualism.  A  careful  reading  of 
Srikantha’s  bhashya  will  convince  one  that  this  philosopher  occu¬ 
pies  a  position  midway  between  Sankara  and  Ramanuja.  While 
theism  is  the  pronounced  doctrine  he  teaches,  he  leaves  the  door 
open  for  passing  beyond  to  the  higher  truth,  viz.  Absolutism. 

God,  according  to  Srikantha,  is  the  supreme  Lord  who  exercises 
the  five-fold  function  of  the  creation,  preservation  and  destruction 
of  the  world,  and  of  concealment  and  grace  in  respect  of  the  soul 
(srishti,  sthiti,  samhara,  tirobhdva  and  anugraha).  The  purpose  of 
creation  is  to  redeem  the  soul.  Since  impurity  is  innate  in  the  soul, 
and  it  could  be  got  rid  of  only  through  action,  the  soul  has  to  pass 
through  cycles  of  births  and  deaths.  For  this  purpose  the  Lord 
conceals  the  soul’s  eternal  perfection.  And  when  by  successive  per¬ 
formance  of  action  the  soul  has  become  pure  and  is  fit  for  release, 
the  Lord  bestows  grace  on  it  in  consequence  whereof  it  realises  its 
own  eternal  nature,  which  is  in  essence  the  nature  of  God.  Thus 
tirobhava  and  anugraha  are  the  two  ends  in  the  process  of  perfect¬ 
ing  the  soul,  and  the  creation,  preservation  and  destruction  of  the 
w^orld  are  the  intervening  links  in  this  chain. 

Brahman  is  the  material  as  well  as  the  operative  cause  of  the 
world.  As  the  material  cause,  He  is  the  soul  of  the  universe.  As 
the  operative  cause,  He  is  higher  than  the  universe.  He  is  both 
visvdkara  and  visvadhika  (immanent  and  transcendent). 

Brahman  effects  the  manifestation  of  the  world  through  His 
Sakti  or  Power.  It  is  by  virtue  of  His  Sakti  that  Brahman  is  im¬ 
manent  in  His  creation  and  yet  transcendent.  The  ultimate  Reality 
is  not  a  bare  identity;  it  is  a  unity-in-duality,  an  identity-in-differ- 
ence.  Para-sakti  is  the  form  of  the  Lord.  She  figures  as  His  wis¬ 
dom,  strength,  and  activity.  The  Lord’s  will,  knowledge,  and 
action  are  but  modes  of  his  Sakti.  Through  his  Ichchha^sakti,  the 
Lord  desired  ‘‘May  I  become  many”;  by  Jnana-sakti  He  considered 
the  means  and  instruments  necessary;  with  Kriya-^sakti  He  created 
the  universe  which  is  like  a  picture  painted  on  the  wall  of  IchchhS- 
sakti. 

Srikantha  believes  in  sat-karya-vada  and  maintains  that  the 
universe  is  non-different  from  Brahman  just  as  the  pot  is  non- 
different  from  the  clay  of  which  it  is  made.  And  yet  Brahman  is  not 
completely  one  with  the  universe,  for  He  is  intelligent,  while  the 
universe  is  for  the  most  part  non-intelligent.  The  relation  between 


456 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


Brahman  and  the  world  is  to  be  explained  on  the  analogy  of  the 
soul-body  relation.  The  whole  world,  consisting  of  intelligent 
beings  and  non-intelligent  things,  is  the  body  of  Isvara.  Ignorance, 
change,  etc.,  affect  this  body,  while  qualities  like  permanence,  omni¬ 
science,  etc.,  belong  to  the  Self. 

Srlkantha  identifies  Brahman  with  Siva.  He  sees  in  the 
V edanta-sutra  “a  doctrine  of  the  Supreme  Being  as  Siva,  the  auspi¬ 
cious  one,  the  Being  whose  throat  shows  for  all  time  the  mark  of 
His  grace  to  Plis  creatures,  the  consort  of  Uma  who  is  the  Supreme 
Light  of  Intelligence  and  Bliss,  the  three-eyed  cause  of  the  destruc¬ 
tion  and  subsequent  re-creation  of  the  Universe.”  Srlkantha  shows 
howT  the  eight  nams  of  Siva,  viz.  Bhava,  Sarva,  Rudra,  Isana,  Pasu- 
pati,  Ugra,  Bhima  and  Mahadeva  are  applicable  to  Brahma  as  de¬ 
fined  by  the  j anmddi-sutra.  Among  the  several  Upanishadic  texts 
that  the  teacher  quotes  is  the  one  from  the  Svetasvatara  which 
declares  that  men  can  indeed  attain  release  without  knowing  Siva, 
when  they  can  roll  up  the  skies  like  a  piece  of  hide. 

Release  is  attained  through  realisation  of  one’s  own  essential 
nature.  But  this  has  to  wait  till  karma  fructifies  and  is  fully  experi¬ 
enced  through  enjoyment  or  suffering.  The  Lord  is  impartial  and 
wills  the  release  of  all.  But  only  those  whose  karma  is  ripened  are 
released,  even  as  on  the  rising  of  the  sun  only  those  lotus  buds  that 
are  ready  bloom. 

Contemplation  of  the  Lord  is  the  means  to  release.  The  soul’s 
samsara  is  due  to  its  beginningless  finitude  and  dependence.  But 
this  miserable  state  can  be  terminated,  for  it  is  not  of  the  essence 
of  the  jiva.  The  jiva  should  rise  above  its  limitations  by  medita¬ 
ting  on  the  glory  of  Siva.  According  to  the  tatkratu-nyaya  one  be¬ 
comes  what  one  meditates  on.  By  meditating  constantly  on  Brah¬ 
man,  the  devotee  acquires  his  distinctive  characteristics  ( asddha - 
raya-gunah) .  Occasional  acts  of  meditation  will  not  do.  Only 
when  practised  unintermittently  and  with  concentration,  medita¬ 
tion  will  lead  to  Brahma-sdkshdtkara.  Meditation  should  not  be 
given  up  at  any  time;  it  must  continue  every  day  until  death.  The 
Lord  should  be  contemplated  as  identical  with  the  self,  not  as  diffe¬ 
rent  therefrom.  Otherwise,  the  soul  will  not  be  released  from  its 
bondage  (pasubhava) .  To  go  beyond  the  limitations  one  must 
identify  oneself  with  the  unlimited. 

The  enlightened  one  attains  final  release  from  good  and  evil 
deeds,  “not  at  death,  but  only  on  crossing  the  Viraja,  the  river  that 
constitutes  the  boundary  of  Vishnu-loka,  beyond  which  lies  the 
abode  of  Siva,  the  region  of  final  liberation  and  the  full  attainment 
of  self-hood.”  Till  that  stage  is  reached  there  is  samsara.  The  en- 


457 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


lightened  soul  departs  at  death  on  the  path  of  the  gods,  sheds  all 
the  residue  of  its  impurities  at  the  Viraja,  crosses  the  river,  and 
attains  final  release.  Speaking  of  the  devotees  of  the  Non-related 
(niranvaya-updsakas) ,  Srikantha  says  that  there  is  no  passing  for 
them  along  the  path. 

The  soul  which  has  attained  release  through  the  intuition  of 
Brahman  and  has  become  equal  to  Brahman,  enjoys  supreme  bliss 
before  which  the  joys  of  the  world  pale  into  insignificance.  The 
world  is  seen  now,  in  its  proper  context,  as  a  part  of  the  Lord. 
Negatively,  release  is  freedom  from  pasutva  (bondage) ;  positively, 
it  is  the  attainment  of  bliss  ( Sivatva ).  The  self’s  real  nature  is 
made  manifest  in  release.  It  regains  self-luminosity  and  acquires 
the  auspicious  qualities  characteristic  of  Siva.  The  five-fold  func¬ 
tions  of  creation,  etc.,  however,  continue  to  be  exercised  by  the 
Lord  alone.  The  similarity  of  the  released  soul  to  Brahman  is  only 
in  respect  of  wisdom  and  enjoyment.  Is  it  not  enough  that  the 
soul  has  been  redeemed  from  samsdra ,  and  that  it  no  longer  returns 
to  the  world  of  tears  and  sorrow? 

V.  KAPALA  AND  KALAMUKHA  SECTS140 

Passing  reference  has  been  made  above  to  the  great  influence 
of  the  Kapalikas.  These,  along  with  the  Kalamukhas,  represent 
two  extremely  horrid  and  repulsive  forms  of  Saivism. 

The  Kapalas  and  Kalamukhas  are  two  distinct  sects,  though  they 
were  often  confused  with  one  another.  According  to  Ramanuja,  the 
Kapalikas  (members  of  Kapala  sect)  maintained  that  a  man,  who  was 
advanced  in  their  doctrine,  could  attain  the  highest  bliss  by  concen¬ 
trating  his  mind  on  the  soul  seated  on  the  female  organ.  They  wor¬ 
shipped  Bhairava  as  the  great  God  and  attributed  great  virtues  and 
occult  powers  to  drinking  wine  and  eating  disgusting  substances  as 
food.  They  performed  human  sacrifices,  and  believed  that  by  the 
practice  of  Yoga  they  could  achieve  miraculous  powers  of  speedy 
movement.  The  Kalamukhas  held  that  happiness  in  this  world  and 
salvation  in  the  next  could  be  attained  by  such  practices  as  (1)  eat¬ 
ing  food  in  a  human  skull;  (2)  besmearing  the  body  with  the  ashes 
of  the  dead  and  also  eating  those  ashes;  (3)  worshipping  the  God  as 
seated  in  a  pot  of  wine;  and  (4)  holding  a  club.  Men  of  other  castes 
could  become  Brahmanas  by  performance  of  certain  rites,  and  one 
who  undertook  the  vow  of  a  Kapala  became  a  holy  saint. 

The  religious  devotion  of  these  outlandish  sects  was  reserved  for 
the  horrid  God  Bhairava  with  his  wife  Chandika,  wearing  a  garland 
of  human  skulls,  and  requiring  human  sacrifices  and  offering  of  wine 
for  his  propitiation.  It  is  unnecessary  to  give  any  further  details 


458 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


about  the  horrible,  almost  demoniacal,  practices  of  these  sects,  which 
form  a  “ghastly  picture  of  the  wild  aberrations  of  the  human  intel¬ 
lect  and  spirit.”141  They  must  have  been  in  vogue  from  fairly  early 
times  and  their  origin  may  be  traced  to  the  terrible  form  and  con¬ 
ception  of  Rudra.  What  is,  however,  significant  is  their  popularity, 
side  by  side  with  the  highly  devotional  and  philosophical  aspects  of 
Saivism. 

It  would  be  wrong  to  think  that  these  sects  were  quite  insigni¬ 
ficant.  According  to  tradition  even  the  great  Sankaracharya  had  to 
enter  into  a  keen  contest  with  them.  Centuries  later,  Ramanuja, 
Anandagiri  and  others  took  note  of  them,  and  their  beliefs  and 
practices  find  a  place  in  the  Siva  Pumna  and  other  sacred  books  of 
the  Saivas.  They  also  figured  in  literature  of  fiction  and  we  get  a 
picture  of  them  in  the  Malatimadhava  of  Bhavabhuti.  Srlsaila  is 
referred  to  as  the  chief  seat  of  the  Kapalikas  in  this  drama.  A 
female  member  of  this  sect,  Kapalakundala  by  name  and  wearing  a 
garland  of  human  skulls,  carries  away,  at  dead  of  night,  the  heroine 
Malati  to  the  cemetery  where  her  preceptor  Aghoraghanta  was  to 
sacrifice  her  before  the  image  of  Karala-Chamunda. 

There  can  be  hardly  any  doubt  that  such  extreme  sects  of  &aiv- 
ism  reflect  the  same  human  tendency  and  mentality  as  we  find  in 
some  revolting  Tantrik  rites  mentioned  above,  and  that  in  some  form 
or  other  they  have  continued  to  exercise  bewitching  influence  over 
certain  sections  of  the  people. 

F.  GENERAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  PHILOSOPHY 
I.  IMPACT  OF  OTHER  CIVILIZATIONS— THE  THEISTIC  URGE 

Reference  has  been  made  above142  to  the  early  Christian  and 
Muslim  settlements  in  India.  To  what  extent  and  in  what  way,  if 
at  all,  these  extremely  monotheistic  civilizations  affected  the  thought 
of  the  country,  we  have  not  materials  enough  to  judge.143  But  we 
find  that  during  the  period  under  review  there  was  a  theistic  urge 
in  the  philosophy  of  the  land.  This  finds  powerful  expression  in 
many  Vedantic  writers  who  came  after  Sankara. 

Sankara’s  efforts  had  earned  a  prestige  for  the  Vedanta  which 
no  other  philosophy  enjoyed  at  the  time,  and  re-introduced  in  the 
minds  of  men  a  reverence  for  the  Vedas  from  which  the  Vedanta 
professed  to  spring.  Sankara’s  Brahma  was,  however,  an  impersonal 
being,  who  could  not  evoke  any  devotional  emotion,  and  prayers  to 
whom  were  meaningless.  But  man  in  sorrow  and  suffering  requir¬ 
ed  a  solace.  He  looked  for  a  god  who  could  show  mercy  to  a  sinner 
and  secure  safety  for  him  in  times  of  need.  Jainism  and  Buddhism 


459 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


had  killed  such  a  god  while  Jaimini’s  Mimamsa  and  Kapila’s 
Sankhya  did  no  better.  Nyaya-Vaiseshika’s  god  was  more  a  creator 
than  anything  else.  A  better  god  was  yet  to  come.  Man’s  yearn¬ 
ing  spirit,  therefore,  turned  to  the  Vedas  and  the  higher  philosophy 
that  sprang  from  their  womb.  We  thus  find  thinkers  and  writers 
with  a  theistic  bent  of  mind  attempting  to  re-interpret  the  Vedanta. 

II.  RAMANUJA  (eleventh-twelfth  century  A.D.) 

One  such  great  writer  was  Ramanuja,  to  whom  reference  has 
been  made  above.  The  line  of  thought  that  he  followed  did  not  ap¬ 
pear  in  him  for  the  first  time.  He  was  preceded  by  others  in  this 
way  of  thinking.  But  he  surpassed  them  in  clarity  and  vigour  of 
thought  and  urgency  of  appeal.  So  he  eclipsed  his  predecessors  and 
gave  a  lead  to  many  others  who  followed  him. 

The  first  point  of  his  attack  was  Sankara’s  theory  of  knowledge 
and  his  theory  of  Brahma  as  a  substance  without  attribute.  Com- 
monsense  says  that  when  there  is  knowledge,  there  must  be  a 
knower  who  knows  and  an  object  that  is  known,  and  knowledge  is 
the  relation  between  the  two.  Sankara  demurred  to  this.  Brahma 
was  consciousness;  but  as  there  was  no  second  to  him,  he  could  not 
be  a  knower  in  the  ordinary  sense  with  an  object  to  be  known.  The 
world  of  things  and  finite  selves  was  unreal,  and  so  Brahma  was 
without  relation,  and  without  any  attribute.  There  was  nothing 
else  from  which  he  could  be  differentiated,  and  no  quality  either 
by  which  he  could  be  differentiated. 

Ramanuja  challenged  this  entire  position.  Knowledge  always 
implied  a  relation.  The  world  of  things  and  selves  was  real.  It 
was  not  different  from  Brahma  in  essence,  but  differentiated  from 
him  by  their  individuality.  Brahma  was  not  a  mere  ‘is’  without 
any  quality.  The  world  is  in  him  like  a  quality  in  a  thing,  like 
heat  in  fire  or  weight  in  a  stone.  The  world  is  his  expression,  his 
body,  so  to  say.  Brahma  is  a  personal  being,  having  infinite  quali¬ 
ties  of  goodness  and  purity.  He  is  in  fact  the  same  as  Vishnu  of 
the  Vishnu  Pur  ana  and  the  Vaishnavas.  Ramanuja’s  commentary 
on  the  V edanta-sutras  is  interspersed  with  profuse  quotations  from 
the  Vishnu  Pur  ana  and  other  Vaishnava  writings.  His  conclusions 
are  based  on  these  quite  as  much  as  on  the  sutras  of  Vedanta  as 
interpreted  by  him. 

There  was  another  important  point  on  which  Ramanuja  differ¬ 
ed  from  Sankara.  According  to  Ramanuja  religious  performances 
{karma),  as  explained  and  advocated  by  the  Purva  Mimamsa,  were 
a  necessary  preliminary  to  and  a  preparation  for  the  study  and 


460 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


practice  of  the  Vedanta.  Further,  knowledge  alone  was  not  enough 
to  save  a  soul.  It  was  to  be  followed  by  devotion  to  God  ( bhakti ) 
which  could  lead  man  to  his  destination. 

III.  OTHER  VAISHNAVA  COMMENTATORS  OF  VEDANTA 

(i)  Nimbdrka  (twelfth  century  A.D.) 

Ramanuja’s  philosophy  has  been  called  ‘qualified  monism’.  It 
was  so  called  because,  according  to  it,  though  the  ultimate  reality 
was  one,  it  possessed  qualities  and  was  thus  qualified.  The  world 
and  finite  souls  were  in  Brahma  like  qualities  inhering  in  a  thing, 
like  light  in  the  sun.  Ramanuja  was  followed  in  the  theistic  line 
of  thinking  by  several  powerful  Vaishnavas.  Next  in  time  and 
rank  to  him  was  Nimbarka,  a  Telugu  Brahmana,  whose  philosophy 
has  been  given  the  name  of  ‘dualism-monism’.  Like  Sankara  and 
Ramanuja,  he,  too,  believed  that  the  ultimate  reality  was  one 
and  it  was  Brahma.  But  unlike  them,  he  thought  that  the  world 
and  finite  selves  were  real,  too;  and  they  were  distinct  from 
Brahma.  There  were  thus  two  realities — Brahma  and  the  other 
than  Brahma.  So  far  he  was  a  dualist.  But  these  two  reals  were 
at  bottom  and  in  essence  one;  for  Brahma  was  the  essence  of  all. 
So  far  he  was  a  monist.  And  the  relation  between  Brahma  and 
the  other  than  Brahma  was  that  of  a  whole  with  its  parts.  A  part 
has  no  reality  apart  from  the  whole  of  which  it  is  a  part,  but  it  is 
not  identical  with  the  whole.  Again,  the  whole  is  not  real,  away 
from  the  parts.  They  have  a  common  existence,  a  common  essence, 
and  are  yet  distinguishable  from  each  other.  Between  Brahma 
and  the  world  of  things  and  selves,  the  relation  is  the  same.  It  is 
a  case  of  identity  in  difference.  But  what  is  important  in  the 
argumentation  is  that  his  Brahma  was  identical  with  Vishnu;  he 
was  a  god  and  a  person,  who  could  be  an  object  of  devotion  and 
love,  to  whom  prayers  could  be  addressed  and  who  could  show 
mercy  and  compassion  when  these  were  needed. 

(ii)  Madhva  (thirteenth  century  A.D.) 

Another  Vaishnava  theist  who  wrote  on  the  Vedanta  was 
Madhva.  His  philosophy  was  pure  dualism.  There  were  two 
categories  of  reality,  according  to  him;  Brahma  and  that  which  was 
other  than  Brahma.  This  second  category  included  the  world  of 
plurality  of  things  and  the  plurality  of  finite  individual  souls.  The 
two  categories  were  totally  different  from  each  other,  have  been 
so  from  eternity,  and  will  continue  to  be  so.  Things  are  different 
from  one  another;  so  are  the  finite  souls  from  one  another  and  from 
things  and  Brahma.  The  knowledge  of  these  differences  is  the 

461 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


way  to  escape  from  the  bondage  of  life.  The  talk  of  one  reality, 
therefore,  is  meaningless  according  to  Madhva.  But  the  most  im¬ 
portant  of  his  conclusions  is  that,  as  in  other  Vaishnava  writers, 
the  Brahma  of  Vedanta  is  not  an  impersonal  being  but  is  only  an¬ 
other  name  for  Hari  or  Vishnu.  He  is  the  one  object  of  worship 
and  devotion. 


(iii)  Vallabha 

With  Madhva  and  his  school,  the  reaction  against  Sankara’s 
monism  seems  to  be  complete.  Monism  led  to  qualified  monism; 
this  was  followed  by  a  theory  of  monism  in  dualism;  then  came 
pure  dualism.  But  a  reaction  to  this  reaction  set  in,  and  the  wheel 
went  full  circle  in  Vallabha.  Vallabha’s  philosophy  was  Sankara’s 
monism  minus  the  doctrine  of  illusion  (or  may  a).  The  world  and 
the  finite  souls  were  all  real.  They  were  not  an  illusion.  But 
they  were  not  different  from  Brahma  either.  All  things  are  Brahma. 
There  is  absolute  identity  among  them.  In  Vallabha  we  have  an 
identification  of  Brahma,  not  with  Vishnu  as  such,  but  with  his  in¬ 
carnation,  Krishna  of  Gokula.  This  is  an  advance  towards  later 
Vaishnavism.  Vallabha  is  thus  Sankara  revived  with  a  little  popu¬ 
lar  crudeness  and  without  Sankara’s  argumentative  subtlety. 

But  Vallabha  is  usually  assigned  to  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
or  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  A.D.144  In  speaking  of  him 
here,  before  A.D.  1300,  we  are  thus  guilty  of  a  slight  anachron¬ 
ism.  We  mention  him  just  to  show  how  the  movement  of  thesis, 
anti-thesis  and  synthesis  was  in  full  swing  in  Vedanta  circles;  how 
one  proposition  powerfully  advocated  led  to  a  counter-proposition, 
and  the  conflict  of  these  two  to  a  third. 

We  may  add  that  this  movement  of  theism  was  not  confined 
to  the  centuries  in  which  the  above  writers  appeared,  nor  to  the 
provinces  to  which  they  belonged.  The  influence  of  Nimbarka  and 
Madhva,  specially  of  Madhva,  for  instance,  travelled  beyond  their 
time  and  place,  and  in  the  sixteenth  century  A.D.  started  the 
famous  Chaitanya  movement  in  Bengal.  Under  Chaitanya’s  influ¬ 
ence,  a  new  philosophical  school  arose  headed  by  Jlva  GosvamI,  and 
another  elaborate  exposition  of  Vedanta  was  attempted  by  Baladeva, 
just  to  adapt  it  to  the  requirements  of  the  new  religious  cult. 

IV.  NON-VAISHNAVA  VEDANTISTS 

It  was  not  the  worshippers  of  Vishnu  alone  who  fell  back  upon 
the  Vedanta  for  a  philosophical  sanction  of  their  religious  cult 
Followers  of  other  religions  also  did  the  same.  So  far  as  pure 
philosophy  is  concerned,  the  contributions  of  these  writers  were 


462 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


not  of  very  great  importance.  Their  chief  concern  was  to  suggest 
an  identification  of  Brahma  of  Vedanta  with  the  god  of  their  wor¬ 
ship.  This  is  not  done  by  any  irrefutable  logic,  but  only  by  citing 
the  various  names  of  the  deity  along  with  that  of  Brahma  and 
treating  them  as  a  string  of  synonyms.  Thus  Srikantha,  a  Saiva 
commentator  of  the  Vedanta- sutras,  under  the  very  first  sutra ,  uses 
several  names  of  Siva  as  implying  the  same  thing  as  the  word 
‘Brahma’  used  in  the  sutra.  All  this  only  shows  the  great  prestige 
which  the  Vedas  and  the  Vedanta,  the  professed  philosophy  of  the 
Vedas,  had  earned  under  the  powerful  advocacy  of  Sankara. 

One  peculiarity  of  all  these  theistic  interpreters  of  Vedatna  is 
that  they  emphasise  devotion  to  God  ( bhakti )  as  more  important 
and  as  the  true  means  of  man’s  salvation.  Knowledge  is,  after  all, 
an  aid  to  the  production  of  this  spirit  of  devotion  and  self-surrender 
to  God. 


V.  THE  OTHER  SYSTEMS 

Among  the  orthodox  systems,  the  Yoga  treated  man  as  a  psycho¬ 
physical  composite,  and  by  prescribing  a  series  of  physico-mental 
exercises,  it  sought  to  make  man’s  body  and  mind  suitable  for  libe¬ 
ration;  and  on  its  way  to  that  goal,  man  might  acquire  many 
extraordinary  and  supra-human  powers.  Instead  of  being  a  means 
to  an  end,  these  powers  may  become  ends  in  themselves,  and  so 
the  Yoga  captivates  the  fancy  of  many  men  even  now.  Besides, 
the  psychology  of  the  Yoga,  though  not  cast  in  a  modern  mould, 
has  still  a  profundity  of  its  own.  But,  in  spite  of  all  this,  the  Yoga 
soon  degenerated  into  a  study  of  postures  and  the  dispositions  of 
the  limbs  in  these  postures  by  which  the  body  could  be  made  hardy 
and  disciplined;  and  also  the  practice  of  certain  intellectual 
exercises  by  which  occult  powers  were  believed  to  be  attainable. 
Whatever  the  value  of  these  things  may  be — and  admitting  that 
they  have  great  value — they  were  not  philosophy.  This  form  of 
Yoga  is  usually  given  the  name  of  Hatha-yoga  to  distinguish  it  from 
the  higher  and  philosophical  Yoga. 

Sahkhya,  on  the  whole,  produced  very  little  literature  as  com¬ 
pared  with  the  other  systems.  It  continues  to  be  studied  even  to¬ 
day.  But  it  has  not  diversified  itself  into  schools  like  the  Vedanta, 
and  cannot  claim  even  half  the  number  of  commentators  as  the 
Vedanta.  During  the  period  we  are  reviewing,  no  writer  on  Sah¬ 
khya  appears  to  have  risen  to  fame.  Except  Vijnanabhikshu  who, 
in  the  sixteenth  century  A.D.  or  thereabout,  attempted  to  give  it 
a  new  orientation,  it  has  had  more  or  less  an  even  tenor  of  life. 
Its  conception  of  the  eternal  feminine  ( prakriti )  and  eternal  mascu¬ 
line  {purusha)  may  have  suggested  metaphors  to  poets;  and  it  might 


463 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


also  have  been  at  the  root  of  certain  conceptions  of  the  Tantras  and 
other  forms  of  religious  rites  or  worship.  Besides,  its  theory  of  gunas 
(qualities)  might  have  affected  subsequent  thought  in  general  and 
medical  science  in  particular.  Charaka,  one  of  the  founders  of 
medical  science  in  India,  appears  to  have  used  some  of  the  concepts 
of  Sankhya;  and  others  have  also  followed  him.  But  it  is  difficult 
to  say  whether  Charaka,  who  probably  flourished  in  the  first  century 
A.D.,  borrowed  from  Sankhya,  or  from  a  common  fund  of  ideas  on 
which  Sankhya  also  drew.  The  theory  of  guna,  for  instance,  though 
elaborated  and  emphasised  by  the  Sankhya,  is  found  in  other 
spheres  of  thought  also,  philosophical  as  well  as  non-philosophical. 

The  Sankhya  conception  of  male  and  female  principles  may 
have  influenced  dualistic  Vaishnavism,  specially  the  cult  of  Krishna 
and  Radha.  We  hear  of  such  influence  from  some  of  the  writers 
of  the  Bengal  School  of  Vaishnavism.  And  the  cult  of  Hara  and 
Gauri — the  concept  of  God  as  half  masculine  and  half  feminine, 
each  half  holding  the  other  in  eternal  embrace — may  also  have 
received  an  impetus  from  Sankhya.  But  this  influence  is  rather 
vague,  and  no  historical  account  of  it  is  possible;  one  can  only  point 
out  parallels.  These,  however,  may  also  point  to  the  existence  of  an 
earlier  common  stock  of  ideas,  from  which  all  borrowed. 

Except  in  its  theory  of  particularity  or  individuality  ( visesha ), 
the  Vaiseshika  did  not  differ  much  from  the  Nyaya.  But  it  continued 
to  maintain  its  separate,  though  rather  subordinate,  existence,  right 
up  to  the  seventeenth  century  A.D.,  when  joint  treatises  on  the  two 
systems  were  written  by  scholars  like  Visvanatha,  Annambhatta  and 
others.  From  that  time  onward  the  Vaiseshika  has  been  practically 
merged  in  the  Nyaya  system;  and  the  two  systems  move  like  twin 
stars  across  the  sky  of  Indian  thought.  Sivaditya  is  perhaps  the  only 
important  writer  on  Vaiseshika  during  the  period  under  review. 

We  have,  however,  a  different  story  to  tell  about  the  Nyaya.  As 
an  organ  of  debate  it  created  a  position  for  itself  from  which  even 
the  Vedanta  could  not  dislodge  it.  In  wrestling  with  Jain  and  Bud¬ 
dhist  logic,  it  had  gained  strength.  While  its  metaphysics  or  its 
theory  of  the  world  had  been  disposed  of  in  the  Vedanta-sutras,  its 
usefulness  as  a  weapon  of  argument  remained.  And  under  the 
leadership  of  Gahgesa  in  Mithila,  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century  A.D.,  it  started  a  new  career  as  a  c novum  organum’ — as  a  new 
logic  (navy a  nyaya) ,  which  continued  to  flourish  right  up  to  the  days 
of  Chaitanya,  about  which  time  its  centre  of  activity  was  shifted  to 
Navadvipa  in  Bengal.  This  new  logic  which  was  concerned  more 
with  the  sources  of  knowledge  ( pramdnas )  than  with  metaphysics, 
has  produced  an  extensive  literature  expressed  in  an  unusually  stiff 


464 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 

language.  The  weakest  link  in  this  chain  of  literature  is  that  it 
argues  and  argues  about  many  questions  of  epistemology,  but  gives 
us  no  stable  metaphysical  conclusions.  For  this  reason,  it  has  often 
been  derided  as  a  waste  of  man’s  brain-power,  and  discussing 
nothing  better  than  whether  the  pot  contains  the  oil  or  the  oil  the 
pot. 


The  Purva  Mimaihsa  also  continued  to  hold  a  position  of  influ¬ 
ence.  This  was  due  to  the  fact  that  it  was  more  directly  and  more 
intimately  connected  with  the  Vedas  than  any  other  system.  Its 
philosophical  importance  was  not  very  great,  except  for  a  few  con¬ 
ceptions,  such  as  karma ,  which  were  common  to  other  philosophies. 
With  the  gradual  disappearance  of  Vedic  sacrifices,  the  influence  of 
Mimamsa  also  began  to  decline.  Its  chief  importance  in  subsequent 
times  lay  in  the  fact  that  it  supplied  the  basic  principles  and  rules 
of  interpretation  which  were  equally  applicable  to  canonical  as  well 
as  legal  writings  such  as  the  Smritis.  These  rules  have  been  utilised 
in  expounding  Hindu  law  even  in  British  Courts  of  justice. 

This  system,  like  the  Sahkhya  and  the  Vaiseshika,  continued  to 
be  studied  through  the  centuries  we  are  reviewing;  but  there  was 
little  progressive  development  in  them  to  call  for  a  historical  narra¬ 
tion.145 


VI.  LATER  SYNCRETISM 

Even  those  who  quarrel  among  themselves  unite  in  presence  of 
a  common  enemy.  Towards  the  end  of  the  period  we  have  travers¬ 
ed,  we  find  a  spirit  of  syncretism  prevailing  among  the  philosophies 
of  the  land.  About  and  after  A.D.  1000,  India  was  receiving  hard 
blows  from  the  north-west.  Islam  came  as  an  invader  but  remain¬ 
ed  to  rule.  Hinduism  felt  the  difference  and  tried  to  close  up  its 
ranks  as  a  measure  of  self-preservation.  In  philosophy  this  ten¬ 
dency  is  reflected  in  the  attempt  to  syncretise  all  the  warring  systems 
of  thought.  If  all  roads  in  the  Roman  Empire  led  to  Rome,  did  not 
all  the  orthodox  philosophies  have  but  one  goal  to  achieve?  They 
,  constituted  a  graded  hierarchy  and  not  battling  enemies.  Each  of 
them  was  suited  to  man  at  a  particular  stage  of  spiritual  and  intellec¬ 
tual  growth,  and  all  together,  step  by  step,  led  him  to  his  final  desti¬ 
nation,  viz.  moksha  or  liberation.  This  view  gradually  aserted 
itself  in  the  writings  of  Madhusudana  Saras vati  (in  his  Prasth&na- 
bheda)  and  others.  Only  the  orthodox  philosophies — those,  that  is 
to  say,  which  owed  allegiance  to  the  Vedas — were  thus  regarded  as 
parts  of  a  larger  whole.  The  heterodox  philosophies  had  no  place 
in  this  scheme.  They  only  lead  men  astray  and  must,  therefore,  be 

eschewed. 

465 


S.E  —80 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Vijnanabhikshu,  another  famous  author,  possibly  belonging  to 
the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth  century  A.D.,  made  a  similar  attempt 
at  syncretism.  He  wrote  both  on  the  Sankhya  as  well  as  on  the 
Vedanta,  and  tried  to  show  that  the  two  systems  differed  more  in 
terminology  than  in  essence.  His  contention  was  that  the  prakriti 
of  Sankhya  was  the  creative  power  of  Brahma — an  attribute  of 
Brahma,  and  that  the  theory  that  Sankhya  denied  god  or  a  creative 
personal  being,  was  a  misunderstanding.  When  we  remember  the 
persistent  attack  that  the  V edanta-sutras  make  on  the  Sankhya  con¬ 
ception  of  unconscious  prakriti,  Vijnanabhikshu’s  attempt  at  re¬ 
conciliation  between  the  two  systems  must  be  regarded  as  an  attempt 
to  bring  the  poles  together.  Yet  the  attempt  was  made.146  The 
development  of  this  spirit  of  reconciliation  and  syncretism,  however, 
belongs  to  a  later  period. 

The  tone  of  pessimism  that  pervades  the  entire  range  of  Indian 
philosophy  has  often  been  adversely  commented  upon  by  western 
critics.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  there  is  pessimism  everywhere, — 
more  in  some,  less  in  other  systems.  It  was  perhaps  most  acute  in 
Buddhism,  and  may  have  spread  from  there  to  infect  the  other 
systems.  But  the  Indian  mind  was  not  always  pessimistic.  In  the 
Vedas,  the  gods  appear  in  nature  with  humane  feelings,  and  joy 
is  not  always  absent.  The  early  Greek  mind  looked  upon  the  world 
as  full  of  joy  and  laughter.  The  world  was  a  poem  and  life  was  a 
joyful  drama.  To  the  Vedic  mind  also,  a  similar  attitude  is  not 
unknown.  But  when  we  come  to  the  period  of  philosophy,  life  has 
become  as  dull  as  a  twice-told  tale,  and  the  world  is  anything  but 
a  glowing  poem.  It  may  be  due  to  the  political  vicissitudes  through 
which  the  country  had  passed  or  to  other  causes.  Whatever  the 
causes  may  have  been,  the  fact  was  that  life  was  considered  a 
bondage,  and  philosophy,  the  means  of  escape. 

Thus  the  keynote  of  Indian  philosophy  is  a  dominant  desire  of 
the  individual  to  save  his  soul  and  to  escape  from  the  evils  of  life 
in  this  world.  What  is  markedly  absent  is  the  desire  ‘to  take  arms 
against  a  sea  of  troubles  and  by  opposing  end  them/  to  make  a  better 
world  here,  to  establish  an  ideal  state  and  an  ideal  society,  to  banish 
disease  and  poverty  from  society,  and  to  bring  the  amenities  of  life  to 
every  door; — in  one  word,  to  make  this  life  livable  and  this  world 
habitable.  It  is  a  limitation  of  Indian  thought  that  it  never  paid 
equal  attention  to  social  and  political  problems,  and  had  no  social 
and  political  philosophy  of  a  high  order.  This  is  accounted  for  by 
its  presupposition  that  life  is  not  worth  living. 


466 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


G.  ISLAM 

The  Arab  conquest  of  Sindh  did  not  materially  affect  the  reli¬ 
gious  outlook  of  either  the  Arabs  themselves  or  the  people  with 
whom  they  came  into  contact,  except,  of  course,  those  who  were 
converted  to  the  new  faith.  There  was  very  little  religious  activity 
among  the  Muslims  in  India,  as  distinct  and  apart  from  that  in  the 
main  Islamic  centres  in  Arabia  and  other  Muslim  countries. 

It  was  not  till  three  centuries  later,  after  the  Ghaznavid  con¬ 
quest  of  the  Punjab,  that  we  find  an  important  development  among 
the  Muslim  community  in  India.  This  was  the  appearance  of  Sufi 
saints,  the  first  of  whom  was  Shaikh  Isma‘il  of  Lahore.147 
He  was  followed  by  Shaikh  ‘Ali  bin  ‘Usman  al-Hujwairi,  better 
known  under  his  sobriquet  of  Data  Ganj  Bakhsh,  who  died  in  A.D. 
1072  and  whose  tomb  at  Lahore  is  one  of  the  most  popular  Muslim 
shrines  in  the  Punjab.  He  was  the  author  of  several  works,  the 
best  known  of  which  is  the  Kashf  al-Mahjub,  and  might  be  described 
as  the  founder  of  the  Sufi  cult  in  India  which  gained  much  popu¬ 
larity  among  the  Muslim  masses  and  has  profoundly  influenced  their 
entire  moral  and  religious  outlook.  His  greatness  was  recognised 
by  Khvaja  Mu‘in-ud-din  of  Ajmer,  the  greatest  Sufi  saint  of  India, 
who  underwent  a  course  of  spiritual  purification  ( chilla )  at  his  tomb 
soon  after  his  arrival  in  India.  Another  saint  of  the  Ghaznavid 
period  who  enjoys  great  fame  even  today,  and  still  has  a  large  num¬ 
ber  of  followers,  known  as  Sultanls,  both  among  the  Hindus  and  the 
Muslims,  was  Sayyid  Ahmad  Sultan  SakhI  Sarwar,  popularly  known 
at  Lakhi  Data.  He  died  at  Shahkot,  a  place  near  Multan,  in  577  A.H. 
(=A.D.  1181).  His  followers  are  scattered  all  over  the  Punjab  and 
are  specially  numerous  in  the  Jalandhar  District.148  One  can 
easily  form  a  good  idea  of  the  firm  hold  which  these  two  saints 
have  retained  through  the  long  centuries  over  the  popular  mind, 
from  the  large  number  of  devotional  songs,  extolling  their  spiritual 
merits,  which  the  beggars  and  the  wandering  minstrels  of  the  Punjab 
go  about  singing  to  the  accompaniment  of  their  crude  stringed 
instruments. 

As  has  just  been  mentioned  above,  the  greatest  of  the  Sufi  saints, 
who  founded  a  long  line  of  spiritual  descendants  that  has  endured 
even  up  to  the  present  time,  was  Khvaja  Mu‘in-ud-din,  a  disciple 
of  the  Persian  saint  Khvaja  ‘Usman  Harwani  of  Chisht.  He 
came  to  Lahore  from  Ghazni  in  556  A.H.  (=A.D.  1161),  and  having 
visited  Multan  and  Delhi,  finally  settled  down  at  Ajmer  where  he 
lies  buried  now,  while  his  disciple  Qutb-ud-dln  Bakhtyar  Kaki,  a 
native  of  Ush,  took  up  his  residence  at  Delhi.  About  the  same  time 


467 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


another  saint,  Baha-ud-din  Zakariya,  who  was  born  in  Multan  and 
had  met  the  famous  mystic  Shihab-ud-din  SuhrawardI  during  the 
course  of  his  journeys  to  Bukhara,  Baghdad  and  Jerusalem,  founded 
another  branch  of  Sufi  saints  in  his  native  town.  The  renowned 
Persian  poet,  ‘Iraqi,  visited  him  at  Multan  and  became  his  disciple, 
while  his  descendants,  Shaikh  Sadr-ud-din  and  Abu‘l  Fath  Rukh-ud- 
din,  carried  on  the  work  of  spiritual  salvation  after  his  demise  in  661 
A.H.  (=A.D.  1263).  His  disciples  became  known  by  the  surname  of 
Suhrawardis,  as  distinct  from  the  Chishtls  who  were  devoted  to 
Khvaja  Mu‘in-ud-dln  and  his  successors.  It  was  one  of  his  disciples, 
Makhdum  Lai  Shahbaz  Qalandar,  who  carried  his  teachings  to  Sindh, 
and  who,  like  another  saint  of  that  province,  Maggar  Pir,  is  revered 
even  today  by  numerous  Hindus  who  know  him  by  the  name  of  Raja 
BharatrL149  Their  tombs  have  become  popular  places  of  pilgrim¬ 
age  for  both  the  communities.  Another  saint  of  this  period  in  Sindh 
was  Sayyid  Jalal  Bukhari  who  came  to  Uchch  in  642  A.H.  (=A.D. 
1244),  and  one  of  whose  grandsons  acquired  great  celebrity  under 
the  sobriquet  of  Makhdum-i-Jahaniyan  Jahan  Gasht. 

Gujarat  was  another  important  centre  of  activity  for  the  mystic 
saints, — Patan,  Broach,  Rander,  Khambayat,  etc.  each  having  some 
local  saint  or  another,  the  best  known  of  whom  was  Sayyid  Muham¬ 
mad  Barahman  of  Patan.  It  was  also  noted  for  the  missionaries  of 
some  schismatic  sects,  notably  the  Isma‘iliya.  The  Carmathians 
(Qaramita),  a  particular  branch  of  this  sect,  were,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
very  active  about  this  time,  and  remained  so  till  a  much  later  period, 
so  that  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Khalji  had  to  take  stern  measures  to  suppress 
them.  Once  during  the  reign  of  Sultana  Raziyya  they  actually 
threatened  Delhi  itself,  and  were  driven  back  with  great  difficulty. 
But,  whereas  the  Carmathians,  true  to  their  old  traditions,  indulged 
in  excesses  of  all  kinds  and  often  adopted  a  bellicose  attitude  towards 
the  authorities,  the  Fatimid  branch,  with  its  centre  in  Yemen,  was 
busy  carrying  on  its  propaganda  silently  and  peacefully,  and  was 
successful  in  converting  numerous  local  inhabitants  to  its  own 
creed.  When  a  split  occurred  in  its  ranks  on  the  question  of  suc¬ 
cession  to  the  headship  of  the, community,  the  followers  of  one  of  the 
two  rival  claimants  moved  their  headquarters  to  India.  Yet  another 
branch,  the  Assassins,  also  ensconced  themselves  on  the  west  coast 
of  India  and  the  north-west  provinces.  One  of  their  agents,  Shaikh 
Sadr-ud-dln,150  evolved  a  syncretic  creed  whereby  Hindu  gods  of 
the  triumvirate, — Brahma,  Vishnu  and  Siva, — -were  not  only 
recognised  as  prophets,  but  also  identified  with  the  Prophet  of  Islam, 
‘All,  and  Adam  respectively  151 — a  clever  device  by  which  he  could 
win  over  a  large  number  of  adherents  among  the  Hindus.  The  Agha 
Khan  is  the  present  head  of  the  larger  and  more  influential  of  the 


468 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


two  groups  into  which  the  followers  of  this  creed  became  divided  in 
later  times152,  and  of  which  the  adherents  are  now  found,  not  only 
in  India,  but  in  some  parts  of  Africa  also,  where  the  Indians  have 
migrated  in  recent  times. 

Nor  were  the  activities  of  the  Muslim  mystics  and  agents  of  the 
Batiniya  sects  confined  to  the  north.  The  Deccan  and  the  southern 
provinces  also  provided  a  fruitful  and  favourable  field.  Among  the 
well-known  southern  saints  we  may  mention  the  names  of  Sayyid 
Mazhar  Wall  of  Trichinopoli,153  Sayyid  Ibrahim  Shahid,  Baba  Fakhr- 
ud-din,  Shaikh  Muntakhab-ud-dln,154  Zari-Zarbakhsh,  and  Muham¬ 
mad  al-Husaini,  known  as  Banda  Nawaz  Gisu  Daraz  of  Gulbarga, 
perhaps  the  greatest  of  them.  In  Bengal  a  pupil  of  Shaikh  Qutb-ud- 
dln  Bakhtyar  Kaki,  Shaikh  Jalal-ud-dln  Tabriz!,  acquired  consider¬ 
able  celebrity.  Thus  by  the  time  the  Mamluk  Dynasty  came  to  an 
end,  Sufi  monasteries  were  already  scattered  far  and  wide  through¬ 
out  the  country,  and  there  was  a  definite  spiritual  liaison  between 
them,  although  there  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  they  worked  on 
any  co-ordinated  basis.  The  Chishtiya  school,  with  its  liberal  and 
tolerant  outlook,  and  its  recognition  of  music  as  a  lawful  means  for 
the  attainment  of  spiritual  ecstasy,  was  now  supreme  and  counted 
the  largest  number  of  the  common  people  among  its  adherents. 

1.  This  point  has  been  further  elaborated  in  Chapter  XVII,  in  the  section  ‘Hindu- 
Muslim  Relations’. 

2.  The  Iranians  substituted  ‘h*  for  ‘s’  (cf.  Hapta-Hindu  for  Sapta-Sindhu)  and 
used  the  form  Hindu.  The  Greeks  and  Romans  dropped  the  initial  ‘h’  and 
obtained  various  forms,  like  Indoi-  from  which  is  derived  the  modem  European 
form  ‘India’. 

3.  Dhoyl,  Pavanadutam,  v.  28- 

4.  N.  G.  Majumdar,  Inscriptions  of  Bengal,  p.  35  (v.  30). 

5.  R.  L.  Mehta,  Nepalese  Buddhist  Literature,  p.  261. 

6.  Cf.  Vol.  I,  pp.  162,  187,  203;  Vol.  II,  pp.  432-5. 

7.  K.  A.  N.  Sastri,  The  Pdndyan  Kingdom,  p.  97. 

8.  K.  A.  N.  Sastri,  A  History  of  South  India,  p.  412. 

9.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  17,  18  (fn.  26);  Vol.  Ill,  p.  454. 

9a.  Vol.  IV,  p.  259. 

10.  It  consists  in  the  knowledge  of  the  essencelessness  of  the  world  or  of  all  that 
appear, — the  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  things  as  pure  void,  or  of  the  void- 
nature  of  the  self  or  individual  ( pudgala )  and  the  dharmas,  i.e.  entities,  or 
objects,  or  the  elements  that  constitute  the  universe.  Cf.  Mahdbodhi,  July- 
August,  1942,  p.  254. 

11.  For  the  view  that  in  Hinayana,  too,  an  Arhat  who  has  attained  Supreme  En¬ 
lightenment  (Nirvana)  does  not  cease  to  be  after  death,  cf.  “The  concept  of 
Khanda  in  Buddhism”,  by  C.  D.  Chatterjee,  in  the  Bhdrata-Kaumudi,  Pt.  I, 
pp.  161  ff. 

12.  S-  B.  Dasgupta,  Introduction  to  TantHc  Buddhism,  p.  116. 

13.  For  an  elaborate  discussion  on  Nirvana,  see  B.C.  Law,  Concepts  of  Buddhism . 
pp.  76  ff. 

14.  S-  B.  Dasgupta,  op-  cit.,  p.  87. 

15.  Ibid.,  pp.  91-93. 

16.  Ibid.,  pp.  83-85. 

17.  This  account  of  Tantrik  Buddhism  including  Vajra-yana  and  Kalachakra-yana 
is  mainly  based  on  Dr.  S.  B-  Dasgupta’s  two  valuable  books,  viz.,  Introduction 
to  Tdntric  Buddhism  and  Obscure  Religious  Cults  as  Background  of  Bengali 
LUerature,  and  also  my  History  of  Buddhism  in  Bengal  (in  Bengali) 

469 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


18.  Obscure  Religious  Cults,  p.  86- 

19.  For  details  regarding  Sahajayana,  cf-  S.  B.  Dasgupta,  Obscure  Religious  Cults 
a s  Background  of  Bengali  Literature,  pp.  39-128-  Also  see  P.  C.  Bagchi, 
Bauddho.-Dharma-o-Sdhitya  (in  Bengali),  pp-  71-79- 

20.  See  above,  p-  24- 

21.  See  above,  p.  28. 

22.  For  the  site  of  VikramasUa-mhdra,  see  S-  C-  Vidyabhushana,  History  of  the 
Mediaeval  School  of  Indian  Logic,  p.  151  and  fn-  5;  JBRS,  XXXIV,  1948, 

pp.  83-86. 

23.  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  580  f. 

24.  Phanindra  Nath  Bose,  Indian  Teachers  of  Buddhist  Universities,  p.  36;  Schief- 
ner’s  Tdranatha:  Geschichte  des  Buddhismus,  p.  218- 

25.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  49,  272  ff. 

26.  Catalogue  Du  fonds  Tibetain  de  la  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  par  P.  Cordier. 
Vol.  II,  p.  299. 

27.  Ann .  Rep.  Arch.  Surv.,  Eastern  Circle,  1920-21,  p.  35;  ASI,  1922,  p.  116. 

28.  EL,  XXI,  pp.  97  ff- 

29.  7C-,  L  p.  232- 

30.  Ibid.,  p.  231- 

31.  Ibid. 

32.  S-  C-  Vidyabhushana,  op.  c it.,  p.  151- 

33.  Cordier,  op.  cit,  II,  p.  299. 

34.  Vidyabhushana,  op.  cit.,  p.  136- 

35.  Pag-Sam-Jon-Zang.  Ed.  S.  C.  Das,  Pt.  I,  Intr-,  p.  xcvii- 

36.  Cordier,  op.  cit-,  III,  p.  282. 

37.  Vidyabhushana,  op.  cit.,  p.  151. 

38.  Cordier,  op -  cit.,  Ill,  p,  281. 

39.  For  his  traditional  life-history,  see  S.  C.  Das,  Indian  Pandits  in  the  Land  of 
Snoav,  pp.  50-76;  also  Waddell’s  Lamaisra;  see  Phanindra  Nath  Bose,  op.  cit., 
pp.  66-79;  N.  N-  Das  Gupta,  Bahglaya  Bauddhadharma  (in  Bengali),  pp-  168- 
178;  Vahgiya  Mahakosha  (in  Bengali),  Vol-  II,  pp.  369-72-  Cf-  also  above, 
Vol-  IV,  pp.  447-8- 

40.  For  Abhayakaragupta,  see  IC,  III,  pp-  86-89. 

41.  For  Vibhutichandra,  see  Vichitrd  (Bengali  Journal)  1345  B.S-,  pp.  293-96; 
Bahglaya  Bauddhadharma,  pp-  180-86;  IC,  V,  pp-  215-17;  Phanindra  Nath  Bose, 
op.  cit,  pp.  145-150- 

42.  Phanindra  Nath  Bose,  op-  cit-,  pp.  150-54- 

43.  Bahglaya  Bauddhadharma,  pp.  192-194- 

44.  Cordier,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  p.  285- 

45.  Cf.  Ch.  XX- 

46.  Vol-  IV,  p-  447- 

47.  Cf.  Marco  Polo,  ed.  H.  Yule,  Vol.  I,  p.  168. 

48.  Mdnasi-o-Marmavdni  (Bengali  Journal),  1329  B.S-,  pp.  481-82,  with  reference 
to  M.  Chavannes’  Les  Inscriptions  Chinoisos  de  Bodh  Gaya  in  the  Revue  de 
Uhistoire  des  Religions,  1889-  Cf.  P.  C.  Bagchi,  India  arid  China,  p-  56- 

49.  Rdjatarahgini,  tr.  Stein,  Book  IV,  p.  142,  v.  200,  and  p.  167,  v.  507- 

50.  Ibid.,  Book  IH,  p.  103,  v.  355- 

51.  Ibid.,  Book  VII,  p.  353,  w.  1097-98. 

52.  Cordier,  op.  cit,  II,  p.  12. 

53.  Ibid.,  Ill,  p.  452. 

54.  EL  IX,  pp.  300-02. 

55.  Cordier,  op.  cit,  III,  pp.  291,  297,  302,  303,  304,  452,  456- 

56.  Ibid.,  II,  p.  220;  III,  pp.  291,  294,  297,  302,  303,  304,  374,  412,  437,  447,  452,  453, 
456,  etc. 

57.  Ibid.,  m,  p.  175- 

58.  Ibid.,  pp.  442,  452. 

59.  Ibid.,  pp.  443,  449,  453;  S.  C.  Vidyabhushana,  op.  cit.,  pp.  142-44- 

60.  Ibid.,  p.  442. 

61.  Ibid.,  p.  301. 

62.  Ibid.,  p.  437. 

63.  S-  C.  Vidyabhushana,  op.  cit-,  pp.  137-39- 

64.  Bib.  Ind.,  ed.  by  S.  C.  Das  and  H.  M.  Vidyabhushana,  Calcutta,  1888- 

65.  Ibid.,  Preface,  p.  v. 

66.  Cf.  Keith,  HSL,  p.  159- 

67.  HTB,  Vol.  II,  pp.  1,  2,  4,  13,  14,  31,  45;  etc- 

470 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


68.  See  p.  25- 

69.  Cunningham,  Mahabodhi,  pp.  70-75;  B.  M-  Barua,  Gaya  and  Buddha-Gaya, 
Pt.  I,  pp.  199-201. 

70.  MASB,  V,  p.  75. 

71.  JASB,  N.S.,  IV,  pp.  106-07. 

72.  JRAS,  1927,  p.  694. 

73.  JASB,  1930,  p.  139. 

74.  EI,  XVIII,  pp.  128  ff. 

75.  IA,  XVn,  p.  61  f;  Ibid.,  XXIV,  p.  176;  also  cf.  JPASB,  XXI,  pp.  103  ff.  and 
THK,  p.  309. 

76.  HTB,  II,  p.  4. 

77.  B.  Majumdar,  Guide  to  Sarnath,  2nd  ed.,  p.  22. 

78.  EI,  IX,  pp.  319  ff. 

79.  Guide  to  Sarnath,  pp.  28  and  36- 

80.  EI,  XI,  pp.  24-26- 

81.  Ibid.,  IX,  p.  321. 

82.  Ibid.,  IV,'pp.  118-19. 

83.  IHQ,  V,  1929,  pp.  14-29. 

84.  Cordier,  op.  cit.,  II,  pp.  130,  218,  220-223,  227,  and  III,  pp.  129,  218,  etc. 

85.  Ibid.,  II,  pp.  368,  284,  and  358. 

88.  Ibid.,  Ill,  p.  120;  for  his  works  see  II,  pp.  212,  213,  216-17,  230,  294,  358,  368, 
385;  III,  pp.  83,  120,  etc. 

87.  ASI,  1929-30,  pp.  166-67. 

88.  EI,  XIX,  pp.  295  ff;  also  cf.  Bh.  List  Nos-  1251  and  2033- 

89.  EI,  XVIII,  pp.  73-74. 

90.  EI,  XXII,  p.  75;  H.  D.  Sankalia,  Archaeology  of  Gujarat,  p.  233;  also  cf.  AR . 
p.  309- 

91.  JASB,  N.S.,  IV,  p.  105. 

92.  Cordier,  op.  cit.,  HI,  p.  126- 

93.  See  Vol.  IV,  p.  256  f.  Also  cf.  I  A,  1911,  pp.  209  ff. 

94.  See  Vol.  IV,  p.  247. 

95.  EI,  VI,  pp.  146  ff.,  and  p.  196;  Ann.  Rep.  on  Epigraphy,  Madras  Govt.,  1914, 
141  of  1914,  pp.  16-17  and  104-105;  Inss.  of  the  Madras  Presidency,  ed.  V. 
Rangacharya,  Vol.  II,  Gt.  135,  p.  763;  Gt.  136,  p.  763- 

96.  EC,  ed.  Rice,  VII,  p.  197  SK.  169;  p.  198,  SK.  170;  pp.  124-27,  SK.  100;  G-  M. 
Moraes,  Kadamba-kula,  p.  256;  I  A,  XVIII,  pp.  270-73;  EI,  XV,  pp.  348  ff.; 
IA,  X,  pp.  185  ff.;  AR,  pp.  273-74. 

97  EI,  XXIV,  p  239  f. 

98!  JBORS,  XV,  pp.  87-91;  XVI,  pp.  469  ff.;  XVII,  pp.  196-97;  Bh.  List  No.  2043; 
Banerji,  History  of  Orissa,  I,  p.  203- 

99.  ASI,  1930-34,  Pt.  I,  p.  237,  and  PI.  CXX,  b.;  Cordier  op.  cit.,  n,  p.  32;  EI, 
XI,  pp.  24-26-  We  learn  from  an  inscription  recently  discovered  in  Korea  that 
an  Indian  monk  named  Dhyanabhadra  visited  Kanchlpura  where  he  listened  to 
a  discourse  on  an  Avatamsaka -sutra  in  the  fourteenth  century  A.D.  (Arthur 
Waley,  New  Light  on  Buddhism  in  Mediaeval  India  quoted  in  2500  years  of 
Buddhism  published  by  the  Government  of  India,  1956,  p.  8). 

100.  Cordier,  op.  cit.,  n,  pp.  28,  60-61,  220;  III,  213,  236;  Nilakanta  Sastri,  The  Colas, 
II,  Pt.  I,  p.  545. 

101.  N.  Vasu,  Arch.  Surv.  Mayurbhanja,  I,  Pis.  39  (2),  40,  44,  45,  46,  48  (4);  49,  50, 
51,  etc- 

102.  Tabaqat-i-Ndsiri,  Bib.  Ind.  ed.,  tr.  Raverty,  pp.  551-52. 

103.  Pag-Sam-Jon-Zang.,  Pt.  I,  Intr.,  p.  CXXI.  P.  N.  Bose,  Indian  Teachers  of 
Buddhist  Universities,  p.  144. 

104.  This  explains  the  discovery  in  Nepal  of  a  number  of  Buddhist  MSS-  of  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  written  in  proto-Bengali  script,  that  was  then 
prevalent  both  in  Bengal  amd  Magadha. 

105.  HBR,  I.  422  ff.;  B.C.  Law  Vol.  I,  pp.  75  ff.,  669  ff. 

106.  IHQ,  IX.  282.  HBR,  I.  257. 

107.  HBR,  I.  228. 

108.  I  A,  X.  pp.  241  ff.,  Cunningham,  Mahabodhi,  pp.  79-80;  Barua,  Gaya  and 
Buddha-Gaya,  I,  pp.  201-05;  etc.  EI,  XII.  29-30. 

109.  Barua,  Gaya  and  Buddha-Gaya,  I.  210  ff.;  II.  72,  IHQ,  VI.  28- 

110.  H.P.  Sastri,  Des.  Cat.  Sans.  MSS .  ASB ,  I.  21;  Cat.  of  Buddhist  Sans.  MSS. 
in  the  Uni.  Lib.  Cambridge,  C.  Bendall,  Intr.  p.  IV,  and  pp.  69-70;  IA,  1875, 
IV.  p.  367;  H.  Kern,  Manual  of  Indian  Buddhism,  p.  134;  Charles  Eliot, 
Hinduism  and  Buddhism,  II,  p.  113;  L.  A.  Wadell,  Buddhism  of  Tibet,  2nd 

471 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ed.,  p.  16,  etc.;  Ann.  Rep.  South  Ind,  Epi.  No.  113  of  1904,  p.  44;  Ibid., 
for  1920,  p.  38,  No.  607  of  1919;  Mahabodhi,  1942,  p.  166;  H.  B.  Sarkar, 
Indian  Influences  on  the  Literature  of  Java  and  Bali,  pp.  285-86;  ASI,  1926-27, 
p.  205;  1929-30,  pp.  178-9;  EI,  XIX.  261-17:  N.  Vasu,  Arch.  Surv.  Mayur- 
bhanja,  Introd.,  pp.  CXVI  ff.;  Pag-Sam-Jon-Zang.,  Ed.  by  S.C.  Das,  Introd., 
p_.  XC. 

111.  Aln-i-Akbari,  tr.  Jarrett,  III,  1894,  p.  212.  Cf.  V.  A.  Smith,  Akbar,  2nd  ed-, 
p.  162  and  fn.  1. 

112.  JASB ,  1895,  p.  57. 

113.  e.g.  Siddha  Santagupta,  Jogin  Dinakara,  Guru  Gambhlramati,  etc- 

114.  H.  P.  Sastri,  Cat .  of  Palm-leaf  and  Selected  Paper  MSS .  belonging  to  the  Dur¬ 
bar  Library ,  Nepal,  II,  pp.  51,  59,  78,  etc.;  also  Cecil  Bendall,  Cat.  of  Sanskrit- 
Buddhist  MSS .  in  the  Cambridge  University  Library. 

115.  For  Pandubhumi-vihdra,  its  celebrities  and  their  works,  see  Cordier,  op.  cit., 
H,  pp.  13,  15,  16,  67,  100,  114,  196;  III,  pp.  386,  419,  435-36,  437,  483-84,  etc- 

116.  Ibid.,  II.  p.  31;  III,  p.  237. 

117.  Ibid.,  III.  p.  276. 

118.  Ibid.,  III.  p.  99. 

119.  Ibid.,  III.  pp.  248-49  and  p.  250. 

120.  Ibid.,  II.  pp.  121,  127;  III.  pp.  99,  116,  125,  249,  250,  etc. 

121.  For  Vanaratna’s  works,  see  Ibid.,  II.  pp.  13,  45,  77,  78,  121,  127;  III.  pp.  99, 
112,  116,  117,  121,  125,  163,  177,  235-236,  248-49,  250. 

122.  Ibid.,  III.  p.  99;  also  see  II.  p.  45;  III.  p.  112. 

123.  Ibid.,  IH.  pp.  250-51. 

124.  Keith  and  Thomas,  Cat.  SanskHt  and  Prakrit  MSS.  in  the  Library  of  the  India 
Office,  II,  Pt.  II,  pp.  1411-12,  No.  7769- 

125.  See  above,  pp.  61,  66f. 

126.  For  a  description  of  the  temple,  cf.  Ch.  XX. 

127.  I  A,  XI.  248. 

128.  Bairadeva  temple  Stone  Ins.  EC,  V.  149,  p.  190- 

129.  MAR,  1911,  p.  43. 

130.  Parsvanatha  Basti  Ins.  EC,  V.  124,  p.  83- 

131.  Bhandara  Basti  Ins-  of  A.D.  1159,  EC,  II.  349,  p.  153. 

132.  MAR,  1931,  p.  198. 

133.  EC,  VII.  116,  p.  38- 

134.  MAR,  1925,  p.  95;  EC,  IV.  26,  p.  56. 

135.  EC,  II  ( Inscriptions  at  Sravana  Belgola),  Revised  Ed.,  Intr.,  p.  23,  Inscr. 
No.  254  (text,  p.  121,  tr.,  p.  109). 

136.  For  Hemachandra  and  his  works,  see  above,  pp.  301,  308,  318,  323,  326,  345- 

137.  Winternitz  places  him  in  the  first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century  A.D.,  but 
others  refer  him  to  the  twelfth  century. 

137a.  For  the  antiquity  of  Radha  cult,  cf.  ABORI,  XXXVI.  231-257. 

137b.  Above,  Vol.  IV,  p.  311. 

138.  The  traditional  date  of  Ramanuja’s  birth  is  6aka  938  corresponding  to  A.D- 
1016  or  1017  and  that  of  his  death,  120  years  later,  in  A.D-  1137.  R.  G- 
Bhandarkar  accepts  the  traditional  date  of  his  birth,  but  says  nothing  of  the 
date  of  his  death  (VS  §  76).  K.  A.  N.  Sastri  accepts  both  the  dates  (History 
of  South  India,  pp.  341-2).  A  life  of  120  years  is  not,  of  course,  impossible, 
but  appears  to  be  doubtful.  As  epigraphic  evidence  supports  the  traditional 
date  of  Ramanuja’s  death,  it  has  been  suggested  by  some  “that  he  must  have 
been  bom  some  time  about  1037  and  died  about  1137”.  (The  Cultural  Heritage 
of  India,  1st  Edition,  Vol.  II,  p.  86). 

138a.  See  above,  pp.  229,  242,  402,  404. 

138b.  PP.  368  ff. 

138c.  P.  365. 

139.  II.  25. 

140.  The  account  of  these  two  sects  is  based  on  Bhandarkar,  R.  G- — Vaisnavism, 
Saivism  and  Minor  Religious  Sects,  §96. 

141.  Ibid.,  §97. 

142.  See  above,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  450-459- 

143.  Some  scholars  hold  the  view  that  the  theism  of  South  India,  and  even  monism 
of  Sankara,  were  due  to  a  large  extent  to  the  teachings  of  Islam  (Tara  Chand. 
Influence  of  Islam  on  Indian  Culture).  This  extreme  view  is  hardly  sup¬ 
ported  by  the  known  facts  of  Muslim  settlement  in  India,  notod  above  (Vol.  Ill, 
pp.  450-57). 


472 


RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


144.  Radhakrishnan,  Indian  Philosophy.  Bhandarkar  places  the  date  of  his  birth  at 
A.D.  1479. 

145.  Buddhism  did  not  produce  any  noteworthy  writer  during  this  period.  Jain 
philosophy  has  been  discussed  in  connection  with  that  religion. 

146.  Indian  Philosophical  Quarterly,  October,  1930,  and  January,  1931. 

147.  Cf.  M.  Ikram,  Chashma-i-Kaiithar ,  pp.  69  ff. 

.148.  Ibid.,  pp.  81  ff. 

149.  The  Maggar  Pir  is  known  by  the  Hindu  name  of  Lala  Jas  Raj-  Another  saint, 
Khvaja  Khizr  is  called  Zinda  Pir  by  the  Hindus. 

150.  He  was  a  contemporary  of  Sayyid  Jalal-ud-din  Surkhposh  who  died  in  698 
A.H.  (=A.D.  1299). 

151.  This  is  clearly  stated  in  one  of  the  sacred  books  of  the  Khojas  named  Das 
Avatar. 

152.  The  minor  group  still  lingers  in  North  Punjab  and  Chitral. 

153.  He  died  in  622  A.H-  (=  A.D-  1226). 

154.  He  died  about  700  A.H.  (=  A.D.  1301). 


473 


CHAPTER  XVII 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 

1.  SOCIAL  DIVISIONS 

The  essential  features  of  the  Indian  social  system,  as  preserved 
in  the  Smriti  tradition  of  the  preceding  centuries,  are  faithfully  re¬ 
flected  in  the  commentaries  and  digests  of  this  period,  which  deal 
with  the  rights  and  duties  as  well  as  the  status  of  the  four  varnas 
on  the  lines  laid  down  in  the  Smritis. 

We  find,  however,  some  novel  views  regarding  the  immunity  of 
the  Brahmana’s  person.  Explaining  the  general  law  on  this  point 
Vijnanesvara1  says  that  the  Brahmana  is  not  exempt  from  punish¬ 
ment,  and  dismisses  the  sweeping  statement  of  Gautama-Dharma- 
sastra2  (namely,  that  the  king  is  master  of  all  v/ith  the  exception  of 
the  Brahmanas)  as  a  mere  eulogy.  Quoting  another  text  of  Gautama3 
(which  requires  the  king  to  grant  a  sixfold  immunity  to  the  Brah¬ 
manas),  Vijnanesvara  observes  that  this  is  not  applicable  to 
any  and  every  Brahmana,  but  only  to  a  very  learned  Brah¬ 
mana,  as  defined  by  the  author  immeditely  before.  Further  quali¬ 
fying  the  above  explanation,  Haradatta4  explains  that  the  sixfold 
immunity  is  to  be  granted  by  the  king  when  the  very  learned  Brah¬ 
mana  (as  defined  by  the  author)  has  committed  an  offence  without 
premeditation.  The  above  texts  clearly  enunciate  the  principle,  so 
very  honourable  to  our  authors,  that  the  Brahmana  enjoys  no  com¬ 
plete  immunity  from  punishment.  In  other  passages  our  authors  spe¬ 
cifically  define  the  limits  within  which  corporal  punishment  is  permis¬ 
sible  for  Brahmanas.  On  the  vexed  question  of  immunity  of  a  Brah¬ 
mana  desperado  (atatdyl)  our  authors  seek  to  reconcile  two  fundamen¬ 
tal  Smriti  principles,  namely,  those  of  the  Brahmana’s  complete  ex¬ 
emption  from  the  death  penalty  and  the  individual’s  right  of  self- 
defence.  The  general  view  is  that  one  incurs  no  blame  by  killing  a 
Brahmana  who  becomes  an  atatdyl,  but  this  holds  good  only  when  it 
is  impossible  to  save  one’s  self  by  flight,  by  striking  him  with  a 
stick  or  with  weapons,  and  so  forth,  and  not  otherwise.  Less  con¬ 
sistent  is  the  attitude  of  Smriti-chandrikd,  for  while  the  author  in 
one  place5  includes  killing  Brahmanas  in  righteous  fight  in  the  list 
of  practices  forbidden  in  the  Kali  Age,  he  elsewhere6  permits  an 
atatdyl  Brahmana  to  be  killed  with  impunity  in  self-defence. 

The  high  standard  of  life  and  conduct  prescribed  by  the  Smriti 
law  was  not  always  followed  in  actual  practice.  The  commentaries 


474 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


and  digests  contain  references  to  unworthy  Brahmanas  who  not  only 
failed  to  reach  this  standard,  but  were  of  low  morals  or  neglected 
their  ordinary  duties  and  obligations.  References  to  degraded 
Brahmanas  are  also  found  in  the  contemporary  lexicons.  The  com¬ 
mentaries  and  digests,  following  the  authority  of  the  Smritis, 
repeatedly  place  the  degraded  Branmanas  under  a  social  ban. 

The  description  of  Sudra’s  occupation  and  status  in  the  com¬ 
mentaries  and  digests  of  this  period  follows  the  old  Smriti  lines. 
The  views  of  our  authors  about  the  Sudra’s  religious,  legal  and  social 
disabilities  in  general  do  not  indicate  any  fresh  development.  It 
is  however,  an  index  of  the  increased  rigidity  of  caste  differences 
that  the  saving  clause  allowing  a  Brahmana  householder  to  take 
food  from  four  types  of  Sudras  (namely,  his  slave,  his  cowherd,  his 
family-friend,  and  his  tenant-cultivator)  is  applied  by  our  authors 
to  times  of  distress7  or  to  times  of  great  distress,8  or  lastly  is  alto¬ 
gether  disallowed  as  one  of  the  forbidden  practices  in  the  Kali  Age.9 
In  the  same  list  of  forbidden  practices  is  included10  the  act  of  em¬ 
ploying  Sudras  for  cooking  food  and  so  forth  in  the  households  of 
the  Brahmanas  and  the  like.  This  increasingly  narrow  attitude 
towards  Sudras  is  seen  at  its  worst  in  a  few  texts  quoted  or  para¬ 
phrased  by  our  authors,  which  brand  them  with  the  stigma  of 
untouchability.  One  should,  we  read,  purify  himself  by  bathing 
with  clothes  on  after  touching  a  Sudra,11  or  a  Sudra  of  the  inferior 
type.12  Again  we  are  told13  that  one  should  fast  as  a  penance  after 
touching  a  Sudra. 

As  regards  the  group  of  mixed  castes  Yajnavalkya’s  enumera¬ 
tion14  of  those  formed  in  the  proper  order  ( anuloma )  by  hypergam- 
ous  unions  of  upper  caste  males  with  lower  caste  females,  and  those 
formed  in  the  inverse  order  ( pratiloma )  as  well  as  those  of  a  mis¬ 
cellaneous  character  is  paraphrased  by  the  commentators.  It  is  re¬ 
produced  almost  verbatim  with  slight  additions  in  Smrityarthasdra, 
13.  We  are,  however,  warned  by  Vijhanesvara16  that  the  list  is 
merely  illustrative  as  the  number  of  miscellaneous  mixed  castes  is 
endless  and  incapable  of  enumeration.  The  longest  list  is  given  in 
VaijayantV 6  which  makes  out  a  total  of  64  jdtis  consisting  of  sons 
born  to  the  four  varnas ,  the  12  anuloma  and  pratiloma  sons  and  their 
48  offshoots.  There  is  complete  unanimity  about  the  relative  status 
of  these  groups.  The  anuloma  castes,  we  read,17  are  twice-born  and 
hence  entitled  to  sacraments  like  investiture  with  the  sacred  thread, 
but  the  pratiloma  castes  are  impure  and  as  such  ineligible  for  the 
duties  of  the  twice-born  castes. 

A  different  enumeration  of  the  mixed  castes  and  statement  of 
their  status  occur  in  Bnhaddharma  Parana .18  The  list  is  said  to 


475 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


comprise  36  jatis,  but  actually  it  comes  up  to  41.  It  consists  of  three 
grades  distinguished  as  high  (20  jatis),  intermediate  (12  jatis)  and 
low  (9  jatis)*  In  contrast  with  the  status  assigned  to  the  anuloma 
castes  in  the  commentaries  and  digests,  the  Brihaddharma  Pur  ana 
declares  all  the  36  castes  to  have  the  status  of  &udras.  The  only 
difference  is  that  while  the  first  group  is  entitled  to  the  services  of 
Srotriya  Brahmanas  as  priests,  the  priests  of  the  two  other  groups 
are  degraded  Brahmanas  and  sink  to  the  level  of  their  ministrants. 

It  remains  to  consider  the  views  of  the  commentaries  and 
digests  about  the  lowest  castes  ( antyas  or  antyajatis)  of  whom  the 
Chandalas  are  the  most  important  representatives.  The  antyajatis , 
according  to  the  enumeration  of  V aijayanti ,19  are  seven  in  number, 
namely,  washermen,  leather- workers,  Venas,  Burulas,  fishermen 
(Kaivarttas),  Medas,  and  Bhillas.  In  this  list  the  third,  fourth,, 
sixth  and  seventh  names  are  evidently  those  of  aboriginal  tribes, 
while  the  rest  are  occupational  groups  of  the  lowest  order.  The 
distinctive  feature  of  the  status  of  the  Chandalas,  according  to 
the  Smriti  law  of  this  as  of  the  earlier  period,  was  that  they  were 
placed  under  a  rigorous  ban  of  untouchability.  Not  only  is  their  touch 
included  in  a  list  of  acts  requiring  purification  of  the  body,  but  accord¬ 
ing  to  the  extreme  views  quoted  or  followed  by  these  authors  such 
penances  are  prescribed  for  their  approach  within  a  certain  distance, 
for  the  sight  of  or  conversing  with  them,  for  witnessing  their  shows, 
for  crossing  their  shadows,  and  for  touching  them  in  the  second,  third 
or  fourth  degrees.20  It  is  to  be  noted  that  our  authors  in  the  same 
context  quote  or  follow  the  extreme  texts  extending  the  ban  of 
untouchability  to  a  number  of  heretical  sects.  The  list  consists  of 
Buddhists,  Jains,  materialists  (lokdyatika) ,  atheists  ( nastika ),  fol¬ 
lowers  of  Kapila,  Saivas  and  Saktas  outside  the  Vedic  pale  (accord¬ 
ing  to  Smrityarthasdra) ,  or  Saktas  of  the  left-hand  sect  (according 
to  Apararka).21 

The  historical  records  of  this  period,  imperfect  and  fragmentary 
as  they  are,  occasionally  throw  interesting  light  upon  the  ways  of 
life  of  the  Indian  castes.  Learned  Brahmanas,  who  adhered  for  the 
most  part  to  the  strict  discipline  enjoined  upon  them  by  their  scrip¬ 
tures,  are  referred  to  in  the  royal  and  other  land-grants,  as  well 
as  in  the  general  literature.  We  have,  however,  a  number  of  histo¬ 
rical  instances  of  individual  Brahmanas  and  Brahmana  families 
normally  following  the  occupations  of  Kshatriyas.22  In  so  far  as 
the  Sudras  are  concerned  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they  for 
the  most  part  conformed  to  the  rules  and  regulations  laid  down  for 
them  by  the  Brahmana  canonists.  On  the  other  hand  there  are  a 


476 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


few  instances,  where  Sudras,  in  the  teeth  of  the  canonical  rule  for¬ 
bidding  the  lower  varnas  to  take  up  the  functions  of  the  higher  ones, 
assumed  the  Kshatriya’s  occupations  of  ruling  and  fighting.23 

The  ruling  families  (afterwards  called  Rajputs)  of  Northern 
India,  such  as  the  Guhilaputras  (Guhilots),  Pratiharas  (Gurjaras), 
Chapas  and  Chahamanas,  and  those  of  the  Deccan  such  as  the 
Chalukyas,  had  entered  the  stage  of  history  from  the  sixth  and 
seventh  centuries  onwards.24  Other  families  like  the  Rashtrakutas, 
the  Chandeilas,  the  Paramaras,  the  Kachchhapaghatas  and  the 
Gahadavalas  appeared  on  the  scene  in  later  times.  It  has  been 
held25  that  four  of  the  principal  Rajput  clans,  namely,  the  Parama¬ 
ras,  the  Chaulukyas,  the  Chahamanas  and  the  Pratiharas  were  des¬ 
cended  from  Hinduised  foreigners  (Hunas  and  Gurjaras),  while 
others  like  the  Chandeilas  and  the  Gahadavalas  were  Hinduised 
aborigines  (Gonds  and  Bhars).  This  theory,  however,  is  not  support¬ 
ed  by  the  data  of  physical  anthropology.26  Support  for  the  above 
theory  has  been  sought  to  be  found  in  the  legend  of  origin  of  the 
four  clans  above  mentioned  from  the  sacrificial  fire  kindled  on  Mt. 
Abu  by  the  sage  Vasishtha  for  replenishing  the  Kshatriya-stock  after 
its  extermination  by  the  sage  Parasurama.  But  the  legend  has  been 
shown  to  be  a  very  late  one.27  The  truth  is  that  the  Rajputs  were 
of  different  and  sometimes  of  indeterminate  origins.  In  this  and  the 
immediately  preceding  periods  legends  of  origin  of  the  Rajput  clans 
wTere  invented  with  a  view  to  their  affiliation  to  the  two  great 
Kshatriya  stocks  of  Epic  and  Puranic  tradition,  namely,  the  Solar 
and  the  Lunar  races.28 

We  have  seen  elsewhere29  that  the  Kayasthas  as  a  caste  (as 
distinguished  from  the  profession  called  by  that  name)  can  be  traced 
back  with  the  help  of  literary  and  epigraphic  records  to  the  latter 
half  of  the  ninth  century  A.D.  In  the  eleventh  and  the  following 
centuries  individuals  of  this  caste  rose  to  the  highest  public  offices 
in  different  tracts.  Simultaneously  with  the  rise  of  the  Kayasthas 
to  power  there  arose  different  legends  to  account  for  their  origin 
In  the  inscriptions  of  this  period  we  have  three  different  versions 
tracing  the  descent  of  the  Kayasthas  from  as  many  varnas .  In  the 
first  version30  the  Kayastha  family  in  question  derived  its  descent 
from  the  sage  Kasyapa  through  his  son  Kusa.  In  the  second  version3 1 
we  are  told  that  after  the  creation  of  the  Kshatra -varna  by  Brahma, 
the  Kshatriyas  were  heart-broken  by  the  destructive  act  of  Parasu¬ 
rama,  and  that  those  who  were  not  so  discouraged  were  called 
Kayasthas.  With  this  agrees  the  fact  that  the  Kayastha-family  in 
a  record  above  quoted32  styles  itself  as  Kshatriya.  The  third 
version33  tells  us  that  the  great  sage  Kachara,  deriving  his  origin 


477 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


from  God  Brahma  and  having  his  residence  in  the  town  of  Kulancha, 
was  gratified  with  the  services  of  a  Sudra  and  granted  him  the  boon 
of  having  a  son  who  became  the  ancestor  of  the  caste  of  Kayasthas. 

The  origin  of  the  division  of  the  Dravidian-speaking  peoples 
of  South  India  other  than  the  Malayalam  into  the  right  hand 
(V dicing ai)  and  the  left  hand  ( Idangai )  classes  is  lost  in  obscurity. 
We  have,  however,  a  few  inscriptions  of  the  eleventh  century  show¬ 
ing  how  this  division  had  fixed  itself  in  the  civil  and  military  life 
of  our  people  by  that  time. 

The  ancient  institution  of  slavery  was  a  well-known  feature  of 
Indian  social  life  during  this  period.  The  law  of  slavery  in  the  com¬ 
mentaries  and  digests,34  however,  indicates  little  or  no  development 
in  comparison  with  that  of  the  later  Smritis. 

The  Kathcisaritsdgara  gives  us  frequent  sketches35  of  the  abori¬ 
ginal  tribes  indifferently  called  Bhillas,  Pulindas  and  Savaras  who 
lived  in  the  Vindhya  hills  and  forests.  These  tribes,  we  learn,  lived 
by  hunting  and  they  used  likewise  to  plunder  caravans  passing 
through  their  forests.  The  men  were  dressed  in  tiger-skins  and 
adorned  their  bodies  with  peacocks’  feathers  and  elephants’  teeth, 
while  the  women  were  dressed  in  peacocks’  feathers  and  wore  neck¬ 
laces  of  strings  of  the  gunja  fruit.  They  lived  on  the  flesh  of  deer 
and  drank  spirits  distilled  from  wine.  Their  chieftains  lived  in 
residences  covered  with  elephants’  tusks  and  adorned  with  tiger- 
skins  and  they  possessed  stores  of  camels,  musk,  and  “pearls”  (ob¬ 
tained  from  the  brains  of  slain  elephants).  They  observed  their  old 
custom  of  offering  human  victims  before  their  goddess.36  But  at 
the  same  time  they  were  capable  of  the  most  loyal  service  to  their 
benefactors  and  suzerains  from  the  civilised  tracts. 

2.  MARRIAGE 

The  Smriti  law  relating  to  inter-caste  marriage  was  generally  in 
vogue.  But  we  find  that  Smriti-chandrika 37  and  Smrityarthasara  in¬ 
clude  marriages  of  males  of  twice-born  classes  with  females  of  other 
castes  (asavarna)  in  the  list  of  practices  forbidden  in  the  Kali  Age. 
In  the  body  of  rules  relating  to  marriage,  however,  Smriti - 
chanclrikd 38  expounds  the  law  on  this  point  in  the  following  way. 
Firstly,  marriages  with  girls  of  different  castes  are  permissible 
among  the  twice-born  classes  after  their  marriages  with  girls  of  the 
same  caste  {savarna).  Secondly,  savarna  marriages  are  necessary 
for  the  performance  of  religious  rites,  while  asavarna  marriages  are 
of  an  inferior  type  as  being  dictated  by  desire.  Thirdly,  what  is 
meant  by  the  Smriti  texts  condemning  marriages  of  Brahmanas 
with  &udra  women  is  not  the  prohibition  of  such  marriages,  but  their 


478 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


prior  performance  before  marriages  in  superior  castes.  The  same 
qualified  support  of  asavarna  marriages  (including  marriages  with 
Sudras)  among  the  three  upper  classes  is  given  by  Vijnanesvara  and 
Apararka.39 

The  old  Smriti  rules  relating  to  prohibited  degrees  of  marriage 
are  repeated  and  amplified  in  the  commentaries  and  digests.  The 
late  Smriti  view  relating  to  the  compulsory  marriage  of  girls  at  an 
early  age  is  followed  by  our  authors  without  question. 

While  giving  a  qualified  support  to  the  revocation  of  marriage 
before  all  the  religious  ceremonies  were  completed,  our  authors 
develop  the  old  Smriti  law  so  as  expressly  to  forbid  the  re-marriage 
of  widows.40 

As  regards  royal  marriages  V  ai jay  anti4  ^  gives  a  two¬ 
fold  classification  of  the  king’s  wives  and  concubines.  The  king’s 
married  wives  comprise,  firstly,  the  chief  queen  (mahishi  or  mahd- 
devi)  who  has  been  consecrated;  secondly,  the  queen  ( devi )  bom 
of  a  royal  family;  thirdly,  the  honoured  lady  ( parivrikti );  fourthly, 
the  dearly  beloved  lady  (vdvdtd);  fifthly,  the  lady  who  is  not  the 
daughter  of  a  king  ( svamini );  and  sixthly,  a  lady  who  has  been  won 
in  war  ( phdlakali ).  The  king’s  female  favourites  who,  though  not 
married  to  him,  are  versed  in  different  fine  arts  ( kala )  are  called 
ganika  and  are  divided  into  different  classes.  According  to  Mana- 
sollasa 42  the  king  should  select  as  his  queen  a  girl  of  Kshatriya 
lineage,  young  and  beautiful,  having  good  manners,  bearing  auspi¬ 
cious  marks  on  her  person  and  belonging  to  one  or  other  of  the 
best  groups  after  the  classification  of  the  Kdmasdstra.  To  the  above 
the  author  adds43  that  the  king  should  select  as  his  secondary  wives 
( avarodha-vadhu ),  “for  purpose  of  enjoyment”,  young  and  beautiful 
women  of  Vaisya  and  Sudra  castes,  and  he  should  further  engage 
wanton  women  (vildsini)  having  the  same  physical  charms  and  grati¬ 
fy  them  with  various  gifts  and  personal  attentions. 

The  Kathasaritsdgara  repeatedly  refers  to  the  current  ideas  and 
practices  of  marriage.  The  traditional  Smriti  standpoint  regarding 
the  guardians’  obligation  of  suitably  disposing  of  their  girls  in  mar¬ 
riage  at  the  proper  time  is  repeated  in  such  passages  as  XXIV.  23f. 
The  further  Smriti  doctrine  that  the  guardianship  of  the  girl  belongs 
to  the  father  and  not  to  the  mother  is  mentioned  in  another  place.44 
Very  often,  however,  the  marriages  in  the  stories,  to  judge  by  the 
Smriti  standards,  are  irregular,  if  not  unlawful.  We  find  Brah- 
manas  marrying  Kshatriya  maidens,  sometimes  by  gift  of  the  parents, 
but  more  often  by  mutual  choice  followed  by  elopements  of  the  girls 
with  their  lovers,  such  acts  finding  favour  with  kings  and  princes 
and  winning  the  praise  of  the  narrator.  More  unorthodox  is  the 

479 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


marriage  of  a  Brahmana45  with  a  merchants  wife  won  over  by  his 
heroic  exploit  in  saving  her  life  when  deserted  by  her  husband. 

In  another  story  a  Kshatriya  maiden,  being  given  by  her  father 
under  a  threat  and  against  her  will  to  an  ugly  Brahmana,  deserts 
him,  and  when  she  is  abandoned  by  three  successive  Kshatriyas  for 
fear  of  her  husband’s  persecution,  she  seeks  and  obtains  the  queen’s 
protection  after  she  is  vindicated  against  the  Brahmana  by  a  heaven¬ 
ly  voice.  Other  marriages  in  the  stories  are  altogether  unlawful 
from  the  Smriti  standpoint;  such  are  the  marriages  of  a  Brahmana 
with  the  daughter  of  a  Savara  chieftain,46  of  a  courtesan  with  a 
fisherman,48  and  the  marriage  of  a  Kshatriya  prince  with  a  Chandala 
maiden.49  Such,  again,  are  the  marriages  of  a  Chandala  youth  with 
a  princess  and  of  a  young  fisherman  with  another  princess.50  Point 
is  given  to  this  protest  against  the  authoritative  Smriti  rules  by  an 
incident  in  one  of  the  stories  above  named.51  Here  the  father  of  a 
Chandala  girl,  giving  her  to  a  prince  of  UjjayinI,  exacts  from  his 
father  the  condition  that  18000  Brahmanas  living  in  his  city  should 
eat  in  his  house.  In  most  of  the  above  stories  reconciliation  is  sought 
to  be  effected  with  the  Smriti  standards  by  means  of  a  deus  ex 
machina  in  the  shape  of  a  heavenly  declaration  to  the  effect  that 
the  low  caste  persons  are  really  vidyddharas  or  gandharvas  fallen 
to  the  earth  under  a  curse.  But  at  other  times  such  excuses  are 
altogether  wanting  and  the  marriages  are  duly  solemnised  in  the 
gandharva  form  by  mutual  choice. 

Reference  may  be  made  to  some  historical  evidence  regarding 
marriage.  Al-Birunl,  with  his  experience  in  North-Western  India 
in  the  first  part  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.,  corroborates  many 
well-known  clauses  of  the  Smriti  law.  Thus  he  says  that  marriages 
are  forbidden  within  certain  degrees  of  relationship;  that  husband 
and  wife  can  only  be  separated  by  death,  divorce  not  being  allowed; 
and  that  inter-caste  marriages  of  Brahmanas  in  the  anuloma  order, 
though  permitted  by  the  Smritis,  had  long  gone  out  of  use  in  his 
time.  On  the  other  hand  he  seems  to  show  that  the  punishment 
of  the  wife  for  adultery  was  more  strict  than  that  provided  in  the 
Smriti  law,  for  he  says52  that  the  adulteress  is  driven  out  of  the 
husband’s  house  and  is  banished. 

The  polygamous  habit  of  Indian  kings  is  proved  by  contempo¬ 
rary  inscriptions.  It  is  likewise  testified  to  (though  with  much  evi¬ 
dent  exaggeration)  by  Marco  Polo,  who  speaks53  of  “the  500  wives” 
of  the  king  of  Ma£bar  and  “the  300  wives”  of  the  king  of  Cail,  both 
these  territories  being  included  in  the  Pandya  kingdom.  The  elabo¬ 
rate  ceremony  of  self-choice  (svayamvara)  of  Kshatriya  princesses 
referred  to  in  the  Epics  and  the  Kavya  literature,  for  which  there 


480 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


is  no  precise  warrant  in  the  Smritis,  is  illustrated  by  the  historical 
example  of  the  marriage  of  the  West  Chalukya  king  Vikramaditya 
VI  with  “the  Vidyadhara”  (Silahara)  Princess  Chandaladevi.64  An 
altogether  irregular  marriage  by  the  Smriti  standards  was  that  of 
the  Kalachuri  king  Lakshmlkarna  with  Avalladevi,  a  lady  of  the 
Huna  stock,  the  issue  of  this  marriage,  Yasahkarna,  succeeding  his 
father  on  the  throne  in  due  course. 

3.  THE  POSITION  OF  WOMEN 

As  regards  the  position  of  the  wife,  the  Smriti  commentaries 
and  digests  of  this  period  follow  more  or  less  the  line  laid  down 
in  the  Smritis.  The  husband  and  other  male  relations,  to  begin  with, 
must  so  arrange  things  that  the  wife  never  becomes  independent. 
The  wife  must  also  be  guarded  not  only  against  physical  but  also 
against  mental  unchastity  for  the  sake  of  her  offspring.  This  is  best 
done  in  other  ways  than  by  keeping  the  wife  in  seclusion  by 
force.  The  wife,  for  instance,  should  have  her  mind  so  occupied 
with  the  agreeable  and  compulsory  duties  of  her  household  that  she 
would  not  have  leisure  for  thinking  of  other  men,  and  so  forth.  The 
husband  should  honour  his  wife  with  gifts  of  clothes,  ornaments 
and  good  food,  while  the  other  male  relations  should  do  so  on  fes¬ 
tive  occasions:  when  the  husband  goes  abroad  he  must  provide  for 
her  maintenance  till  his  return. 

The  laws  relating  to  the  supersession  and  abandonment  of  the 
wife  are  repeated  in  the  Smriti-chandrika  after  the  fashion  of  the 
old  Smritis  with  a  strong  tendency  to  emphasise  some  points  in 
her  favour.  The  wife,  we  are  told,55  may  be  superseded  on  a  num¬ 
ber  of  specified  grounds.  Nevertheless  the  husband  in  some  cases 
(as  when  the  wife  is  suffering  from  a  chronic  disease  but  is  devoted 
to  her  husband’s  welfare)  has  to  ask  her  permission,  and  in  other 
cases  (as  when  she  is  barren  or  produces  dead  children  or  female 
children  alone)  he  has  to  wait  for  shorter  or  longer  periods  of  time. 
Even  if  the  superseded  wife  angrily  leaves  her  husband  and  is  ac¬ 
cordingly  made  over  to  her  relatives,  she  must  be  maintained  by 
him.  The  superseded  wife,  the  author  explains,  must  be  given  a 
sum  equal  to  what  is  spent  on  the  second  marriage  or  is  given  to 
the  second  wife,  if  no  separate  property  ( strldhana )  had  been  assign¬ 
ed  to  her,  and  half  this  sum  along  with  the  strldhana  in  the  contrary 
case. 

If  the  rules  in  the  Smriti-chandrika  thus  ensure  the  wife’s  right 
to  maintenance  in  case  of  her  supersession,  they  provide  for  her 
residence  in  her  husband’s  house  as  well  as  her  maintenance  even 
in  the  event  of  her  committing  adultery.  When  the  wife  is  guilty 

481 

Sj.E. — 31 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  slight  adultery,  she  must  be  maintained,  though  deprived  of 
conjugal  rights,  till  her  performance  of  a  penance.58  Even  when 
she  commits  grave  adultery,  she  must  be  maintained  till  her  per¬ 
formance  of  the  prescribed  penance,  but  with  bad  food  and  so  forth. 
When  she  is  guilty  of  the  grossest  adultery  she  should  have  her 
hair  shaved  and  made  to  lie  on  a  low  bed  and  do  dirty  work,  but 
still  she  should  be  maintained  with  bad  food  and  clothes  and  made 
to  live  under  restraint  in  a  portion  of  the  husband’s  house.  The 
wanton  wife,  concludes  the  author,  may  be  abandoned,  but  not  so 
the  wife  guilty  of  gross  adultery,  because  it  is  possible  to  fit  her 
for  conjugal  relations  by  means  of  penances. 

Reverting  to  the  topic  of  the  wicked  and  unchaste  wife,  the 
author  says  in  a  later  context,57  that  when  the  wife  is  a  wanton 
she  may  be  abandoned,  but  she  must  not  suffer  mutilation  or  death. 
The  wife  may  likewise  be  abandoned  when  she  is  guilty  of  acts, 
not  expiable  by  penance,  such  as  conception  by  a  Sudra  male  and 
drinking.  In  this  case  the  wife  should  be  deprived  of  conjugal 
relations,  conversation,  personal  contact,  and  sharing  in  the  per¬ 
formance  of  religious  rites,  but  still  she  must  be  maintained  with 
bad  food  and  so  forth,  and  made  to  live  in  a  room  near  the  house. 
Only  in  extreme  cases,  as  when  the  wife  is  guilty  of  causing  abortion 
and  attempting  to  kill  her  husband,  she  may  be  driven  out  of  the 
house. 

Finally  the  author58  repeats  with  the  older  canonists  the  penal¬ 
ties  of  a  husband  for  wrongfully  deserting  his  good  wife.  When  the 
husband,  we  read,  abandons  his  wife  on  grounds  other  than  those 
laid  down  by  the  canon,  he  places  himself  beyond  expiation  and 
should  be  punished  by  the  king  like  a  thief.  When  he  abandons  his 
virtuous  wife,  he  should  be  made  by  the  king,  under  (threat  of) 
heavy  punishment,  to  restore  her  to  her  old  position.  In  default, 
he  should  be  compelled  by  the  king  to  give  her  one-third  of  his 
property,  and  if  he  is  poor,  to  give  her  a  sufficient  sum  for  her 
maintenance. 

The  commentaries  and  the  digests  repeat  the  old  rules  relating 
to  the  religious  and  social  inferiority  of  women.  As  regards  Harita’s 
classification  of  women  into  two  classes,  namely,  those  who  are 
students  of  the  sacred  lore  (brahmavddini)  and  those  who  marry 
straight  away  (sadyovadhu)  of  whom  the  former  are  entitled  to 
the  investiture  of  the  sacred  thread,  (offering  sticks  to  the  sacred 
fire,  Vedic  study  and  begging  within  the  household),  it  belongs, 
says  the  Smriti-chandrikd ,59  to  a  different  time-cycle  ( kalpa ).  After 
this  it  would  appear  that  the  reference  to  female  teachers  ( Upa - 
dhydya ,  upadhydyi  and  dcharya)  found  in  the  contemporary  lexi- 


482 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


cons,60  which  is  indeed  as  old  as  Kasika ,61  is  no  more  than  a  histo¬ 
rical  anachronism.  The  commentaries  and  the  digests  repeat  the 
Smriti  laws  making  it  compulsory  for  the  guardians  of  a  girl  to  give 
her  away  in  marriage  before  the  attainment  of  puberty,  prohibiting 
social  intercourse  with  abducted  women  even  after  their  perform- 
ance  of  a  penance  as  prescribed  by  the  scriptures,  and  declaring 
women  to  be  unfit  to  give  evidence  in  judicial  trials  because  of  their 
proneness  to  untruth. 

On  the  other  hand  our  authors  indicate  a  strong  tendency  not 
only  to  maintain,  but  also  to  increase  women’s  rights  to  property. 
Women  are  exempt  from  the  operation  of  the  law  declaring  adverse 
possession  of  land  and  money  for  twenty  and  ten  years  respectively 
to  entail  loss  of  ownership62  because,  as  Vijnanesvara  observes,  of 
their  ignorance  and  timidity.  The  woman’s  right  to  inherit  the  pro¬ 
perty  of  her  male  relations  is  emphatically  maintained  by  our 
authors,  Smriti-chandrikd 63  explaining  away  a  Vedic  text64  which 
was  held  to  disqualify  a  woman  for  inheritance.  The  widow,  it  is 
emphatically  maintained,65  is  entitled  to  succeed  to  the  whole  estate 
of  her  sonless  deceased  husband  provided  she  is  chaste  and  the  pro¬ 
perty  was  divided  at  the  time  of  his  death.  The  contrary  view 
(Vyasa  and  Srlkara)  that  the  widow  succeeds  to  her  husband’s  pro¬ 
perty  when  it  is  small,  is  rejected  by  Vijnanesvara,  just  as  the 
view  (Dharesvara)  that  the  widow  succeeds  if  she  is  prepared  to 
raise  issue  to  her  deceased  husband  according  to  the  dictates  of  her 
superiors  is  rejected  both  by  Vijnanesvara  and  the  author  of  the 
Smriti-chandrikd .  The  Smriti  text  giving  the  widow  only  a  main¬ 
tenance,  it  is  explained,66  refers  to  the  case  of  remarried  and  want¬ 
on  women.  Our  authors67  similarly  uphold  the  daughter’s  right  to 
succeed  after  the  widow.  This  is  based  upon  rejection  of  the  con¬ 
trary  and  authoritative  view  (Visvarupa,  Dharesvara,  Devasvamin 
and  Devarata)  that  the  daughter  enjoys  this  right  only  when  she  is 
appointed  to  raise  male  issue  for  a  father  without  sons  ( putrikd ). 
Above  all,  our  authors,68  while  quoting  the  divergent  views  of  the 
older  texts  about  the  connotation  of  the  woman’s  separate  property 
( stridhana) ,  agree  as  to  the  extent  of  her  dominion  over  the  same 
and  the  special  rule  of  succession  applying  to  it  among  her  heirs. 

The  historical  references  to  the  position  of  women,  though 
meagre,  help  us  to  correct  at  some  points  the  views  of  the  Brahmana 
canonists  above  mentioned.  Thus  we  have  a  number  of  instances 
showing  how  queens  and  princesses,  in  the  face  of  the  Smriti  doctrine 
of  the  perpetual  dependence  of  women,  sometimes  exercised  a  com¬ 
manding  influence  upon  the  administration  of  state.  In  Kashmir, 
Suryamati,  queen  of  Ananta,  rose  to  be  the  de  facto  ruler  of  the 

483 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


kingdom  and  ended  by  persuading  the  king  against  the  judgment 
of  his  wisest  counsellors  to  abdicate  in  favour  of  their  unworthy 
son.  The  political  influence  of  royal  ladies  can  be  traced  during 
this  period  especially  in  the  records  of  the  Deccan  and  South  India. 
We  have  seen  elsewhere69  how  princesses  became  governors  of  pro¬ 
vinces  and  held  minor  administrative  charges  under  the  Western 
Chalukya  dynasty  of  Kalyana.  To  the  instances  there  given  we  may 
add  a  few  more,  namely,  those  of  queens  of  Somesvara  I  and  Vikrama- 
ditya  VI  and  of  two  queens  of  a  Chalukya  feudatory.70  In  the  latter 
half  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  queen  Ballamahadevi  of  the  Alupa 
dynasty  (in  South  Canara  District)  ruled  for  at  least  fourteen  years 
(Saka  1201-14)  with  the  masculine  titles  of  Maharajddhiraja,  Para - 
balasadhaka,  and  so  forth.71  As  noted  above,  queen  Rudramba, 
bearing  the  male  name  of  Rudradevamaharaja,  ruled  the  Kakatlya 
kingdom  for  nearly  forty  years,  and  her  conspicuous  success  won 
the  admiration  of  the  contemporary  Venetian  traveller  Marco 
Polo.72  In  the  light  of  such  evidence  of  the  political  influence  of 
women  in  the  Deccan  and  South  India,  it  is  interesting  to  observe 
that  the  advent  of  the  Sena  dynasty  of  Kannada  origin  into  Bengal 
brought  with  it  a  significant  change  in  the  formula  of  the  royal  land- 
grants  so  as  to  include  the  queen  in  the  list  of  the  king’s  informants. 

4.  FOOD  AND  DRINK 

The  commentaries  and  digests  develop  with  almost  pedantic 
thoroughness  the  old  Smriti  rules  relating  to  prohibited  food.  In  - 
this  connexion  Vijnanesvara  and  Apararka73  repeat  Medhatithi’s 
list74  of  occasions  on  which  meat  is  lawful  food.  On  the  other  hand 
Bhavadeva75  of  Bengal,  reflecting  no  doubt  the  regional  sentiment 
on  this  point,  adopts  a  very  liberal  attitude  towards  eating  meat 
and  fish.  “When  lawful  meat  and  fish  are  eaten,”  says  he,  no  pen¬ 
ance  is  necessary.  The  penances  prescribed  by  the  texts  for  eating 
meat  contrary  to  the  injunctions,  and  for  intentionally  eating  fish, 
it  is  explained,  have  reference  only  to  the  prohibited  days;  and  the 
prohibition  of  Brahmanas  to  take  meat  has  reference  to  uncooked 
meat.  From  the  above  the  author  draws  the  remarkable  conclusion 
that  one  incurs  no  blame  by  partaking  of  fish  and  meat.  The  com¬ 
mentaries  and  digests  of  the  period  faithfully  follow  the  views  of 
Medhatithi  and  Visvarupa76  on  the  admissibility  of  drinking  wine 
according  to  caste  divisions.  Drinking  is  forbidden  to  women  of  all 
the  three  upper  classes.  But  the  Sudras  are  exempt  from  all  the 
rules  relating  to  forbidden  drinks. 

The  references  in  the  general  literature  partly  confirm  and 
partly  correct  or  supplement  the  data  of  the  Brahmanical  canons  re- 


484 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


lating  to  food  and  drink.  The  synonym  “food  of  barbarians5’ 
( mlechchhabhojya )  given  to  wheat  in  Vaijayanti11  shows  that  it  was 
not  as  yet  an  article  of  dietary  among  the  Indians.  On  the  other 
hand  Vaijayanti7Q  gives  us  synonyms  for  various  milk-preparations 
which  were  no  doubt  in  use  among  the  people.  From  a  story  in  the 
Kathdsaritsdgara 79  we  learn  that  rice  (or  powdered  barley),  ghee, 
meat-curry,  and  milk  (or  wine)  constituted  the  normal  dietary  of 
affluent  merchants.  From  other  stories  it  appears  that  on  festive 
occasions  like  marriages  the  attendants  drank  themselves  to  intoxi¬ 
cation.  How  the  women  in  a  king’s  train,  notwithstanding  the 
Smriti  injunction  to  the  contrary,  freely  indulged  in  drinks,  is  illus¬ 
trated  by  an  incident  in  the  career  of  king  Vikramaditya  VI.80  We 
also  read  in  the  Manasolldsa 81  that  the  king  should  entertain  his 
wives  with  wines  and  spirits  on  the  happy  occasions  of  marriages. 
From  the  stories  in  Kathdsaritsdgara  it  appears  that  the  kings  freely 
indulged  in  drinking  wine  in  the  company  of  their  ministers  or  even 
of  the  ladies  of  the  seraglio.  Drinking  parties  were  held  on  festive 
occasions  such  as  family  reunions  and  marriages.82  The  Manasolldsa 
describes  the  king’s  dietary  in  two  separate  sections  called  “the 
enjoyment  of  food”83  and  “the  enjoyment  of  drink.”84  The  king’s 
dietary  comprises85  both  vegetarian  and  non-vegetarian  dishes.  The 
former  consists  of  preparations  of  rice,  pulse  and  so  forth,  and  the 
latter  of  those  of  the  meat  of  the  boar,  the  spotted  and  other  deer, 
the  hare,  the  sheep  and  the  goat,  fish,  birds,  and  various  other  good 
meat.  The  author  describes  in  this  connexion  the  method  of  remov¬ 
ing  the  pig’s  hair  preparatory  to  cooking  the  meat  as  well  as  the 
process  of  cooking  the  meat  of  deer,  sheep,  birds,  fish,  tortoises, 
crabs  and  even  the  rats  living  in  the  fields  near  the  banks  of  rivers. 

The  observations  of  foreign  writers  about  the  food  and  drink  of 
the  people,  while  agreeing  with  the  canonical  rules  in  some  respects, 
differ  from  them  on  other  points.  Al-BIrunI86  gives  us  a  list  of 
lawful  and  forbidden  meat  of  the  Indians  which  is  evidently  derived 
from  the  Smritis.  The  king  of  the  Chola  dominion,  according  to 
Chau  Ju-Kua,87  did  not  drink  wine  but  took  meat  and  flour-cakes. 
The  people  of  the  Pandya  (“Ma‘bar”)  kingdom,  according  to  Marco 
Polo,88  would  not  eat  beef  on  any  account,  though  they  took  the 
meat  of  other  animals  that  were  killed  for  them  by  Arab  and  other 
butchers.  In  the  Kakatlya  kingdom  (“Mutfili”),  according  to  the 
same  author,89  the  people  lived  on  meat,  rice  and  milk.  Turning 
to  the  Malabar  coast,  we  are  told,90  that  the  people  of  Quilon 
lived  on  rice  and  drank  wine  from  palm-sugar  (wine  from  molasses 
in  the  Smriti  list?).  By  contrast  we  read91  that  the  very  abstemi¬ 
ous  merchants  from  Gujarat  (?)  living  in  the  Kannada  tract  ate  no 
flesh  and  drank  no  wine. 


485 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


5.  DRESS  AND  TOILETTE 

The  minute  Smriti  regulations  relating  to  the  daily  observance 
of  the  rules  of  personal  hygiene  by  the  Vedic  students  and  the  house¬ 
holders  are  repeated  and  paraphrased  by  the  commentators,92  and 
they  are  arranged  under  convenient  headings  in  the  course  of  a 
separate  section  of  the  digests  called  ahnika  (daily  rites  and  observ¬ 
ances).93  Among  these  rules  those  relating  to  bathing  take  an 
important  place.94  Bathing  is  compulsory  for  all  castes  at  least  once 
a  day;  the  Vedic  student  being  required  to  bathe  once,  the  house¬ 
holder  twice,  and  the  ascetic  thrice  a  day.  Vai jay  anti96  gives  us 
synonyms  for  embellishment  of  the  body  as  well  as  those  for  bath¬ 
ing  of  different  kinds  (with  fragrant  dmalaka ,  with  the  juice  of  all 
medicinal  plants,  with  muddy  water,  and  so  forth).  The  lexicons96 
again  give  us  synonyms  for  different  types  of  coiffure  such  as  curl¬ 
ed  hair  on  the  forehead  in  bee-shape,  thin  hair,  bound  and  un¬ 
bound  hair,  braided  hair,  clean  and  unentangled  hair  and  so  forth. 

To  Kalhana97  we  owe  the  interesting  information  that  the 
people  of  Kashmir  before  Harsha’s  time,  with  the  single  exception 
of  the  king,  wore  their  hair  loose  and  had  no  head-dress  or  ear¬ 
rings,  that  a  former  commander-in-chief  having  braided  his  hair 
and  a  former  chief  minister  having  worn  a  short  coat  incurred  the 
king’s  displeasure,  and  that  Harsha  introduced  into  the  kingdom  a 
general  dress  befitting  a  king.  In  the  sculptures  of  Bhuvanesvara 
temples  the  male  figures  are  usually  clad  in  the  typical  dhoti  and 
the  female  figures  in  sddls  without  any  other  clothing,  while  they 
are  adorned  with  ear-ornaments  of  different  kinds,  bracelets,  arm- 
lets,  and  ornaments  for  the  legs  and  the  feet.98  The  variety  of 
fashions  in  wearing  apparel  is  indicated  in  the  sculptures  of  the 
Vaital  deul  temple,  such  as  stripes  set  off  with  zigzag  lines,  with 
triple  lines,  with  oblique  as  well  as  horizontal  double  wavy  lines 
with  flowers  and  a  scroll  border.99  Still  more  varied  are  the  types 
of  coiffure  of  the  human  figures.100  Reference  to  the  distinctive 
toilette  of  the  court-ladies  of  Kuntala,  Dravida,  Maharashtra, 
Andhra  and  Gurjara  is  found  in  the  description  of  the  king’s  court- 
scenes  in  Manasollasa .101  Among  the  foreign  writers  Chau  Ju- 
Kua102  observes  that  the  people  of  Nan-p’i  and  Ku-lin  (Malabar) 
wrap  their  hair  in  silken  turbans  at  the  time  of  battle.  Of  the 
people  of  Hu-ch’a-la  (Gujarat)  the  same  writer  says103  that  both 
men  and  women  have  double  ear-rings  and  wear  close  fitting 
clothes,  with  hoods  on  their  heads,  as  well  as  red  leather  shoes  on 
their  feet.  Equally  valuable  is  the  testimony  of  Marco  Polo.  In 
Malabar,  we  are  told,104  men  and  women,  rich  and  poor,  wear  only 
a  loin-cloth,  the  king  being  no  exception,  and  the  profession  of  the 


486 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


tailor  was  completely  unknown.  Loin-cloth  was  also  the  dress  of 
men  and  women  in  Quilon.105  Similarly,  according  to  Friar  John 
of  Monte  Corvino  (A.D.  1292-93),  men  in  Malabar  went  bare-footed 
and  naked  with  only  a  loin-cloth  on,  while  boys  and  girls  up  to 
their  eighth  year  wore  no  clothes  at  all. 

But  though  their  clothes  were  scanty  these  kings  of  Southern 
India  were  fond  of  jewellery.  According  to  Chau  Ju-Kua106  the 
king  of  Nan-p’i  (Malabar)  was  dressed  in  cotton  loin-cloth  and  was 
bare-footed  like  his  subjects,  but  when  going  out  on  an  elephant  in 
procession  he  wore  a  golden  hat  ornamented  with  pearls  and  gems 
as  well  as  golden  armlets  and  anklets.  The  pomp  of  the  Malabar 
kings  was  outdone  by  the  rulers  of  the  Pandya  kingdom.  From 
Marco  Polo107  we  learn  that  the  king  of  Malabar  was  dressed  only 
in  a  loin-cloth  like  his  subjects.  But  he  wore  a  necklace  entirely 
of  precious  stones  (rubies,  sapphires  and  emeralds  and  the  like), 
a  neck-string  of  104  (108  ?)  great  pearls  and  rubies,  three  golden 
bracelets  thickly  set  with  valuable  pearls,  pearl-anklets  and  rings 
on  his  toes.  “What  this  king  wears  between  gold  and  gems  and 
pearls”,  we  are  told,  “is  worth  more  than  a  city’s  ransom”.  Of  the 
king  of  Kayal,  we  are  told108  more  briefly  that  he  had  upon  his  per¬ 
son  a  great  store  of  rich  jewels. 

6.  STANDARD  OF  LIVING 

The  high  standard  of  living,  which  appears  to  have  prevailed 
at  least  among  the  upper  classes  in  the  preceding  period,  was  well 
maintained  during  these  centuries.  The  extraordinary  affluence 
of  the  rich  merchants  of  Gujarat  in  the  first  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century  is  illustrated  by  an  incident  in  Act  III  of  the  drama 
Moharaja-parajaya  of  the  poet  Yasahpala  (twelfth  century  A.D.), 
describing  the  visit  of  king  Kumarapala  to  the  mansion  of  a  million¬ 
aire  (jfc otlsvara)  merchant  of  his  capital-city.  The  main  building  was 
approached  by  a  flight  of  steps  of  crystal.  Ascending  these  steps 
the  visitor  reached  the  temple  with  crystal-floor  and  with  walls 
painted  with  sacred  pictures,  which  enshrined  an  image  of  the  deity 
in  emerald.  The  mansion  contained  such  huge  stores  of  gold, 
silver,  and  jewels  as  to  rouse  the  wonder  even  of  the  royal  visitor. 
Of  the  immense  riches  of  courtesans  during  the  eleventh  century 
we  have  an  illustration  in  the  description  (matching  that  of  Vasan- 
tasena  in  Mrichchhakatika  Act  IV)  of  the  palatial  mansion  of 
Madanamala  at  Pratishthana  in  Kathasaritscigara .109  The  man¬ 
sion,  we  read,  contained  seven  enclosures  with  a  train  of  horses  and 
elephants,  with  stores  of  weapons  and  jewels,  with  numbers  of 


487 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


attendants  and  bards,  and  with  players  of  vocal  and  instrumental 
music. 

While  it  appears  from  the  above  that  the  standard  of  living 
prevailing  among  the  upper  classes  was  fairly  high,  it  reached  a 
level  of  exceptional  magnificence  among  kings.  The  Manasollasa 
gives  us  a  wonderfully  vivid  account  of  the  luxurious  dress  and 
toilette  of  the  king.  Describing  the  king’s  banquets  the  author 
says110  that  he  should  cause  the  governors  of  provinces  and  so 
forth  to  be  served  from  gold  and  silver  vessels,  while  he  himself 
should  be  served  from  a  large  golden  vessel.  When  the  king  takes 
his  seat  on  the  lion-throne  in  the  hall  of  audience  with  its  white 
paved  floor,  with  its  pillars  of  gold,  with  jewels  displayed  in  their 
proper  places,  with  its  coloured  walls  and  its  canopy  of  different 
colours,  he  is  fanned  by  beautiful  women.  The  king  then  issues 
through  his  door-keeper  a  general  summons  for  attending  the 
assembly.  Then  come  in  palanquins  the  royal  ladies  adorned  with 
various  ornaments  (head-ornaments,  ear-rings,  necklaces,  brace¬ 
lets,  finger-rings,  waist-ornaments  and  leg-ornaments)  and  dressed 
in  gorgeous  robes,  and  they  take  their  seats  in  front  to  the  king’s 
right  and  left.  Other  ladies  variously  adorned  with  ornaments  and 
wearing  garlands  follow  on  the  back  of  horses  and  mares  or  on  foot 
and  take  their  proper  seats.  Also  seated  in  their  proper  places  are 
the  princes  adorned  with  ornaments,  the  purohita  wearing  a  white 
dress  and  jewelled  ear-rings,  the  ministers,  the  provincial  gov¬ 
ernors,  the  feudatory  princes  and  the  various  departmental  officers, 
wearing  jackets  ( angika )  with  long  sleeves,  turbans  and  gold  orna¬ 
ments.  Then  comes  a  miscellaneous  group  consisting  of  poets, 
astrologers,  plaintiffs  and  so  forth.  At  the  king’s  command  the 
door-keeper  next  allows  entrance  to  the  subordinate  kings  desiring 
his  protection.  The  king  dismisses  the  assembled  subordinate 
kings,  princes,  ministers  and  others  by  bestowing  upon  them  various 
favours.111 

Many  different  types  of  royal  palaces  with  their  distinctive 
characters  are  described  in  Samarangana-sutradhara 112  and  Mana- 
sollasa.113  Describing  the  plan  and  construction  of  the  king’s  resi¬ 
dence  the  author  of  Manasollasa114  observes  that  it  should  be  from 
one  to  nine  stories  high,  it  should  be  whitewashed,  it  should  have 
latticed  passages  in  some  parts  and  dark  passages  illuminated  by 
jewelled  lamps  in  other  parts,  it  should  have  an  ivory  fencing  and 
pillars  of  gold  or  of  sandal-wood  as  well  as  floor  of  glass  or  crystal 
and  walls  of  crystal  mirror-like  slabs.  In  the  same  context  we  are 
told  that  the  king  should  change  his  residence  according  to  the 
seasons. 


488 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


The  royal  processions,  as  described  by  the  contemporary 
foreign  writers,  were  marked  by  equal  gorgeousness.  When  the 
king  of  Malabar  went  out  riding  on  elephant  in  state,  says  Chau 
Ju-Kua,115  he  was  preceded  by  his  officers,  carried  in  litters  with 
gold-and  silver-plated  poles,  and  a  section  of  his  large  bodyguard  of 
foreign  women,  while  another  section  followed  him  on  horseback. 
These  last  had  their  hair  done  up  while,  their  bodies  were  adorned 
with  pearl-necklaces  and  gold  anklets  and  perfumed  with  camphor, 
musk  and  other  drugs,  and  they  were  protected  from  the  sun  by 
umbrellas  of  peacock-feathers. 

We  are  in  a  position  to  verify  the  above  literary  accounts  of 
the  king’s  high  standard  of  living  to  some  extent  from  the  extant 
archaeological  evidence.  The  panels  of  sculptures  of  the  Lihga- 
raja^and  the  Konarak  temples  in  Orissa,  the  Kandarya  Mahadeo 
temple  at  Khajuraho  in  Bundelkhand  and  the  Kesava  temple  at 
Belur  in  Mysore,  as  well  as  the  paintings  of  the  Brihadlsvara  temple 
at  Tanjore,  to  mention  a  few  instances,  contain  vivid  representa¬ 
tions  of  royal  court-scenes  and  scenes  of  royal  processions  of  the 
time. 


7.  POPULAR  AND  ROYAL  AMUSEMENTS 

The  popular  amusements  of  this  period  were  more  or  less  simi¬ 
lar  to  those  described  in  the  preceding  volume.  The  lexicons116 
give  us  synonyms  for  dolls  made  of  wood  or  cloth  or  ivory  as  well 
as  for  those  made  of  clay.  Playing  with  balls  was  a  favourite  pas¬ 
time  for  children  and  for  girls,117  and  the  “swing”  was  enjoyed  by 
young  married  women118  both  at  home  and  in  the  highways 
( rathyu )  and  so  forth.119 

Dancing,  music  and  dramatic  performances  were  also  very 
popular.  Mention  is  made  of  musical  instruments  of  different 
kinds  such  as  wind  instruments,  stringed  instruments,  the  lute, 
drums  and  musical  horns  with  the  accompaniment  of  technical 
terms.120  In  the  sculptures  of  the  Bhuvanesvara  temples  of  this 
period  we  have  representations  of  the  vina,  the  drum,  the  flute  and 
the  trumpet.121  The  old  Indian  game  of  gambling  was  evidently 
well  known.  From  the  allegorical  drama  called  Moharaja-para- 
jaya  of  the  poet  Yasahpala  we  learn  that  gambling  was  very  popu¬ 
lar  among  all  classes  and  sections  of  the  people  in  Gujarat  in  his 
time.  The  author  mentions122  five  varieties  of  this  game  with  ap¬ 
propriate  titles  including  one  which  was  constantly  played  by  kings 
dressed  only  in  a  loin-cloth  in  courtyards,  another  by  merchants’ 
sons  who  were  millionaires,  and  a  third  which  was  played  with 
cowries  by  small  boys.  Even  those  belonging  to  royal  families,  we 


489 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


are  further  told,123  were  reduced  to  the  position  of  physical  wrecks 
by  indulgence  in  this  game.  Another  favourite  amusement  was 
wrestling.  Reference  is  made  in  one  place124  to  a  wrestling  con¬ 
test  held  at  Banaras  on  the  occasion  of  a  religious  festival  ( devaya - 
tra)  in  which  a  champion  wrestler  from  the  Deccan  having  defeated 
all  the  local  wrestlers  was  beaten  by  a  young  Brahmana  who  was 
summoned  by  the  king. 

While  the  amusements  of  the  common  people  were  so  varied 
in  character  those  of  the  kings  reached  a  level  of  exceptional  varie¬ 
ty  and  magnificence. 

The  plan  of  a  king’s  palace  in  , Samardngana-sutradhdra125 
includes  the  construction  of  a  music-hall,  a  theatre,  a  gymnasium, 
a  dancing  hall,  and  a  picture-gallery.  This  shows  how  enjoyment 
of  the  fine  arts  as  well  as  physical  exercise  was  regarded  as  the 
normal  routine  of  a  king’s  diversions.  The  seasonal  variations 
of  the  king’s  recreations  are  described  by  Bilhana  in  the  course  of 
his  description  of  the  career  of  his  hero,  king  Vikramaditya  VI. 
In  the  summer  season  the  king  with  his  women  sheltered  them¬ 
selves  from  the  mid-day  heat  in  the  crystal-floored  bathing  cham¬ 
bers  ( dhardgriha )  which  were  completely  protected  from  the  Sun’s 
rays  and  which  emitted  jets  of  water  through  the  interstices.  Then 
he  enjoyed  water-sports  in  their  company  in  a  large  tank.126  In 
the  cold  season  the  king,  accompanied  by  the  ladies  of  his  house¬ 
hold,  started  on  his  hunting  excursion.  He  was  preceded  by  his 
courtesans  on  horseback  while  the  inmates  of  his  seraglio  followed 
him  in  the  rear. 

The  fullest  and  the  most  original  account  of  a  king’s  recrea¬ 
tions  occurs  in  the  Manasollasa.'127  We  may  classify  them  under 
the  following  heads: — 

I.  Military  exercises.  The  king  summoned  experts  in  the  art 
of  wielding  weapons.  Then  having  selected  his  opponent  he  exhi¬ 
bits  his  skill  in  using  different  weapons,  namely,  the  short  dagger, 
the  sword,  the  bow,  the  discus,  the  spear  and  the  mace.128 

II.  Literary  exercises.  The  king  asks  the  poets  to  recite  their 
poems  and  himself  decides  their  merits  and  defects. 

III.  Elephant  sports  and  the  Indian  polo.  He  first  arranges 
a  race  between  runners  and  elephants  and  then  a  fight  between 
elephants,  and  ends  by  giving  prizes.  The  author’s  description 
of  the  king’s  horse-sport  has  a  general  resemblance  to  the  modern 
polo,  but  differs  in  detail.  The  king  divides  the  horsemen  into  two 
opposing  teams  of  eight  each.  Then  riding  a  splendid  horse  of 
Kamboja  breed  he  starts  the  play.  There  are  two  goal-posts  on 


490 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


each  side  separated  by  a  prescribed  distance.  The  sticks  are  made 
of  cane  with  a  curved  end  and  are  encased  in  red  leather  while  the 
ball  is  made  of  wood  and  similarly  covered  with  leather.  The 
party  which  succeeds  in  driving  the  ball  through  the  two  goal-posts 
on  each  side  is  adjudged  as  the  victor.  At  the  end  of  the  game 
the  king  having  mounted  a  separate  charger  exhibits  his  skill  in 
the  management  of  horses.129 

IV.  Combatants’  duels.  Referring  to  a  peculiar  custom  of 
his  country,  namely,  that  of  a  certain  type  of  combatants  (technical¬ 
ly  called  anka)  fighting  duels  with  each  other,  the  author  classifies 
the  men  under  eight  heads  according  to  the  occasion  of  the  duel. 
The  duel  is  allowed  by  the  king  only  when  he  has  failed  to  persuade 
the  men  to  desist  from  the  same.  The  king  arranges  matters  so 
that  combatants  of  the  same  category  fight  with  each  other.  At 
the  signal  given  by  the  king  the  combatants  rush  forth  in  pairs  to 
fight  fiercely  with  each  other.  When  their  limbs  are  covered  with 
blood  and  their  hands  and  feet  are  severed  the  king  stops  the  fight 
with  his  signal.  The  victors  are  given  handsome  rewards,  while 
the  relations  of  those  who  are  killed  are  given  by  him  suitable 
grants.130 

V.  Wrestlers’  contests.  As  regards  the  wrestling  contests  the 
author  tells  us  how  wrestlers  of  young  age-groups  are  fed  on  special 
diet  at  the  king’s  expense  and  are  given  a  severe  course  of  prepara¬ 
tory  training  in  various  exercises  under  the  guidance  of  teachers. 
After  the  completion  of  their  training  the  wrestlers  with  their  leader 
approach  the  king  and  request  him  to  arrange  for  an  exhibition  of 
their  skill.  The  king  selects  for  the  contest  those  who  are  similar 
in  appearance,  age  and  strength.  If  at  the  end  two  wrestlers  are 
both  found  to  be  extremely  exhausted,  the  king  proclaims  them  to 
be  equals.  If  one  is  not  so  exhausted  and  specially  if  he  has  broken 
a  limb  of  his  opponent,  he  is  adjudged  the  victor.  The  king  then 
dismisses  the  victors  with  gift  of  clothes,  ornaments  and  so  forth.131 

VI.  Fights  of  birds  and  beasts  and  pigeon-flights.  Under  this 
head  the  author  mentions  in  great  detail  the  exhibitions  of  fights 
between  carefully  selected,  nourished  and  trained  cocks,  quails,  rams 
and  buffaloes  on  grounds  specially  prepared  for  the  purpose,  for 
the  king’s  amusement.132  Pigeons  of  the  best  breed  which  are 
found  in  the  Sindhu  country  are  selected  and  nourished  on  proper 
diet  at  the  king’s  palace.  They  are  kept  in  pairs  in  gold,  silver  and 
wooden  cages.  When  sufficiently  trained  the  male  pigeon  is  taken 
in  cage  to  a  distance  and  let  loose  with  a  letter  attached  to  his  neck. 
He  can  thus  cover  a  distance  of  thirty  yojans  to  meet  his  mate.133 


491 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


VII.  Hunting,  hawking  and  angling.  The  author  describes  in 
detail  the  methods  of  hunting  a  boar  or  a  hare  with  the  help  of 
trained  dogs.134  Hawks,  carefully  trained,  are  taken  to  a  place 
abounding  in  grass  and  sheltering  many  birds.  When  the  grass  is 
beaten  up  and  the  birds  are  in  flight,  the  hawk  seizes  birds  on  the 
wing  at  a  height  invisible  to  the  naked  eye.135  The  king  amuses 
himself  by  catching  carefully  fed  fish  with  a  rod  and  line  prepared 
according  to  specification.136 

We  have  similar  but  much  shorter  accounts  of  royal  amusements 
in  other  geographical  regions  of  our  land  during  the  same  period. 
Nayachandra  Suri,  author  of  the  Hammira-mahdkdvya,  in  the  course 
of  his  description  of  the  Chahamana  kings  of  Ranastambhapura, 
tells  us  how  one  of  them  (Prahladana)  was  engaged  in  a  hunting 
expedition  with  a  company  of  footmen  dressed  in  blue  clothes  hang¬ 
ing  down  to  their  knees  and  of  fleet  hunting  dogs  with  golden  neck¬ 
laces,137  how  another  king  (Jaitrasimha)  indulged  in  water  sports,138 
and  how  the  last  king  (Hammlra),  during  the  siege  of  his  capital  by 
‘Ala-ud-dln  Khalji,  sought  recreation  with  his  courtiers  for  a  while 
in  an  entertainment  attended  with  vocal  and  instrumental  music  as 
well  as  dancing  by  a  reputed  female  artiste  of  the  town.139  Of  the 
Chola  kings  we  are  told  by  a  foreign  writer140  that  at  their  State 
banquets  the  whole  company  broke  out  into  song,  music  and  dancing. 

8.  POPULAR  BELIEFS  AND  SUPERSTITIONS 

The  old  beliefs  in  omens  and  portents,  in  astrology,  in  the  signi¬ 
ficance  of  dreams  and  so  forth  continued  to  have  its  firm  hold  on 
the  people.  The  stories  in  the  Kathdsaritsdgara  show  how  wide¬ 
spread  was  the  popular  belief  in  omens  and  portents,  in  auspicious 
and  inauspicious  times,  as  well  as  in  charms  and  spells  for  witch¬ 
craft.  The  references  in  Manasollasa  show  how  such  beliefs  were 
held  even  in  royal  and  aristocratic  circles.  Speaking  of  the  king’s 
marching  against  his  enemy,  the  author141  gives  elaborate  descrip¬ 
tions  of  the  auspicious  and  inauspicious  times  for  its  start  as  well  as 
favourable  and  unfavourable  omens  (indicated  by  the  behaviour  of 
dogs,  jackals,  lizards  and  crows). 

Testimony  to  the  superstitious  beliefs  of  the  Indian  people  is 
borne  by  contemporary  foreign  observers.  Among  the  people  of 
Ma‘bar,  according  to  Marco  Polo,142  there  were  experts  who  dis¬ 
cerned  a  man’s  character  and  qualities  by  his  look,  and  who  knew 
the  meaning  of  a  man’s  meeting  with  a  particular  bird  or  beast.  The 
people  recorded  the  date  and  hour  of  a  child’s  birth  immediately 
after  that  event,  and  they  did  all  their  acts  with  reference  to  astro¬ 
logy  and  with  the  advice  of  diviners  skilled  in  sorcery  and  magic. 

492 


/ 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


Illustrating  the  extraordinary  beliefs  of  “the  Abraiman”  of  “the  Lar 
province”  (the  merchants  of  Gujarat),  Marco  Polo  observes143  that 
they  made  their  purchases  when  their  shadow  was  of  the  required 
length,  and  undertook  their  journeys  when  the  direction  of  the  swal¬ 
lows’  flight  was  favourable. 

The  strong  hold  which  the  veneration  for  cows  had  acquired 
over  the  minds  of  the  people  in  the  preceding  period  was  maintained 
during  these  centuries.  The  commentaries  and  digests144  paraphrase 
the  penances  prescribed  by  the  Smritis  for  killing  and  maiming 
cows.  Killing  of  cows  even  at  the  honey-mixture  ( madhuparka ) 
ceremony  in  honour  of  guests  and  the  sacrifice  called  gosava  is  in¬ 
cluded  in  the  list  of  forbidden  practices  in  the  Kali  Age.  The 
popular  belief  in  the  sanctity  of  domestic  cattle  is  corroborated  by 
the  evidence  of  foreign  writers.  Idrisi145  refers  to  the  great  venera¬ 
tion  of  oxen  among  the  Indians.  Speaking  particularly  of  the  people 
of  Ma‘bar,  Marco  Polo  says146  that  they  on  no  account  kill  oxen  or 
partake  of  beef  and  that  many  of  them  worship  the  ox. 

The  complete  ban  against  sea-voyage  imposed  by  some  of  the 
canonical  authorities  of  the  earlier  centuries  was  repeated  during 
this  period.  Social  intercourse  with  a  man  of  the  three  upper 
varnas  undertaking  a  sea-voyage,  even  though  he  has  performed  the 
necessary  penance,  is  included  in  the  list  of  forbidden  practices  of 
the  Kali  Age  in  Smriti-chandrikd,1 47  while  Smrityarthasara^AQ  in¬ 
cludes  sea-voyage  as  such  in  this  list.  And  yet  we  have  the  histo¬ 
rical  fact  that  the  great  Chola  Emperor  Rajendra  Chola  I  sent  a 
naval  expedition  (c.  A.D.  1025)  for  the  successful  conquest  of  the 
Sailendra  empire  of  Sumatra  and  the  Malay  Peninsula,  and  that  his 
successors  succeeded  in  retaining  this  possession  for  nearly  half  a 
century  afterwards.149  Equally  authenticated  is  the  fact,  mention¬ 
ed  in  another  chapter,  that  Indian  merchants,  as  late  as  the  thirteenth 
century,  extended  their  maritime  enterprises  as  far  as  the  Persian 
Gulf  and  Madagascar  on  one  side  and  South  China  on  the  other. 
Indirect  testimony  to  the  overseas  enterprises  of  the  Indians  is  also 
furnished  by  the  stories  of  the  Kathasaritsagara. 

9.  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS 

We  learn  from  the  testimony  of  Megasthenes  that  the  custom 
of  employment  of  large  numbers  of  female  attendants  in  the  king’s 
service  is  as  old  as  the  time  of  Chandragupta  Maurya.  In  the  litera¬ 
ture  of  the  present  period  we  have  repeated  references  to  this  cus¬ 
tom.  The  observations  of  foreign  writers  corroborate  the  prevalence 
of  the  above  custom.  According  to  Chou  Ku-Fei160  the  Chola  king 
employed  fully  “a  myriad  dancing  girls  for  his  table  and  escort”. 


493 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


The  king  of  Malabar,  according  to  Chau  Ju-Kua,161  was  attended 
by  a  body-guard  of  500  picked  foreign  women  in  his  processions. 

A  custom  prevailing  in  South  India  for  some  time  before  this 
period  was  that  of  self-immolation  of  selected  nobles  on  the  funeral 
pyres  of  their  king.  Abu  Zaid,162  writing  a  little  before  our  time, 
describes  a  particular  rite  observed  by  some  of  the  Indian  kings  after 
their  accession  to  the  throne.  The  rite  (which  according  to  Nainar’s 
suggestion  was  identical  with  the  Mamakham  or  Mahdmakham ,  the 
great  sacrifice  of  the  kings  of  Malabar)  consisted  in  three  hundred 
or  four  hundred  “king’s  companions”  volunteering  to  partake  of  a 
portion  of  the  cooked  rice  eaten  by  himself.  It  is  incumbent  upon 
all  those  who  partake  of  this  to  burn  themselves  to  the  last  man 
when  the  king  dies  or  is  slain.  Coming  to  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries,  we  find  references  to  this  custom  in  inscriptions  of  the 
later  Chola  kings  belonging  to  the  Tamil  and  Kannada  areas.  These 
inscriptions153  record  the  vows  taken  by  a  class  of  persons  called 
Velaikkaris  (personal  body-guards  of  a  king  or  chieftain)  to  die  with 
their  master.  Referring  to  a  similar  custom  in  the  Pandya  kingdom, 
Marco  Polo164  says  that  the  king  has  a  number  of  Barons  called  “the 
king’s  Trusty  Lieges”  who  are  in  constant  attendance  upon  him  and 
that  they  burn  themselves  with  their  master’s  body  after  his  death. 

We  have  observed  in  the  preceding  volumes  how  the  Smriti 
law  of  later  times  recommended  for  widows  the  alternatives  of  liv¬ 
ing  a  celibate  life  ( brahmacharya )  and  burning  themselves  on  the 
funeral  pyres  of  their  husbands,  with  a  decided  preference  in  favour 
of  the  latter.  The  commentators  and  the  digests  of  this  period  have  a 
twofold  attitude  on  this  point.  On  the  one  hand  Vijnanesvara  and 
Apararka,  as  well  as  the  author  of  the  Smrityarthasara,  express 
themselves  more  or  less  strongly  in  favour  of  the  widow’s  self-immo¬ 
lation.  On  the  other  hand  Smriti-chandrika:  65  is  equally  emphatic 
in  its  condemnation  of  this  cruel  and  horrible  rite.  The  histo¬ 
rical  records  frequently  refer  to  widowed  queens,  princesses  and 
others  performing  acts  of  charity  and  piety.  We,  however,  come  ac¬ 
ross  instances  of  ladies  of  royal  and  official  families  burning  them¬ 
selves  after  the  deaths  of  their  husbands,  and  several  such  instances 
are  recorded  in  the  Rajatarangini.'lBe  According  to  Al-Birunl,  the 
widow  had  to  choose  between  one  of  two  alternatives,  namely,  re¬ 
maining  a  widow  for  the  rest  of  her  life,  and  burning  herself;  and 
she  preferred  the  latter  alternative  as  she  was  likely  to  be  ill-treated 
as  long  as  she  lived.  To  this  the  author  adds  that  the  wives  of  kings 
were  burnt  whether  they  wished  it  or  not.  It  would  appear  from 
the  above  that  the  sati-viie  was  more  widely  prevalent  at  this  time 
than  was  warranted  by  the  Smriti  authorities  of  this  period.  Evid- 


494 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


ence  to  the  same  effect  is  borne  by  the  epigraphical  and  other  re¬ 
cords.  The  numbers  of  the  satl  memorial  stones  ( mastikal  and  sati- 
kal)  in  the  Kannada  tract  testify  to  the  wide  prevalence  of  this  rite 
in  mediaeval  as  well  as  modern  times.  Marco  Polo  in  his  description 
of  the  kingdom  of  Ma‘bar  tells  us157  that  many  women  burnt  them¬ 
selves  with  the  bodies  of  their  husbands  and  that  they  were  highly 
praised  by  all. 

A  custom  which  seems  to  be  peculiar  to  the  Deccan  and  South 
India  at  this  period,  but  was  destined  to  be  continued  down  at  least 
to  the  time  of  the  Vijayanagara  kings,  was  th^t  of  duel  fights.  In 
a  story  of  the  Kathasaritsagara ,158  we  are  told  how  when  a  door¬ 
keeper  of  a  king  of  Kanchl  falsely  charged  a  foreign  merchant  be¬ 
fore  the  king  with  the  abduction  of  his  wife,  the  merchant  proposed 
a  duel  deciding  the  issue,  how  after  obtaining  the  king’s  approval 
they  both  entered  the  list  on  horseback  and  fought  in  the  king’s 
presence,  and  how  when  the  door-keeper  was  felled  down  from  his 
horse  five  times  in  succession,  the  king  honoured  the  victor  as  he 
deserved,  and  deprived  the  door-keeper  of  his  office  and  his 
wealth.159  Marco  Polo  observes160  about  the  people  of  ‘Gail’  (Kayal 
in  the  Pandya  kingdom),  that  when  a  man  wishing  to  offer  gross  in¬ 
sult  to  another  spits  out  a  mouthful  of  betel-leaf  upon  his  face,  the 
latter  seeks  and  obtains  the  king’s  permission  to  fight  the  offender. 
They  fight  in  public  with  sword  and  target  until  one  of  them  is  killed. 

A  custom  mentioned  by  foreign  writers  as  an  illustration  of 
the  high  moral  character  of  the  Indians  is  concerned  with  the  pro¬ 
cess  of  a  creditor’s  recovery  of  his  debt.  Illustrating  the  Indians’ 
love  of  truth  and  horror  of  vice,  IdrlsI  says  161  that  a  creditor  meet¬ 
ing  his  debtor  has  only  to  draw  a  circle  upon  the  ground  and  make 
him  enter  it  which  he  never  fails  to  do.  The  debtor  then  cannot 
leave  the  circle  without  satisfying  his  creditor,  or  obtaining  remis¬ 
sion  of  the  debt.  The  same  custom  is  mentioned  by  Marco  Polo  in 
his  description  of  the  kingdom  of  Ma‘bar.  Reference  is  also  made 
to  the  above  custom  in  a  story  of  the  Kathasaritsdgara ,162 

The  custom  of  dedicating  women  (Skt.  Devadasis,  Tamil 
devaradiyar)  to  the  service  of  temples,  which  has  been  traced  by 
us  elsewhere163  to  the  preceding  centuries,  was  generally  prevalent 
during  this  period.  Indeed  literary  records  and  inscriptions  give 
us  the  impression  that  they  were  regarded  as  a  part  of  the  normal 
establishment  of  temples.  The  number  of  these  girls  in  the  temples 
often  reached  high  proportions.  The  temple  of  Somanatha  at  the 
time  of  its  destruction  by  Sultan  Mahmud  is  stated  to  have  been 
served  by  three  hundred  and  fifty  dancing  girls.  According  to  Chau 
Ju-Kua164  Gujarat  contained  4000  temples  in  which  lived  over  20,000 

495 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


dancing  girls  whose  function  was  to  sing  twice  daily  while  offering 
food  to  the  deities  and  while  presenting  flowers.  We  have  the  valu¬ 
able  testimony  of  Al-Biruni  to  the  effect  that  the  kings  maintained 
this  institution  for  the  benefit  of  their  revenues  in  the  teeth  of  the 
opposition  of  the  Brahmana  priests.  But  for  the  kings,  he  says,166 
no  Brahmana  or  priest  would  allow  in  their  temples  women  who 
sing,  dance  and  play.  The  kings,  however,  make  them  a  source  of 
attraction  to  their  subjects  so  that  they  may  meet  the  expenditure 
of  their  armies  out  of  the  revenues  derived  therefrom. 

10.  GENERAL  ESTIMATE  OF  CHARACTER 

Some  light  has  been  thrown  upon  the  general  characteristics  of 
the  Indian  people  by  our  descriptions  of  their  social  institutions  as 
well  as  their  beliefs  and  practices  given  above.  As  regards  the  insti¬ 
tution  of  caste,  it  has  been  shown  that  the  immunities  and  privileges 
of  the  Brahmanas  are  held  by  the  exponents  of  the  Sacred  Law  to 
rest  still  more  than  before  upon  a  moral  basis,  in  other  words  upon 
the  principle  noblesse  oblige.  On  the  other  hand  it  is  impossible 
to  ignore  the  studied  degradation  to  which  important  sections  of 
the  population  (the  so-called  antyajatis  and  even  in  extreme  cases 
the  Sudras)  were  condemned  by  them  after  the  older  authorities. 
As  regards  the  status  of  women  it  was  not  made  worse  in  this  period 
as  compared  with  the  preceding  one  except  in  the  matter  of  stricter 
insistence  upon  the  practice  of  self-immolation  of  widows  on  the 
funeral  pyres  of  their  husbands.  On  the  other  hand  a  distinct  im¬ 
provement  of  their  status  is  observable  in  respect  of  their  rights  of 
property. 

Of  the  large-hearted  tolerance  of  the  Indians  towards  foreign 
faiths  evidence  is  furnished  by  the  generous  treatment  accorded  by 
the  Chaulukya  and  Vaghela  kings  of  Gujarat  and  the  Pandya  kings 
of  Southern  India  towards  the  Muslim  settlers  in  their  lands.  The 
same  attitude  is  indicated  by  the  complete  freedom  enjoyed  by  the 
communities  of  Syrian  Christians,  Jews  and  Zoroastrians,  settled  in 
Southern  and  Western  India,  in  the  exercise  of  their  religion. 

The  contemporary  foreign  observers  on  the  whole  agree  in  giv¬ 
ing  a  favourable  estimate  of  the  general  character  of  the  Indians. 
We  may  quote  in  the  first  place  the  sober  judgment  of  the  great 
Muslim  scholar  Al-Biruni166  who  has  made  a  striking  refer¬ 
ence  to  the  deep-rooted  tendency  of  the  Indian  mind  towards 
self-conceit  and  depreciation  of  everything  foreign.  “The  Hindus”, 
he  says,  “believe  that  there  is  no  country  but  theirs,  no  nation  like 
theirs,  no  kings  like  theirs,  no  religion  like  theirs,  no  science  like 
theirs.  They  are  haughty,  foolish,  vain,  self-conceited  and  stolid. 


496 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


They  are  by  nature  niggardly  in  communicating  that  which  they 
know,  and  they  take  the  greatest  possible  care  to  withhold  it  from 
men  of  another  caste  among  their  own  people,  still  much  more,  of 
course,  from  any  foreigner.  According  to  their  belief,  there  is  no 
other  country  on  earth  but  theirs,  no  other  race  of  man  but  theirs, 
and  no  created  beings  besides  them  have  any  knowledge  of  science 
whatsoever.”  The  author  concludes  by  tracing  the  root  of  this  evil 
to  its  source  in  the  changed  habits  of  the  Indians  about  foreign 
travel.  “If  they  travelled  and  mixed  with  other  nations,”  he  says, 
“they  would  soon  change  their  mind,  for  their  ancestors  were  not 
as  narrow-minded  as  is  the  present  generation.”  In  another  place167 
the  author,  while  introducing  his  account  of  the  Indian  law  of 
punishments  and  expiations,  pays  handsome  tribute  to  the  gentle 
manners  of  the  people.  “The  manners  and  customs  of  the  Hindus”, 
lie  says,  “like  those  of  the  Christians,  are  based  on  the  principles  of 
virtue  and  abstinence  from  wickedness,  such  as  never  to  kill  under 
any  circumstance  whatever,  to  bless  your  enemy,  and  pray  for  him. 
Nevertheless  in  the  case  of  Hinduism,  as  of  Christianity,  punish¬ 
ments  became  inevitable,  since  most  people  are  ignorant  and  erring 
and  they  cannot  be  kept  on  to  the  straight  path  except  by  the  sword 
and  the  whip”.  In  contrast  with  the  above  a  wholly  favourable  esti¬ 
mate  of  the  Indian  character,  recalling  the  similar  views  of  Megas- 
thenes  and  Hiuen-tsang  centuries  before,  is  given  by  the  learned 
Muslim  author  IdrlsI  in  the  latter  part  of  the  twelfth  century.  The 
Indians,  he  says,168  are  naturally  inclined  to  justice,  and  never 
depart  from  it  in  their  actions.  Their  good  faith,  honesty  and  fidelity 
to  their  engagements  are  well  known,  and  they  are  so  renowned  for 
these  qualities  that  people  flock  to  their  country  from  every  side. 

Lastly  we  may  quote  the  views  of  Marco  Polo.  The  people  of 
Ma‘bar,  he  says,169  are  very  strict  in  executing  justice  upon  crimi¬ 
nals  and  in  abstaining  from  wine,  but  they  do  not  look  upon  lechery 
as  a  sin.  Of  the  “Abraiman  of  Lar”  (Brahmanas  of  Gujarat?)  living 
in  the  Kannada  tract,  he  observes170  that  they  are  the  best  and  the 
most  truthful  merchants  in  the  world  and  live  a  life  of  great 
chastity  and  temperance,  but  at  the  same  time  they  are  more  prone 
to  superstitious  beliefs  in  omens  and  portents  than  any  other  people. 
He  illustrates  these  statements  by  concrete  descriptions  of  the  beliefs 
and  practices  of  this  class. 

11.  HINDU-MUSLIM  RELATIONS 

It  will  appear  from  the  political  history  sketched  above  that 
towards  the  close  of  the  period  under  review  the  Muslim  Turks  had 
permanently  settled  in  large  parts  of  Northern  India  and  formed 
an  important  community.  Their  number  was  as  yet  very  small,  as 

497 


S.E  —32 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


compared  with  the  Hindus,  but  this  was  compensated  to  a  large  ex¬ 
tent  by  the  power  and  prestige  they  enjoyed  as  conquerors  of  the 
land. 

The  advent  of  Islam  constituted  the  first  great  rift  in  the 
solidarity  of  Indian  community  since  the  incorporation  of  the  abori¬ 
ginal  peoples  into  the  Aryan  society.  Henceforth  there  were  two 
communities  in  India — Hindu  and  Muslim — who  formed  two  en¬ 
tirely  separate  entities,  so  far  at  least  as  religious  and  social  ideas 
and  political  and  civil  rights  were  concerned.  There  was,  however, 
one  significant  difference  between  the  two.  The  Muslim  community 
kept  its  doors  wide  open,  and  not  only  freely  admitted  everybody, 
but  even  pushed  people  inside  it.  The  result  was  that  the  Hindus 
entered  into  the  fold  of  Muslims  in  gradually  increasing  numbers. 
But  the  case  was  different  with  the  Hindu  society.  Though  at  the 
beginning  we  hear  of  reconversion  of  Hindus  who  had  embraced 
Islamic  faith,  gradually  it  adopted  a  more  restrictive  attitude  and 
practically  closed  its  doors  against  admission  from  outside,  even  for 
those  who  once  strayed  out  of  it,  by  force,  choice,  or  accident.  The 
inevitable  consequence  followed.  The  Muslims  grew  in  number  by 
the  conversion  of  the  Hindus,  while  the  Hindu  rank  was  gradually 
thinned.  The  immigration  of  fresh  bands  of  Muslims  from  beyond 
the  frontiers  of  India  also  swelled  their  number;  but  as  years  rolled 
by,  they  numerically  formed  a  very  insignificant  element  in  the 
growing  population  of  the  Muslims,  a  great  majority  of  whom  were 
converted  Hindus. 

We  do  not  possess  sufficient  data  to  form  an  accurate  idea  of 
the  means  or  methods  of  conversion  on  such  a  large  scale.  The 
ultra-democratic  principles  of  Islam,  restricted  to  its  own  commu¬ 
nity,  served  as  a  great  inducement  to  conversion  in  two  ways.  In 
the  first  place,  as  the  rigours  of  the  caste  system  weighed  heavily 
upon  the  lower  classes  among  the  Hindus,  they  would  naturally  be 
attracted  by  the  position  of  absolute  religious  and  social  equality 
which  Islam  offered  to  every  Hindu,  irrespective  of  class  or  caste, 
who  embraced  the  new  faith.  Secondly,  even  though  for  a  long 
time  political  equality  was  not  conceded  by  the  conquering  Turks 
to  Indian  Muslims,  the  latter  were  undoubtedly  in  a  far  better  posi¬ 
tion  in  this  respect  than  the  unconverted  Hindus.  Offers  were  open¬ 
ly  made  to  ruling  chiefs  and  high  officials  that  they  could  continue 
in  their  present  position  only  if  they  adopted  the  Muslim  faith. 
The  lower  officers  in  civil  government,  and  the  majority  of  military 
ranks,  to  start  with,  were  naturally  recruited,  as  far  as  possible, 
from  the  Muslims.  Such  temptations  must  have  been  too  great  for 
ordinary  men. 


498 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


Ihe  denial  of  civil  rights  to  the  Hindus  also  operated  as  a  great 
factor  in  their  conversion.  As  mentioned  above, 171  the  Muslim 
rulers,  from  the  very  beginning,  imposed  civil  disabilities  upon  the 
Hindus,  and  Muhammad  ibn  Qasim  is  said  to  have  enunciated  the 
following  principle: 

“He  who  received  the  honour  of  Islam  and  became  a  convert 
was  exempt  from  slavery  as  well  as  tribute  and  was  not  injured. 
Those,  however,  who  did  not  accept  the  true  faith  were  compelled 
to  pay  the  fixed  tribute  (jizya)”. 

Galling  as  these  distinctions  were  to  any  sensitive  mind  and  noble 
spirit,  the  situation  was  often  rendered  much  worse  by  the  denial 
of  the  right  of  public  worship  to  the  Hindus  and  deliberate  indig¬ 
nities  and  humilities  inflicted  upon  them  as  a  general  policy  adopted 
by  some  Muslim  rulers.  All  this  will  be  dealt  with  in  detail  else¬ 
where.  It  will  suffice  here  to  state  that  the  position  of  the  Hindus 
under  the  Muslim  rule,  at  least  during  the  first  two  or  three  centuries, 
was  most  unenviable,  and  the  temptation  to  secure  liberty,  privi¬ 
lege  and  higher  status  by  a  change  of  creed  proved  irresistible  to 
many. 

Peaceful  missionary  propaganda  by  the  Muslim  divines  must 
have  also  played  a  large  part  in  the  conversion.  Their  religious 
doctrines,  enforced  by  the  considerations  mentioned  above,  of  which 
they  must  have  taken  full  advantage,  could  not  fail  to  produce  the 
desired  ‘effect’  upon  a  section  of  the  Hindus.  The  saintly  character 
of  some  of  the  Muslim  preachers  must  also  have  appealed  to  the  reli¬ 
gious  minded  Hindus.  But  while  these  normal  means  of  conversion 
played  their  part,  we  cannot  ignore  the  fact  that  force  or  violence 
was  one  of  the  most  fruitful  sources  of  conversion  of  the  Hindus  en 
masse ,  at  least  in  the  earlier  period. 

We  possess  a  brief  account  of  the  Indian  expeditions  of  Sultan 
Mahmud  by  Al-’Utbi,  his  Secretary,  who  “enjoyed  excellent  oppor¬ 
tunities'  of  becoming  fully  acquainted  with  the  operations  of  that 
conqueror.”172  He  very  frankly  says  that  “Islam  or  death  was  the 
alternative  that  Mahmud  placed  before  the  people,”  and  his  de¬ 
tailed  account  gives  many  practical  illustrations  of  it.173  The  usual 
consequence  of  Mahmud’s  victory  is  thus  described  by  ’Utbi:  “The 
victors  slew  the  vanquished  wherever  they  were  found,  in  jungles, 
passes,  plains  and  hills.”  Elsewhere  he  says:  “The  blood  of  the  in¬ 
fidels  flowed  so  copiously,  that  the  stream  was  discoloured,  notwith¬ 
standing  its  purity,  and  people  were  unable  to  drink  it.”174 

The  word  ‘infidel’  in  the  above  extract  is  significant, — for  the  only 
way  to  escape  this  cruel  massacre  was  to  embrace  Islam.  It  was  thus 
that  Hardat,  the  ruler  of  Baran,  and  his  ten  thousand  followers, 


499 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

as  well  as  the  Shah  of  Qirat  and  its  people  saved  their  lives.  There 
must  have  been  many  other  mass  conversions  of  this  type.175 

’Utbi’s  account  is  full  of  stories  of  indiscriminate  massacre  of 
all  those  Hindus  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  Mahmud  after  the  cap¬ 
ture  of  a  town  or  fort  and  disdained  to  save  their  lives  by  change 
of  religion.  We  also  hear  of  a  large  number  of  such  unfortunate 
Hindus  being  carried  away  as  slaves.  Referring  to  Mahmud’s  victory 
over  Nidar  Bhim,  ’Utbi  remarks  that  “slaves  were  so  plentiful  that 
they  became  very  cheap.”176  His  detailed  account  clearly  shows 
that  these  slaves  were  "converted  to  Muslim  faith. 

The  policy  of  Mahmud  was  followed  by  some  later  Muslim  con¬ 
querors  also.  Referring  to  the  Muslim  victory  in  Gujarat  in  A.D. 
1197,  a  contemporary  Muslim  v/riter  says: 

“Most  of  their  leaders  were  taken  prisoners,  and  nearly  fifty 
thousand  infidels  were  despatched  to  hell  by  the  sword ....  More 
than  twenty  thousand  slaves  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.”177 
After  the  capture  of  the  fort  of  Kalin  jar,  according  to  the  same 
authority,  “fifty  thousand  men  came  under  the  collar  of  slavery.”178 

It  was  a  common  practice  of  the  Turkish  rulers  of  India  to  take 
as  prisoners  the  wives,  sons  and  dependants  of  the  vanquished 
Hindu  rulers.179 

The  method  of  temptation  was  also  not  wanting.  Even  the 
Chandella  king  and  Prithviraja  were  offered  immunity  from  inva¬ 
sion  on  condition  of  embracing  Islam.  The  deliberate  policy  of  demo¬ 
lishing  Hindu  temples  and  raising  mosques  in  their  places,  initiated 
by  Muhammad  ibo  Qasim,  was  followed  with  zeal  and  alacrity  by 
the  Turkish  invaders,  and  the  stamping  out  of  idolatry  from  the 
places  conquered  by  Muslim  arms  is  frequently  referred  to  in  glow¬ 
ing  terms  by  Muslim  chroniclers. 

It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  all  these  acts  of  terrorism  and 
violence  facilitated  the  conversion  of  the  hapless  Hindus  to  Islam 
in  large  numbers.  It  had  the  added  effect  of  completely  alienating 
the  Hindus  from  the  Muslims.  Apart  from  religious  ideas  and  social 
usages  which  operated  in  the  same  direction,  the  deliberate  demo¬ 
lition  of  temples,  the  destruction  of  images,  and  the  wholesale  massa¬ 
cre  and  enslavement  of  Hindus  by  the  Muslim  conquerors  must  have 
completely  estranged  the  Hindus  from  the  Muslims.  The  inevitable 
result  was  that  the  Hindus  and  Muslims  formed  two  distinct  and 
hostile  communities  throughout  the  period  under  review. 

The  shrewd  observer  Al-BIrunl180  clearly  perceived  the  great 
gulf  that  normally  separated  the  Hindus  from  the  Muslims.  “The 
Hindus,”  he  observes,  “entirely  differ  from  us  in  every  respect.” 


500 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


After  mentioning  the  difference  in  language,  he  continues: 
“Secondly,  they  totally  differ  from  us  in  religion,  as  we  believe  in 

nothing  in  which  they  believe,  and  vice  versa . In  the  third  place, 

in  all  manners  and  usages,  they  differ  from  us  to  such  a  degree  as 
to  frighten  their  children  with  us,  with  our  dress,  and  our  ways  and 
customs,  and  as  to  declare  us  to  be  devil’s  breed,  and  our  doings 
as  the  very  opposite  of  all  that  is  good  and  proper”.  Summing  up  the 
general  attitude  of  the  Hindus  towards  the  Muslims  Al-BirunI  re¬ 
marks:  “All  their  fanaticism  is  directed  against  those  who  do  not 
belong  to  them — against  all  foreigners.  They  call  them  mlechchha 
i.e.  impure,  and  forbid  having  any  connection  with  them,  be  it  by 
intermarriage  or  any  other  kind  of  relationship,  or  by  sitting,  eating 
and  drinking  with  them,  because  thereby,  they  think,  they  would  be 
polluted.  They  consider  as  impure  anything  which  touches  the  fire 

and  the  water  of  a  foreigner .  They  are  not  allowed  to  receive 

anybody  who  does  not  belong  to  them,  even  if  he  wished  it,  or  was 
inclined  to  their  religion.  This,  too,  renders  any  connection  with 
them  quite  impossible,  and  constitutes  the  widest  gulf  between  us 
and  them.” 

Al-BirunI  was  one  of  the  few  Mussalmans  of  that  period  who 
had  a  genuine  sympathy  for  the  Hindus,  and  we  must  admit  the 
fairness  and  truth  of  his  denunciation  of  the  Hindu  attitude.  It  is 
also  difficult  to  deny  that  this  attitude,  in  all  its  essential  aspects,  per¬ 
sisted  throughout  the  ages,  though  somewhat  modified,  in  minor  de¬ 
tails,  as  a  result  of  greater  familiarity  in  course  of  time. 

Al-BirunI  had  the  candour  to  admit  that  “the  repugnance  of 
the  Hindus  against  foreigners  increased  more  and  more  when  the 
Muslims  began  to  make  their  inroads  into  their  country”.  “Mahmud”, 

he  says,  “utterly  ruined  the  prosperity  of  the  country,  and . 

the  Hindus  became  like  atoms  of  dust  scattered  in  all  direction .... 
Their  scattered  remains  cherish,  of  course,  the  most  inveterate  aver¬ 
sion  towards  all  Muslims”. 

While  the  Hindus  bore  the  ‘most  inveterate  aversion’  towards 
the  Muslims,  the  latter  also  reciprocated  the  feeling.  Their  impla¬ 
cable  hatred  towards  idolatry  made  the  Hindus  an  object  of  utter 
contempt  to  them.  This  feeling  animated  all  the  Muslim  conquerors 
and  is  echoed  in  all  the  Muslim  chronicles.  It  was  as  strong  in  the 
days  of  Muhammad  ibn  Qasim  as  in  those  of  Sultan  Mahmud  and  the 
later  Turkish  conquerors.  Amir  Khusrav  was  not  a  bigoted  Muslim 
divine,  nor  a  holy  crusader  for  that  faith.  He  is  regarded  as  a  poet 
of  liberal  and  enlightened  views,  and  the  seven  hundredth  anniver¬ 
sary  of  his  birth  was  recently  celebrated  all  over  India  by  Hindus 


501 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


and  Muslims  alike.  Here  is  a  passage  from  his  description  of 
Hindusthan: 

“The  whole  country,  by  means  of  the  sword  of  our  holy  war¬ 
riors,  has  become  like  a  forest  denuded  of  its  thorns  by  fire.  The 
land  has  been  saturated  with  the  water  of  the  sword,  and  the  vapours 
of  infidelity  (i.e.  Hinduism)  have  been  dispersed.  The  strong  men 
of  Hind  have  been  trodden  under  foot,  and  all  are  ready  to  pay 
tribute.  Islam  is  triumphant,  idolatry  is  subdued.  Had  not  the 
law  granted  exemption  from  death  by  the  payment  of  poll-tax,  the 
very  name  of  Hind,  root  and  branch,  would  have  been 
extinguished.” 1 8 1 

If  this  was  the  view  of  a  liberal  Muslim  who  lived  to¬ 
wards  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth 
century  A.D.,  we  may  easily  conjecture  what  must  have  been  the 
general  attitude  of  the  Muslims  towards  their  Hindu  subjects  during 
the  period  under  review.  If,  along  with  it,  we  bear  in  mind  Al-Biruni’s 
view  of  the  Hindus,  mentioned  above,  we  need  not  cherish  any  illu¬ 
sion  as  to  the  relation  between  Hindus  and  Muslims  throughout  this 
period,  nor  feel  surprised  that  the  Hindus  should  strive  by  all  means 
to  keep  aloof  from  the  Muslims  as  far  as  possible.  A  spirit  of  un¬ 
compromising  animosity  prevailed  between  the  two  great  sections  of 
the  Indian  community,  embittered  by  arrogant  contempt  on  the  part 
of  the  victors,  and  proud  disdain  and  deep,  though  vain,  resent¬ 
ment  on  the  part  of  the  vanquished. 

The  Hindus  have  left  no  account  describing  the  state  of  their 
feelings  at  this  supreme  crisis  in  their  life.  But  one  or  two  casual 
references  in  contemporary  epigraphic  records  give  us  an  insight 
into  their  attitude  towards  the  Muslims.  Thus  in  describing  the 
successful  military  campaign  of  the  Hindu  king  Vijayachandra  of 
the  Gahadavala  dynasty  against  the  Muslims,  the  poet  suggests  that 
“the  flow  of  tears  from  the  eyes  of  the  widows  of  Muslim  heroes 
(killed  in  battle)  quenched  the  heat  (of  torment  or  oppression)  of 
the  world  (caused  by  the  Muslims).”182  Vlsaladeva,  the  Chahamana 
king,  proudly  declares  that  “he  once  more  made  Aryavarta  (Northern 
India)  what  its  name  signifies  (abode  of  the  Aryas  i.e.  Hindus)  by 
repeatedly  exterminating  the  Mlechchhas  (Muslims,  who  had  render¬ 
ed  the  name  meaningless  by  their  occupation  of  the  country).”183 
These  expressions  reflect  the  injured  pride  of  the  Hindus  and  their 
deep  resentment  against  the  alien  conquerors  who  had  trodden  under 
feet  their  religion  and  culture. 


502 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


12.  MUSLIM  SOCIETY  IN  INDIA 

The  Arab  conquest  of  Sindh  did  not  effectively  alter  the  social 
condition  of  either  the  Arabs  themselves  or  the  Indians  with  whom 
they  came  into  contact,  except,  of  course,  in  so  far  as  a  large  num¬ 
ber  of  the  latter,  converted  to  the  new  faith,  gradually  adopted  the 
manners  and  customs  of  the  former  to  a  considerable  extent. 

Things,  however,  became  very  different  after  the  annexation  of 
the  Punjab  by  Sultan  Mahmud.  It  has  been  related  above  how  the 
Ghaznavids  established  a  more  or  less  stable  political  hegemony  in 
the  Punjab,  which  became  a  regular  province  of  their  far-flung 
empire.  A  free  and  uninterrupted  intercourse  was  thus  established 
between  India  and  the  Muslim  countries  in  the  north  and  north-west. 
Religious  divines,  scholars,  and  poets  moved  to  and  fro  across  the 
Hindu  Kush  mountains,  and  many  Muslim  families  from  Khurasan, 
Transoxiana,  Afghanistan  and  Persia  came  and  settled  down  in  vari¬ 
ous  parts  of  the  Punjab,  bringing  with  them  the  rich  cultural  tradi¬ 
tions  of  these  lands.  The  capital  of  the  new  province,  Lahore,  which, 
after  the  fall  of  Ghazni,  actually  became  the  capital  of  the  kingdom, 
soon  turned  into  an  important  seat  of  learning  and  culture,  rival¬ 
ling  Ghazni  itself;  and  the  large  number  of  poets  and  scholars,  who 
flocked  to  this  city,  found  in  it  a  ready  and  brisk  market  for  their 
literary  products.  Among  them  the  most  outstanding  personalities 
were  Mas'ud  bin  Sa‘d  bin  Salman,  bom  at  Lahore,184  who  is  said  to 
have  left  behind  a  diwdn  of  Hindi  poetry,  besides  two  others  in 
Arabic  and  Persian,  and  Abu’l  Faraj  Ruyani,  his  friend  and  rival, 
who  was  a  native  of  Ruyan,  a  village  near  Lahore.186  A  famous 
scholar  Shaikh  Hasan  Saghanl186  of  Lahore,  is  also  mentioned  in 
several  historical  and  biographical  works. 

After  the  final  extinction  of  the  Ghaznavid  rule  in  India,  and  the 
establishment  of  the  Sultanate  at  Delhi,  the  new  capital  soon  be¬ 
came  a  rendezvous  of  numerous  poets,  scholars  and  divines.  Their 
immigration  from  the  north  and  north-west  swelled  to  gigantic  pro¬ 
portions,  on  account  of  the  rise  of  the  Mongols  under  Chingiz  Khan 
and  the  havoc  caused  by  them  in  the  Muslim  countries,  during  the 
reign  of  Sultan  Iltutmish  of  the  Mamluk  Dynasty.  The  new  ar¬ 
rivals  were  eagerly  and  generously  welcomed  by  that  monarch, 
conscious  of  the  great  addition  to  the  splendour  of  his  court  by  the 
presence  of  such  a  galaxy  of  literary  luminaries.  We  have  a  long 
list  of  the  poets  and  scholars  who  adorned  the  court  of  Iltutmish 
and  that  of  his  rival,  Nasir-ud-din  Qabacha,  ruler  of  Sindh.  Among 
these  we  may  mention  Minhaj-ud-dln,  the  author  of  the  Tdbaqat-i- 
Nasiri,  Nizam-ud-dln  Hasan  Nizami  Nishapuri,  187  who  wrote  the 
history  of  the  reigns  of  Aibak  and  Iltutmish,  entitled  the  Taj-ul - 


503 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Ma’asir,  Fakhr-ud-dm  Mubarak  Shah,  called  Fakhr-i-Mudabbir,  the 
writer  of  Silsilat-ul-Ansab  and  a  work  on  military  tactics  entitled 
Addb  al-Harb;  the  poets  Baha-ud-din  Ushi,  Taj-ud-din,  Riza,  Shihab- 
i-Muhmira,  and  Amir  Ruham,  all  attached  to  the  Delhi  court. 
Qabacha’s  court  could  also  boast  of  a  famous  scholar  al-‘AufI,  the 
author  of  a  well-known  work  of  biography,  Lubab  al-Albab.  At  a 
later  period  there  lived  the  great  scholar  and  statesman,  Shams-ud- 
din  Dabir,  and  the  Amir  Fakhr-ud-dm  ‘Amid  Sunnami,188  both  of 
whom  were  also  great  patrons  of  poets  and  savants.  Shah  Sultan, 
foster-sister  to  princess  Mah  Malik,  the  daughter  of  Muhammad 
Ghuri,  also  distinguished  herself  by  her  poetic  talents  during  this 
period.189 

Another  notable  development  under  the  Mamluk  kings  was  the 
foundation,  for  the  first  time,  of  several  madrassas  run  under 
state  supervision.  Following  the  general  practice  in  Muslim  coun¬ 
tries,  the  Muslims  in  India  did  not  at  first  have  any  regular  schools 
or  colleges.  The  mosque  was  the  most  popular  centre  of  early  educa¬ 
tion  where  the  ‘plsh-imam,’  usually  a  learned  man,  presided  over 
the  elementary  studies  of  the  children  belonging  to  the  locality  in 
which  the  mosque  happened  to  be  situated.  The  usual  curriculum 
consisted  of  the  reading  of  the  Quran ,  practice  in  calligraphy,  and 
the  rudiments  of  the  Arabic  and  Persian  languages.  For  higher 
studies,  comprising  traditions  ( hadith ),  jurisprudence  ( fiqh ),  logic 
and  philosophy,  literature  (adab),  epistolography  (insha’)y  prosody, 
etc.  the  students  used  to  attend  the  lectures  of  distinguished  scholars 
at  different  centres.  No  examinations  were  held  and  no  diplomas 
( sanads )  given,  but  a  student  could  often  get  a  certificate  ( shahada ) 
from  the  teacher  whose  lectures  he  had  attended.  Iltutmish  built 
two  state-sponsored  colleges  at  Delhi  known  as  the  Mu‘izziya  and 
the  Nasiriya.  Following  his  example,  the  provincial  ruler  Bakhtyar 
Khalji  built  a  similar  college  at  Rangpura  in  Bihar,  and  there  is 
good  reason  to  believe  that  several  other  similar  institutions  arose 
in  other  parts  of  the  country.  These  colleges,  in  course  of  time, 
helped  in  establishing  a  firm  tradition  of  Islamic  learning  in  India, 
and  produced  a  number  of  scholars  who  could  hold  their  own  against 
the  foreign  scholars  coming  from  Arabia,  Persia,  and  Khurasan. 
These  scholars  now  formed  a  distinct  group  of  the  Muslim  aristocratic 
society,  as  many  of  them  were  given  high  state  offices  and  were 
generally  well  looked  after  by  their  royal  patrons.  Their  co¬ 
operation  with  the  rulers  was  of  invaluable  help  to  the  latter  for 
maintaining  discipline  and  gaining  the  allegiance  of  the  masses. 


504 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


1.  On  Yd j,  II.  4. 

2.  XI.  1. 

3.  VIII.  12-13. 

4.  On  Gautama,  loc.  cit. 

5.  I.  30. 

6.  III.  26-32. 

7.  Apararka  on  Yd j,  I.  168- 

8.  Haradatta  on  Gautama ,  XVII.  6- 

9.  Quotation  in  SC,  I.  31. 

10.  SC,  loc.  cit. 

11.  Quotations  in  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Ydj,  III.  30;  Apar.  on  Ydj,  III.  292;  SC,  II.  311. 

12.  Smrityarthasara,  78. 

13.  Smrityarthasara,  141. 

14.  I.  91-95. 

15.  I.  95. 

16.  81,  108-11. 

17.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Ydj,  I.  92,  95;  Smrityarthasara,  13. 

18.  II.  13-14. 

19.  82,  121. 

20.  Apar  on  Ydj,  III.  292;  SC,  II.  304-08;  Smrityarthasara,  76-78;  Prdyaschittapra- 
karana,  111-14. 

21.  Apar  on  Ydj,  III.  30;  SC,  II.  310-11;  Smrityarthasara,  77;  Prdyaschittapra- 
karana,  110. 

22.  KRT,  VII.  204-05;  VIII.  258;  EI,  IX.  107  f.;  XXVII.  280  f.;  I.  207  f.;  XV.  27  f.; 
ARSIE,  341  of  1932-33. 

23.  EI,  VI.  269;  XXII.  143  f.;  III.  61  f.;  XI.  319  f.;  etc. 

24.  See  above,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  590- 

25.  Smith,  EHP  pp.  340-41,  427-31. 

26.  Cf.  Ghurye,  Caste  and  Race  in  India,  113-14. 

27.  Cf.  Ojha,  Rdjputanekd  Itihdsa,  2nd  Ed.  72-76;  Ray,  DHNL  II.  s-v. 

28.  Cf.  the  accounts  of  the  different  dynasties  given  above. 

29.  Above  Vol.  IV,  p.  373. 

30.  EI,  XXVIII.  100  f. 

31.  EI,  XXV.  276  f. 

32.  ARSIE,  229  of  1935-36- 

33.  EI,  XXIV.  110  f. 

34.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Ydj,  II.  182-83;  SC,  III.  460-69. 

35.  XIII.  39  f.;  XX.  62  f.;  XXXII.  57  f.;  LV.  219  f.;  LVI.  22  f.;  LXI.  142  f. 
LXXI.  4  f.;  LXXII.  3  f.;  Cl.  283  f.;  CII.  37  f. 

36.  Identified  in  KSS,  X.  141  and  190,  XX.  62,  etc.  with  Chandika  or  Durga. 

37.  I.  30  (after  Adipurana) . 

38.  I.  205-09. 

39.  On  Ydj,  I.  56-57- 

40.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Ydj,  1.66;  SC,  1.30,  202-03,  220-21;  Vij.  on  Ydj,  II.  5; 
Smrityarthasara,  2- 

41.  106'.  31-34. 

42.  III.  1808-10. 

43.  HI.  1810-16. 

44.  CXII.  211. 

45.  Ibid.,  XXVII.  163  f. 

46.  Ibid.,  X.  144  f. 

47.  Ibid.,  XII.  78  f. 

48.  Ibid.,  XXVI.  150  f. 

49.  Ibid.,  CXII.  62  f. 

50.  Ibid.,  CXII.  88  f. 

51.  CXII.  62  f. 

52.  II.  162. 

53.  II.  339,  371. 

54.  Vikramdhkadevacharita,  IX. 

55.  SC,  III.  572-75. 

56.  Ibid.,  568-70. 

57.  Ibid.,  576-80. 

58.  Ibid.,  575-76. 

59.  SC,  I.  60-63. 

GO.  Vaij,  174.  22-23;  Abh,  21A.  187-8. 

Gl.  II.  3.21;  IV.  1.59. 


505 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


62.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Ydj,  II.  25- 

63.  III.  681. 

64.  Taittiriya  Samhita,  VI.  5.82. 

65.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Ydj,  II.  135-36;  SC,  III.  673-75;  Vyavahdrakanda,  748-49- 

66.  Vij.  and  Apar.  loc .  cit. 

67.  Vij.  and  Apar.  loc.  cit ;  SC,  III.  682-85;  Vyavahdrakanda,  750- 

68.  SC,  III.  651-57;  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Yaj,  II.  143-49;  Vyavahdrakdnda.  683-95- 

69.  See  above,  pp.  280  f. 

70.  El,  III.  306  f;  ARSIE  672  of  1922;  El,  XXII.  189  f. 

71.  ARSIE  577,  584,  587  of  1929-30;  241,  247,  336,  341,  342,  343  of  1931-32- 

72.  in.  19- 

73.  On  Ydj,  I.  178-79- 

74.  Vol.  IV,  p.  386- 

75.  Prayaschittaprakarana,  65-68- 

76.  Above,  Vol.  TV,  p.  387. 

77.  127.  53. 

78.  134.138  f. 

79.  LTV.  170  f. 

80.  Vikramdnkadevacharita ,  XI.  44-68- 

81.  m.  1329. 

82.  XXXVI.  67;  XXXIX-  207;  XL.  2;  XLIII.  64;  XXXIV.  S3;  CIII.  200;  CX  124- 

30;  CXI.  18. 

83.  III.  1342-1601. 

84.  Ibid.,  1601-29. 

85.  Ibid.,  1345  f. 

86.  n.  151. 

87.  Chu-fan-chi  (Ed-  Hirth  and  Rockhill),  95- 

88.  II.  341-42. 

89.  Ibid.,  360. 

90.  Ibid.,  376. 

91.  Ibid.,  360. 

92.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Ydj,  I.  16-17,  98,  100,  etc- 

93.  SC,  II;  Smrityarthasdra,  18  f- 

94.  SC,  II,  289-350,  482-92;  Smrityarthasdra.  25-32 

95.  168.112-14. 

96.  Vaij,  181.  98-102;  Abh,  231.  231  f- 

97.  KRT,  VII.  922-24. 

98’.  Mitra,  Antiquities  of  Orissa,  PI.  XXII-  Nos-  7Ga-78:  XXVII-XXVIII.  Nos-  118-41- 

99.  Ibid.,  PI.  XXL  Nos.  67-74- 

100.  Ibid,  PI.  XXV-XXVL  Nos-  95-117- 

101.  III.  1185-87- 

102.  Op.  cit.  88-89- 

103.  Ibid.  92- 

104.  II.  338- 

105.  II.  376. 

106.  Op.  cit.  87. 

107.  II.  338. 

108.  II.  370. 

109.  XXXVIII.  19  f. 

110.  III.  1585-89. 

111.  Ibid,  1161-1244- 

112.  XXX. 

113.  III.  28-66- 

114.  Ibid,  123-29- 

115.  Op.  cit.  87 - 

116.  Vaij,  137.  11-14;  Abh.  404-80- 

117.  Vaij,  171.  161-62;  Abh.  277.  352-53- 

118.  Vikramdnkadevacharita,  VII.  15-19- 

119.  SC,  III.  593. 

120.  Vaij,  145-47.  114-41;  Abh,  117.6  f- 

121.  Mitra,  op.  cit.  I,  PI.  XXX,  Nos-  167-74 

122.  Moharajapardjaya,  Act  IV,  p.  86- 

123.  Ibid,  p.  87. 

124.  KSS,  XXV.  119  f- 

125.  XV.  18  f. 

126.  Vikramdnkadevacharita,  XII.  50-78. 


506 


SOCIAL  CONDITION 


127.  III-IV. 

128.  IV.  3-196- 

129.  Ibid,  661-827. 

130.  Ibid,  829-78. 

131.  Ibid,  879-996- 

132.  Ibid,  997-1226. 

133.  Ibid,  1277-97- 

134.  Ibid,  1298-1328- 

135.  Ibid,  1329-80. 

136.  Ibid,  1381-1432. 

137.  IV.  48  f. 

138.  VI-VII. 

139.  XIII.  1-26- 

140.  Chau  Ju-Kua,  op.  cit.  95- 

141.  II.  354  f. 

142.  II.  343-44. 

143.  II.  364-65. 

144.  Vij.  Apar.  on  Yaj,  III.  264-65;  Prayaschittaprakarana,  28-33- 

145.  Nainar,  Arab  Geographers’  Knowledge  of  Southern  India.  106. 

146.  II.  341. 

147.  I.  30  (after  quotation  from  an  unnamed  authority). 

148.  p.  2. 

149.  Majumdar,  R.  C  .  Suvarnadvlpa,  I.  170-89- 

150.  Quoted  by  Chau  Ju-Kua.  op.  cit,  95. 

151.  Op.  cit.,  87. 

152.  Nainar,  op.  cit,  106-07. 

153.  ARSIE,  267-69  of  1929-30;  122-25  and  202-03  of  1934-35- 

154.  II.  339. 

155.  III.  594-97- 

156.  VII.  103.  478-80;  VIII,  367-69,  445.  1440-44- 

157.  II.  341. 

158.  XLIII.  160  f- 

159.  See  above  p.  491;  also  Manasollasa,  IV.  829-78- 

160.  II.  371. 

161.  Nainar,  op.  cit.  97. 

162.  LV.  2  f. 

163.  Above,  Vol.  IV-  p.  379- 

164.  Op.  cit.  92. 

165.  II.  157. 

166.  I.  19-23. 

167.  II.  161- 

168.  Nainar,  op-  cit.  97- 

169.  II.  342-43- 

170.  Ibid,  363-64. 

171.  Vol.  III.  450. 

172.  HIED,  II.  14. 

173.  S-  R-  Sharma,  Studies  in  Medieval  Indian  History,  pp.  57,  61,  29- 

174.  HIED,  II.  34,  40- 

175.  Ibid.  43,  222  Also  see  above,  p.  13,  and  Sharma,  op.  cit.  29. 

176.  Ibid,  39. 

177.  Ibid,  230. 

178.  Ibid,  231- 

179.  Ibid,  348. 

180.  For  the  quotations  that  follow.  Cf-  Sachau,  Alberuni’s  India.  I.  17-22. 

181.  HIED,  III.  546. 

182.  EL  IV.  119. 

183.  I  A,  XIX.  219- 

184.  He  says:  “My  birth-place  is  Lahore  and  I  am  far  from  Lahore.  Alas,  Oh 
Lahore!  what  joy  can  there  be  without  you.” 

185.  Great  later  masters  like  Anwaii  and  ‘UrfI  have  acknowledged  his  excellence 
as  a  qaslda  writer. 

186.  For  him  and  other  scholars,  see  Zubaid  Ahmad,  India’s  Contribution  to  Arabic 
Literature- 

187.  He  was  the  son  of  the  famous  scholar  Nizami  ^Arudl  of  Samarqand,  the  author 
of  Chahdr  Maqdla. 

188.  Of  Sunnam,  an  old  fortified  town  in  the  Patiala  Stale  (PEPSU). 

189.  Cf.  M-  Ikram,  Chashma-i-Knuthar ,  p.  120- 

507 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


EDUCATION 

In  the  present  chapter  we  propose  to  describe  in  general  outline 
the  methods  and  principles  of  education  that  prevailed  before  the 
Muslim  conquest. 

I.  PRIMARY  AND  HIGHER  EDUCATION 

The  records  of  our  period  are  almost  completely  silent  about 
the  methods  of  primary  education.  It  seems  likely  that  the  familiar 
institution  of  the  village  school-master,  plying  his  occupation  amid 
humble  surroundings  and  receiving  his  modest  pay  from  the  contri¬ 
butions  of  the  villagers,  was  at  work  during  these  centuries. 

As  regards  mass  education  in  the  broader  sense  of  the  term  it 
was  provided  by  the  agency  of  one  of  our  traditional  institutions, 
namely  the  public  recitation  of  the  Epics,  the  Puranas  and  other 
religious  works  which,  according  to  the  Smriti  law,  are  accessible 
even  to  the  lowest  caste.  The  inscriptions  of  this  period  refer  from 
time  to  time  to  endowments  made  by  pious  donors  with  this  object. 
Among  the  works  forming  the  subject  of  popular  expositions  the 
records  of  South  India  mention  sectarian  scriptures  as  well  as  devo¬ 
tional  hymns  in  the  vernacular. 

The  elaborate  scheme  of  higher  education  prescribed  in  the 
Smritis  for  the  students  of  the  three  upper  classes  after  their  in¬ 
vestiture  with  the  sacred  thread  is  repeated  in  the  commentaries  and 
digests1  with  some  supplementary  explanations.  As  regards  periods 
of  study,  studentship  for  long  terms  is  included  in  the  list  of  prac¬ 
tices  forbidden  in  the  Kali  Age  in  Smriti-chandrika2  after  a  quota¬ 
tion  from  the  Adi  Purdna  and  in  Smrityarthasara.  And  yet  the 
Smriti-chandrikd  elsewhere3  quotes  from  the  older  texts  the  direc¬ 
tions  about  the  duties  of  the  life-long  student  ( naishthika-brahma - 
cfiart),  who  is  distinguished  from  the  student  who  passes  on  to  the 
state  of  householder  after  expiration  of  the  period  of  his  training. 

Among  the  duties  of  the  student  daily  begging  for  food  occupies 
an  important  place.  The  student  must  beg  every  morning  and 
evening  except  when  he  is  in  ‘distress’.  Begging  is  not  an  im¬ 
permanent  injunction  since  its  non-performance  entails  a  penance. 
The  alms  sought  for  should  be  sufficient  for  one’s  meals  and  no 
more.  According  to  the  strict  interpretation  of  the  Smrityarthasara 


508 


EDUCATION 


a  student  should  beg  from  the  household  of  a  blameless  Brahmana. 
In  the  opinion  of  the  Smriti-chandrikd  he  should  beg  first  from  his 
caste-fellows  and,  in  default,  from  the  Kshatriyas  and  the  Vaisyas, 
but  not  from  the  Sudras.  According  to  Vijnanesvara  the  student 
may  beg  from  the  three  upper  classes  and,  in  times  of  distress,  from 
all  the  four  classes.  Among  other  duties  of  the  Vedic  student,  we 
are  told  that  he  shall  avoid  honey,  meat,  unguents  for  the  body 
and  colly rium  for  the  eyes  except,  as  the  Smriti-chandrikd  says, 
when  he  is  required  to  use  them  during  his  illness  by  the  physician. 
The  student  shall  refrain  from  reviling  his  teacher  or  even  men¬ 
tioning  him  by  name.  He  shall  also  avoid  conveyances,  shoes  and 
umbrellas,  singing  and  dancing,  harsh  and  coarse  speech,  and  so 
forth.  He  shall  not  touch  or  look  at  women  where  there  is  the  risk 
of  his  falling  into  sin. 

As  regards  relations  between  the  teacher  and  the  student  the 
commentaries  and  digests  explain  the  circumstances  permitting  the 
teacher’s  receipt  of  money  from  his  pupils.  Learning  from  a  paid 
teacher  and  teaching  for  a  free  are  both  admitted  to  be  lesser  sins 
{upapatakas) .  This  ban,  however,  as  Vijnanesvara4  says,  does  not 
apply  to  a  student  who  pays  the  fees  without  a  prior  agreement. 
As  Apararka5  and  the  author  of  the  Smriti-chandrikd 6  explain,  what 
is  forbidden  is  teaching  by  stipulation  for  payment  of  a  fee,  while 
teaching  is  itself  prescribed  in  the  Smritis  as  a  means  of  livelihood. 
The  teacher  failing  to  correct  an  inattentive  pupil  by  reprimand 
may,  according  to  Smriti-chandrikd,7  beat  him-  Similarly,  accord¬ 
ing  to  Vijnanesvara  and  Apararka,8  beating  a  pupil  should  be  re¬ 
sorted  to  only  for  correction.  The  beating  should  be  done  with  rope 
or  a  split  bamboo,  and  not  with  the  hand,  and  it  should  be  applied 
not  to  the  head  but  to  the  lower  part  of  the  body.  The  violation 
of  this  restriction  by  the  teacher  amounts  to  an  offence  punishable 
by  the  king.  The  teacher,  according  to  Smriti-chandrikd,9  failing 
to  instruct  his  pupil  (other  than  a  Sudra)  incurs  blame.  But  the 
student  must  always  study  under  a  Brahmana,  learning  from  a 
Kshatriya  or  a  Vaisya  being  permitted  only  in  times  of  distress. 

The  commentaries  and  digests,  like  the  Smritis,  are  silent  about 
a  scheme  of  technical  education  of  apprentices  in  trades  and  crafts. 
We  have,  however,  some  valuable  hints  on  the  system  of  apprentice¬ 
ship  in  the  Srnriti  section  on  Law  entitled  non-rendition  of  ser¬ 
vice,10  which  proves  the  continuance  of  the  old  system  in  its 
essential  aspects.11 

Reference  may  be  made  in  this  connection  to  Marco  Polo’s  vivid 
description12  of  the  very  practical  method  of  training  tradesmen’s 
apprentices  in  the  Pandya  region  in  his  time.  When  the  boys  reach 

509 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  age  of  thirteen,  we  are  told,  the  parents  dismiss  them  from  their 
homes  with  small  pocket  allowance  for  earning  their  living  by 
trade.  “These  urchins  are  running  about  all  day  from  pillar  to 
post,  buying  and  selling.”  During  the  season  for  pearl-fishing  they 
run  to  the  beach  and  purchase  five  or  six  pearls  according  to  their 
ability  and  sell  them  to  the  merchants  in  their  homes.  In  the  same 
way  they  deal  with  many  other  articles.  Thus  they  are  trained  to 
be  very  dexterous  and  keen  traders.  Testimony  to  the  excellence 
of  the  craftsman’s  training  at  its  highest  levels  is  borne  by  the 
superb  specimens  of  art  and  industry  attested  to  by  the  literary 
records  as  well  as  the  archaeological  remains  of  this  period. 

We  have  an  interesting  glimpse  into  the  methods  and  principles 
of  princely  education  in  vogue  at  this  period  in  Manasollasa ,13  The 
author  says  that  the  princes  should  be  instructed  in  the  Vedas  as 
well  as  military  science.  When  the  princes  have  completed  their 
training  and  have  become  skilled  in  mounting  horses  and  elephants 
and  in  managing  chariots,  the  king  shall  test  them  one  after  another. 
The  test  applies  to  their  skill  in  various  branches  of  literature  (the 
Vedas,  logic,  the  Dharma-sastras,  belles-lettres  and  grammar),  in 
the  fine  arts,  in  wielding  the  bow  and  other  weapons,  and  in  exhibit¬ 
ing  their  strength  as  well  as  steadiness  of  body  and  mind.  The 
high  standards  of  princes’  training  are  illustrated  at  their  best  by 
the  instances  of  the  scholar-kings  of  this  period.  Such  are  the 
mysterious  Apararka  (otherwise  called  Aparaditya),  Somesvara  III 
of  the  Western  Chalukya  dynasty  of  Kalyana,  Ballalasena  of  the 
Sena  dynasty  of  Bengal,  and  above  all  the  illustrious  Bhoja  of  the 
Paramara  dynasty  of  Malwa. 

II.  PRIVATE  AND  PUBLIC  ENDOWMENTS  FOR 
PROMOTION  OF  LEARNING 

We  have  seen  how  the  Smriti  law  contemplates  the  students  of 
the  upper  classes  are  receiving  their  higher  education  at  the 
residences  of  Brahmana  teachers.  The  settlements  of  the  Brahmanas 
in  villages  and  specially  on  lands  ( agrahara )  granted  to  them  by 
royal  and  other  donors,  which  are  frequently  referred  to  in  the  in¬ 
scriptions  of  this  period,  evidently  provided  ample  opportunity  for 
such  teaching.  Side  by  side  with  this  ancient  and  venerable  institu¬ 
tion  of  the  Brahmana  guru  teaching  his  pupils  at  his  residence,  there 
grew  up  in  India  from  early  times  larger  or  smaller  establishments 
specifically  endowed  by  kings  and  other  donors  for  the  promotion  of 
education.  The  historical  records  of  this  period  contain  numerous 
instances  of  such  educational  establishments.  In  Eastern  India  the 
great  Buddhist  monastic  University  of  Nalanda  continued  to  flourish, 


510 


EDUCATION 


though  probably  with  less  splendour  than  before,  while  new  monas¬ 
teries  like  Vikramasila,  Somapura,  Jagaddala  and  Uddandapura  rose 
into  importance  as  centres  of  learning.14  In  the  eleventh  century 
A.D.  the  mathas  of  Kashmir  became  so  famous  for  their  learning 
that  they  drew  students,  according  to  the  testimony  of  Kshemendra, 
even  from  distant  Gauda.  In  the  regions  of  Madhyapradesa  a  Saiva 
temple  with  a  matha  and  a  hall  of  study  was  founded  by  the  Queen- 
mother  AlhanadevI,  according  to  an  inscription  of  A.D.  1155. 15  In 
the  Deccan  and  the  Kannada  country  references  are  made  to  endow¬ 
ments  of  land  by  individual  donors  for  the  promotion  of  learning. 
A  Brahmana  in  the  time  of  Vikramaditya  VI16  appointed  a  body  of 
104  village-mahajanas  as  trustees  for  his  gift  of  certain  lands.  Under 
the  terms  of  the  trust  a  certain  portion  of  land  with  a  house-site  was 
assigned  as  maintenance  ( bhattavritti )  to  a  teacher  for  teaching  the 
grammatical  work  called  Nyasa  and  the  Mimdmsd  work  of  Prabha- 
kara,  while  another  portion  with  a  house-site  was  made  over  to  a 
teacher  in  Mathematics,  Astronomy,  Prosody  and  Grammar  for  his 
personal  requirements  as  well  as  for  teaching  his  pupils,  feeding 
them  once  a  day,  and  supplying  them  with  cloth  once  a  year.  The 
inscriptions  likewise  refer  to  endowments  of  money  for  the  same 
purpose.  The  chief  Queen  of  Vikramaditya  VI  gave  money  in  trust 
to  the  mahajanas  of  a  village  for  maintenance  of  a  commentator  of 
the  sastras,  a  reader  of  the  Puranas,  and  teachers  of  the  Rigveda  and 
Yajurveda.17  In  the  same  reign  a  general  gave  money  in  trust  to 
a  body  of  mahajanas  for  teaching  different  branches  of  learning.  We 
also  hear  of  the  foundation  of  educational  institutions  by  individual 
donors,  as  of  a  lecture-hall  built  by  king  Vikramaditya  VPs  Super¬ 
intendent  of  religious  affairs  for  teaching  Prabhakara’s  doctrine  of 
Purva-mimdmsa,1Q  of  a  matha  of  the  Saiva  sect  which  was  at  once  a 
temple,  a  college,  and  an  alms-house,19  and  of  a  matha  founded  by 
an  astronomer  for  the  study  of  Bhaskaracharya  in  the  time  of  the 
Yidava  king  Singhana  in  A.D.  1207. 

In  the  Kakatiya  kingdom  a  famous  Saiva  teacher20  allotted  out 
of  two  villages  assigned  to  him  by  Queen  Rudrambadevi  certain 
lands  for  maintenance  of  a  Saiva  temple  along  with  a  college, 
a  feeding  house  for  Saiva  mendicants,  and  so  forth.  The  col¬ 
lege  maintained  a  staff  of  three  teachers  of  Rigveda,  Yajurveda,  and 
Samaveda  respectively,  and  five  teachers  of  logic,  literature,  and  the 
agamas.  Allotment  of  land  was  made  likewise  to  a  physician  for 
attending  upon  the  resident-teachers,  students,  and  attendants. 
The  largest  number  of  records  of  endowments  for  learning 
that  have  come  down  to  us  for  this  period  are  those  of  the  Imperial 
Choi  as.  In  the  reign  of  Rajaraja  I  a  certain  individual21  endowed 
gold  coins  for  payment  out  of  their  interest  to  one  who  recited  the 

511 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Sd,maveda  on  a  fixed  day  in  the  year.  In  the  reign  of  Rajendra 
Chola  I  a  village  assembly  created  an  endowment22  for  maintenance, 
at  fixed  rates  of  paddy  per  day,  of  270  junior  pupils  studying  the 
four  Vedas,  the  Kalpasutras,  and  Grammar  (according  to  the  work 
called  Rupdvatara ),  of  70  senior  students  studying  Grammar  and 
Mimaihsa  according  to  the  Prabhakara  school,  and  of  the  teachers 
in  these  subjects.  Reference  is  made23  to  a  college  near  the  temple 
at  Kanchipuram  in  an  inscription  of  the  reign  of  Rajendra  Chola 
I.  A  village  assembly  in  the  reign  of  Rajadhiraja  I  purchased 
lands24  for  maintenance  on  similar  terms  of  12  teachers  of  different 
branches  of  Vedic  literature,  7  other  teachers  of  Vedanta,  Vya¬ 
karana,  Rupavatdra,  Makabharata,  Ramayana,  Manusdstra  and  Vai- 
khdnasa-sdstra,  of  190  students  of  these  branches  of  learning,  and 
of  70  other  students  of  Vedanta,  Vyakarna  and  the  Rupdvatara. 
According  to  another  and  more  important  record25  king  Vira 
Rajendra  created  an  endowment  in  land  and  money  in  favour 
of  a  temple  of  Vishnu  as  well  as  the  college,  the  hostel,  and  the 
hospital  attached  to  it.  The  college  provided  for  60  students  of 
whom  10  each  studied  the  Rigveda  and  the  Yajurveda,  20  studied 
Vyakarana  with  the  Rupdvatara/  and  the  rest  comprised  Mahapan- 
charatras,  the  Saiva-Brahmanas,  and  the  Vaikhanasas  studying  their 
respective  scriptures.  The  teaching  staff  included  one  teacher  of 
the  Rigveda,  one  teacher  of  the  Yajurveda,  and  a  Bhatta  for  ex¬ 
pounding  Vyakarana.  The  students  were  to  receive  daily  food  ac¬ 
cording  to  a  fixed  schedule,  sleeping  mats,  and  oil  for  bathing  on 
51  Saturdays  of  the  year.  The  teachers  were  to  be  paid  in  kind 
and  in  cash  at  fixed  rates.  The  cooks  and  maidservants  of  the 
establishment  were  to  receive  wages  at  fixed  rates.  The  hospital 
was  provided  with  15  beds.  The  physician-in-charge  was  paid  at 
a  fixed  rate  for  prescribing  medicines  to  the  teachers,  the  students 
and  their  attendants.  Provision  was  also  made  for  one  surgeon, 
two  persons  for  fetching  medicinal  herbs,  two  nurses  and  one  bar¬ 
ber  who  were  likewise  to  be  paid  at  fixed  rates.  In  the  reign 
of  king  Vikrama  Chola,  one  of  the  king’s  officers28  endowed  lands 
for  maintenance  of  a  feeding  house  for  those  studying  medicine, 
Grammar,  and  the  Rupdvatara,  as  well  as  for  Brahmanas,  ascetics, 
and  so  forth.  A  donor  in  the  reign  of  Rajaraja  II  assigned27  cer¬ 
tain  lands  for  maintenance  of  Brahmana  students  of  the  Vedanta 
coming  from  the  Malayalam  country  in  the  matha  established 
by  himself. 

A  curious  sidelight  is  thrown  on  the  sins  and  follies  of  student 
life  by  Kshemendra’s  satiric  picture28  on  the  life  of  foreign  (spe¬ 
cially  Gaudlya)  students  in  contemporary  Kashmir.  Characteris¬ 
tically  enough  the  student  figures  in  a  typical  list  of  cheats  and 


512 


EDUCATION 


rogues  satirized  by  the  poet  in  this  work.  The  poet  first  refers 
to  the  student’s  exceptional  physical  weakness  at  his  arrival  (he 
is  shunned  by  the  people  from  a  distance  for  fear  of  touching  a 
skeleton)  and  his  quick  gain  of  strength  (he  changes  at  it  were 
into  a  new  body  by  partaking  of  food  and  using  unguents  at  sacri¬ 
fices  for  which  he  procures  his  invitation  by  ostentatious  display 
of  his  piety  and  his  ceremonial  purity).  Reference  is  next  made 
to  his  ignorance  and  self-conceit  (though  knowing  with  difficulty 
the  syllable  ‘Om’,  he  engages  in  learned  contests  with  a  view  to 
defeating  veteran  Kashmirian  scholars  and  though  ignorant  of  the 
alphabet  he  pretends  to  study  the  Mahabhashya  of  Patahjali,  Logic, 
and  the  Mlmamsa  work  of  Prabhakara).  He  is  foppish  in  dress 
and  toilette  (he  has  his  nails  painted  with  lac-juice,  he  wears  varie¬ 
gated  dress  and  fashionable  shoes,  he  decorates  his  waist  with  a  red 
sash,  and  he  makes  graceful  gestures  with  his  eyebrows).  He  is  a  man 
of  loose  morals  (he  frequents  houses  of  prostitutes  and  carries  on  in¬ 
trigues  with  other  men’s  wives,  he  looks  like  Kubera  in  the  morning 
with  the  dangling  golden  ear-rings  and  his  large  finger-rings,  but  he 
has  the  look  of  a  demon  in  the  evening  after  his  defeat  at  dice- 
play).  The  five  spoilers  of  the  Gauda  libertine  are  the  gambler, 
the  bawd,  the  prostitute,  the  leather-worker,  and  the  barber.  The 
student  is  a  man  of  violent  habits  (he  drives  out  workmen  with 
blows  of  sticks,  demolishes  students’  residence  with  stick  in  hand 
and  with  his  clothes  stuck  to  his  body  and  his  matted  hair  tied  up 
for  the  strife).  He  plays  the  bully  at  sacrifices,  at  bathing  places, 
at  students’  hostels  and  in  his  dealings  with  merchants  and  physi¬ 
cians.  He  blazes  forth  with  anger  without  any  provocation  on 
the  occasion  of  bathing,  making  gifts,  performing  vows  and  giving 
offerings  to  the  manes. 

In  all  ages  and  countries  the  satirist  draws  upon  the  rare  and 
unusual  traits  and  embellishes  them  from  his  own  imagination  in 
order  to  provide  for  cheap  merriment.  The  account  of  Kshemendra, 
therefore,  need  not  be  taken  as  typical  of  student  life,  even  in 
Gauda.  But  it  should  serve  as  a  corrective  to  those  who  fondly 
believe  that  everything  in  ancient  India  was  good  and  glorious. 

In  conclusion,  reference  should  be  made  to  the  effect  of  Mus¬ 
lim  invasion  on  education.  The  destructive  fury  of  the  early  Mus¬ 
lim  conquerors  gave  an  irreparable  blow  to  indigenous  learning 
in  the  territories  brought  within  their  sway.  This  is  indicated  by 
the  statement  of  the  great  Muslim  scholar  Al-Biruni  about  the 
disastrous  consequences  of  the  invasions  of  Sultan  Mahmud  of 
Ghazni.  ‘‘Hindu  sciences”,  he  says,29“have  retired  far  away  from 
those  parts  of  the  country  that  have  been  conquered  by  us,  and 
have  fled  to  places  which  our  hand  cannot  yet  reach,  to  Kashmir, 
Banaras  and  other  places”. 

513 

S.E,^-33 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


1.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Yaj,  I.  10-50;  SC,  I.  67-179;  Smrityarthasdra,  6-11* 

2.  1.29. 

3.  1.167-72. 

4.  On  Yaj,  1.28- 

5.  Loc.cit . 

6.  1.140. 

7  I  142 

8*.  On  Yaj,  1.155. 

9.  1.143. 

10.  Cf.  Apar.  on  Yaj,  11.184;  SC.  Ill,  955-6. 

11.  Above,  Vol.II,  p.  587. 

12.  11.344. 

13.  III.  1238-1304. 

14.  HBR .  I,  s.v. 

15.  EI.  II. 7  f. 

16.  EI,  XX. 67  f. 

17.  ARSIE,  518  of  1915. 

18.  EI,  XV. 350  f. 

19.  EI,V.  221-22. 

20.  ARSIE,  94  of  1917. 

21.  ARSIE,  76  of  1914. 

22.  ARSIE,  333  of  1917. 

23.  ARSIE,  240  of  1930-31. 

24.  ARSIE,  176  of  1917- 

25.  EI,  XXI.  230  f. 

26.  ARSIE,  159  of  1925. 

27.  ARSIE,  276  of  1925- 

28.  Desopadesa,  VI. 

29.  Sachau’s  tr.,  1.22. 


CHAPTER  XIX 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 

I.  THE  VILLAGE  AND  THE  CITY 

The  rural  economy  of  the  Indian  people  has  for  centuries  been 
centered  on  what  may  be  called  in  general  terms  communities  of 
peasant-proprietors,  who  paid  revenues  to  government  under  various 
specified  heads,  but  were  otherwise,  as  a  rule,  left  free  in  the  pos¬ 
session  of  their  holdings.  It  is  true  that  this  system  was  overlaid 
from  an  early  period  by  the  royal  grants  and  assignments  of  lands 
for  various  purposes.  Such  grants  and  assignments  must  have  led 
to  the  creation  of  larger  or  smaller  estates  comprising  numbers  of 
villages.  Nevertheless  the  royal  grants  and  assignments  involved 
as  a  rule  no  more  than  transfer  of  the  king’s  dues  and  rights  in 
favour  of  the  donees.  In  the  South,  especially,  the  village  com¬ 
munities  maintained  their  corporate  organisation  at  this  period 
with  full  vigour.  For  the  contemporary  inscriptions  frequently 
record  the  gift  or  sale  of  lands  by  these  bodies  and  their  appoint¬ 
ment  as  trustees  by  pious  and  charitable  donors.  While  the  village 
thus  remained,  as  before,  the  backbone  of  the  Indian  economy, 
there  was,  as  in  the  earlier  period,  a  vigorous  growth  of  city-life. 
We  have,  to  begin  with,  an  impressive  list  of  cities  (including  great 
internal  marts  and  sea-ports)  furnished  by  the  contemporary  Indian 
and  foreign  evidence.  The  descriptions  of  these  cities  are  as  a 
rule  given  in  such  general  terms  as  to  preclude  a  reconstruction 
of  their  economic  life.  The  records  of  the  South  Indian  dynasties, 
however,  give  us  occasional  glimpses  of  the  extensive  commercial 
activities  of  the  cities,  the  value  of  this  evidence  being  enhanced 
by  its  incidental  character.  In  a  twelfth  century  inscription  of  the 
reign  of  the  Western  Chalukya  Taila  II1  belonging  to  the  Telugu 
area  we  read  how  the  desi  merchants  of  a  city,  speaking  four  diffe¬ 
rent  dialects,  joined  with  others  in  making  a  pious  endowment. 
This  consisted  of  tolls  imposed  upon  their  articles  of  trade,  namely 
pack-horses,  musk,  saffron,  yak-tail,  cotton  and  cotton-thread,  beads, 
tiger-skins,  women’s  clothes,  lead,  and  tin.  An  inscription  of  A.D. 
12042  relating  to  the  city  of  Belgaum  (in  Dharwar  District)  men¬ 
tions  a  pious  endowment  by  “an  assembly  of  itinerant  traders  and 
all  the  traders\  of  Lata  (Gujarat)  and  the  Malay alam  country 
and  all  the  other  traders  of  the  locality  headed  by  the  gold-workers 
and  others  and  the  oil-merchants”.  An  inscription  of  king  Gana- 


515 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


pati  of  the  Kakatiya  dynasty  of  Warangal,3  belonging  to  the  first 
half  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.,  states  that  the  king,  renounc¬ 
ing  the  earlier  practice  of  confiscating  all  cargoes  of  vessels  driven 
to  the  port  of  Motupalle  by  bad  weather,  granted  a  charter  for  levy¬ 
ing  customs  duties  upon  a  few  selected  articles  only  (evidently  be¬ 
cause  of  their  high  level).  The  articles  consisted  of  sandal-wood, 
camphor,  pearls,  rose-water,  copper,  zinc,  lead,  silk-thread,  corals, 
perfumes,  pepper,  and  areca-nuts.  We  have  a  remarkable  instance 
of  the  inhabitants  of  a  city  and  a  territorial  sub-division  regulating 
the  economic  life  of  the  community  in  a  record4  belonging  to  the 
time  of  Kulottuhga  III.  Here  we  are  told  that  a  certain  nadu  and 
nagara  assembled  together  in  a  temple  and  made  an  agreement  for 
converting  a  village  granted  by  them  into  a  mercantile  town. 

II.  AGRICULTURE,  INDUSTRY  AND  TRADE 

Agriculture,  which  has  been  through  the  centuries  the  principal 
occupation  of  the  Indian  people,  was  well  cared  for  during  our 
period.  A  large  variety  of  cereals  as  well  as  edible  vegetables  and 
plants,  with  their  sub-divisions,  is  mentioned  in  the  lexicons.5  In 
the  description  of  the  king’s  dietary  in  Manasolldsa 6  reference  is 
made  to  eight  varieties  of  the  rice  distinguished  by  their  colour, 
odour,  size,  and  period  of  growth,  and  seven  different  kinds  of  beans. 
It  further  appears  from  the  records  that  scientific  agriculture  was 
practised  as  before  in  the  present  period.  The  cereals  were  classi¬ 
fied7  under  three  heads,  namely  those  grown  in  pods  (samidhanya) , 
the  awned  grains  ( sukadhdnya) ,  and  rice  of  different  varieties.  The 
fields  were  classified8  according  to  their  qualities,  namely,  those 
which  were  fertile,  those  unfit  for  cultivation,  those  under  cultiva¬ 
tion,  those  lying  fallow,  and  those  with  a  saline  soil.  They  were 
also  classified9  according  to  the  crops  grown  on  them,  the  quality  of 
seeds  sown  on  them,  and  the  number  of  times  they  were  ploughed.10 

Traditions  attribute  to  the  Chola  kings  of  this  period  the  con¬ 
struction  of  the  famous  anicuts  across  the  Kaveri  river  in  Tanjore 
District,  which  were  renovated  in  much  later  times  by  the  British 
Government.  The  most  famous  of  these  public  works  is  the  Great 
Anicut  below  the  island  of  Srlrahgam  which  consists  of  a  massive 
dam  of  unhewn  stone,  1080  ft.  long  and  from  40  to  60  ft.  broad.11 

The  descriptions  of  our  authors,  both  indigenous  and  foreign, 
help  us  to  identify  some  of  the  principal  agricultural  regions  of  these 
times.  As  for  cereals  of  Magadha  is  mentioned  for  its  richness  in 
rice,12  while  the  rice  of  the  Kalihga  country  is  included  in  the  list  of 
its  varieties  suitable  for  the  king’s  dietary.13  As  regards  fruits  and 
fruit-trees,  grapes  are  mentioned  by  Kalhana14  with  patriotic  pride 


516 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 


as  one  of  the  ordinary  products  of  Kashmir.  From  the  Muslim  writer 
IdrisI  we  learn  that  date-trees  and  cocoanut-trees  grow  at  Sandan 
(Sindhudurga  in  Ratnagiri  District)  and  that  cocoanut-trees  grow 
in  abundance  at  Saymur(Sirur  in  South  Canara).15  As  for  other 
edible  economic  products,  ginger  and  cinnamon  were  produced  in 
large  quantities  in  the  Pandya  kingdom  according  to  Marco  Polo,16 
while  camphor  grew  on  the  mountain-slopes  between  Quilon  and 
Madura  according  to  Yaqut.17  Marco  Polo,18  writing  evidently  on 
second-hand  information,  observes  that  “Bengala”  (Bengal)  pro¬ 
duced  spikenard  and  other  spices,  ginger,  sugar,  and  other  articles. 
According  to  IdrisI19  cardamum  grew  on  the  hill-slopes  at  Fandarlna 
(Pandalayani  in  Malabar  for  which  see  below)  in  such  abundance  as 
to  be  exported  to  different  lands.  Malabar,  according  to  Ibn  Sa‘Id,20 
was  the  country  of  pepper.  In  particular  it  is  stated  to  have  been 
grown  at  Sandan,  as  well  as  at  Fandarlna,  Jurbatan  and  Quilon  (all 
in  Malabar),  according  to  IdrisI,  Yaqut  and  Qazwini.21  Similarly, 
according  to  Marco  Polo,22  Malabar  produced  large  quantities  of  pep¬ 
per.  As  for  non-edible  economic  products  bamboo  and  its  varieties 
grew  at  Kuli  (in  the  Gulf  of  Cambay),  Tana  (Thana  in  Salsette  is¬ 
land),  Sandan  and  Saymur  according  to  IdrisI,  and  at  Quilon  accord¬ 
ing  to  Yaqut  and  Qazwini.23  Sandal-wood  was  a  product  of  the 
Malaya  hill  (the  southern  part  of  the  Western  Ghats),24  while  Kash¬ 
mir  produced  yellow  sandal  which  was  used  as  an  unguent  by  kings 
in  the  rainy  season.25  Saffron  is  mentioned  by  Kalhana26  as  one  of 
the  two  ordinary  products  of  Kashmir.  Cotton  trees  of  a  very 
great  height  and  of  a  longevity  of  twenty  years  grew  in  Gujarat.27 
Less  authenticated  is  Marco  Polo’s  statement28  that  cotton  grew  in 
Bengal  and  formed  the  subject  of  a  great  trade.  Indigo  was  pro¬ 
duced  in  great  quantities  in  Gujarat  (including  Cambay),  and  that  of 
a  very  fine  quality  as  well  as  in  great  abundance  at  Quilon.29  In¬ 
cense  of  the  inferior  brown  variety  was  found  at  Tana.30  “Brazil 
wood”  ( sappan )  of  very  fine  quality  as  well  as  teak  grew  at  Kulam 
(Quilon).31 

As  regards  animal  products  the  preparation  of  silk  from  the 
cocoons  of  the  silkworm  and  of  wool  from  the  hair  of  the  hilly  ram 
was  of  course  widely  known.  Equally  familiar  was  the  use  of  the 
bushy  tail  of  the  Himalayan  chamara- deer  for  preparing  flywhisks 
and  of  musk  from  the  Himalayan  musk-deer.  Elephant’s  tusks  (or 
ivory)  are  mentioned  by  Chau  Ju-Kua32  among  the  products  of  the 
Cho]a  kingdom.  The  manufacture  of  leather,  which  is  a  very  old 
Indian  industry  going  back  to  Vedic  times,  was  greatly  developed  in 
some  regions  during  this  period.  From  Marco  Polo33  we  learn  that 
Tana  had  a  great  export  trade  in  leather  of  various  excellent  kinds. 
Likewise  Cambay34  had  a  great  trade  in  very  well-dressed  hides. 


517 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Gujarat,  above  all,35  produced  large  numbers  of  dressed  skins  of 
different  kinds  (those  of  goats,  of  domestic  and  wild  oxen,  of  buffa¬ 
loes  and  so  forth)  as  well  as  “beautiful  mats  in  red  and  blue  leather, 
exquisitely  inlaid  with  figures  of  birds  and  beasts  and  skilfully  em¬ 
broidered  with  gold  and  silver  wire”.  It  also  produced  other  cu¬ 
shions  (apparently  of  leather)  embroidered  with  gold.  These  arti¬ 
cles  were  in  high  demand  in  Western  lands;  the  “sleeping  mats”, 
which  were  “marvellously  beautiful  things”,  and  the  cushions  being 
sold  for  ten  and  six  silver  marks  apiece  respectively.  A  more  valu¬ 
able  industry  dating  from  ancient  times  was  that  of  the  pearl-fisheries 
and  the  preparation  of  pearls  for  ornaments.  The  pearl-fisheries  at 
Subara  (Suparem  or  Supara  in  the  north  of  Bombay)  and  Fufal 
(Bekal,  thirty-four  miles  south-south-east  from  Mangalore),  which 
are  referred  to  by  Yaqut,36  were  evidently  of  slight  or  no  import¬ 
ance.  Chau  Ju-Kua37  includes  pearls  among  the  native  products 
in  the  Chola  kingdom,  but  he  gives  no  other  information  on  this 
point.  The  great  seat  of  the  pearl-fisheries  in  this  as  in  other  periods 
was  the  Pandya  kingdom.  Marco  Polo,  writing  at  the  close  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  observes38  that  pearls  were  fished  in  great  quan-x 
tities  in  the  kingdom  of  Malabar  which  in  fact  was  the  place  from 
which  they  were  spread  all  over  the  world.  The  pearl-shells,  he 
says,  were  found  in  the  gulf  between  India  and  Ceylon  during  the 
season  from  the  beginning  of  April  to  the  middle  of  May  every  year 
and,  at  an  undefined  place  “some  three  hundred  miles  distant”, 
during  September  and  the  first  half  of  October.  The  author  gives 
in  this  connection  a  vivid  description  of  the  fishing  operations  con¬ 
ducted  by  the  pearl-fishers.  They  engaged  the  services  of  fish- 
charmers  as  well  as  a  large  number  of  divers  for  the  whole  season, 
and  had  to  pay  the  high  royalty  of  10%  of  their  finds  to  the  king. 

The  manufacture  of  textiles,  which  is  a  very  old  Indian  industry, 
appears  to  have  been  carried  on  with  conspicuous  success  during 
this  period.  We  can  locate  some  of  the  advanced  centres  of  textile 
manufacture  from  the  contemporary  evidence.  The  Manasollasa 30 
gives  us  a  long  list  of  fabrics  for  the  king’s  use  after  their  places  of 
origin.  The  definitely  Indian  names  in  this  list  are  Nagapattana 
(Negapatam),  the  Chola  country,  Anilavada  (Anahillapataka  in  Guja¬ 
rat),  Mulasthana  (Multan),  Kalihga  and  Vanga.  According  to  Chau 
Ju-Kua40  Gujarat  produced  for  export  to  Arabian  lands  large  quan¬ 
tities  of  “foreign  cotton  stuffs  of  every  colour”  (chintzes).  Marco 
Polo41  similarly  observes  that  much  fine  “buckram”  (cotton  stuffs) 
was  produced  in  the  kingdom  of  Cambay.  In  Malwa,  according  to 
Chau  Ju-Kua,42  cotton  cloths  were  such  a  very  common  product 
as  to  form  the  subject  of  a  considerable  export  trade.  The  native 
products  of  Malabar,  according  to  the  same  author,43  included 


51 8 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 


“foreign  cotton  stuffs  of  all  colours”  (chintzes)  and  (white)  cotton 
cloth.  This  is  corroborated  by  Marco  Polo  who  speaks44  of  the 
manufacture  of  “very  beautiful  and  delicate  buckrams”  in  Malabar. 
Coming  to  the  Coromandel  Coast  we  find  Ibn  Sa‘id45  testifying  that 
Ma‘bar  was  proverbial  for  its  arts  of  washing  and  dyeing,  and  that 
it  exported  “ lainas ”  (coloured  silk  or  cotton  cloth).  Again  Chau  Ju- 
Kua  includes46  “cotton  stuffs  with  coloured  silk  threads”  and  other 
such  stuffs  among  the  products  of  the  Chola  dominion.  Finally,  as 
regards  the  Telugu  country,  the  finest  cotton  fabrics  were  produced, 
according  to  Marco  Polo,47  in  the  kingdom  of  “Mutfili”  (Warangal). 
From  the  enthusiastic  account  of  the  traveller  we  learn  that  this  king¬ 
dom  produced  the  most  delicate  and  costly  ‘buckrams’  which  looked 
like  tissues  of  the  spiders’  web  and  which  were  fit  for  any  king  or 
queen  in  the  world. 

Stone-cutting,  including  stone-polishing,  is  an  Indian  industry 
going  back  to  the  prehistoric  culture  of  the  Sindhu  valley.  The  vast 
scale  and  superb  quality  of  the  stone  sculpture  and  architecture  of 
this  period  are  illustrated  by  the  numerous  examples  of  stone-images 
and  temples  scattered  all  over  the  country.  Reference  should  also 
be  made  to  the  superb  stone-terraces  around  the  sacred  tanks  which 
drew  the  enthusiastic  admiration  of  so  gifted  a  critic  as  Al-Blrunl.48 

The  art  of  working  metals  which,  like  the  manufacture  of  tex¬ 
tiles,  goes  back  to  Vedic  times,  was  pursued  with  great  success  during 
this  period.  The  most  fascinating  remains  of  the  skill  of  the  iron- 
smiths  of  this  period  are  the  iron-beams,  all  of  unwrought  iron,  in 
the  temples  of  Bhuvanesvara,  Purl  and  Konarak,  and  above  all,  the 
celebrated  iron-pillar  at  Dhar,  the  capital  of  the  Paramara  kings  of 
Malwa.  The  number  of  the  beams  in  one  of  the  Puri  temples  (‘the 
Garden  Temple’)  alone  has  been  counted  as  239,  while  they  reach 
the  size  of  17'  in  length  and  6"  x  4"  or  5"x6"  in  section.  In  the 
Konarak  temple  the  beams,  though  smaller  in  number,  reach  even  a 
larger  size,  namely  35'  in  length  and  7"  or  7£"  square  in  section. 
The  iron-pillar  at  Dhar,  now  unfortunately  broken  into  three  pieces, 
has  been  estimated  to  have  originally  reached  a  height  of  50',  being 
the  highest  pillar  of  its  kind  in  the  world.49 

As  regards  gold  and  silver  work  the  Manasollasa,  in  the  course 
of  its  enumeration  of  the  king’s  seats,  mentions  the  golden  lion- 
throne.50  Again,  while  enumerating  the  king’s  bed-steads,  it  men¬ 
tions  those  inlaid  with  gold.51  The  inscriptions  frequently  record 
the  acts  of  pious  donors  in  decorating  temples  with  gold  and  in  pre¬ 
senting  vessels  and  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver  to  the  deities,  whose 
images  were  also  sometimes  made  of  gold  and  silver.  Reference  has 


519 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


been  made  above  to  these  and  other  articles  of  gold  and  silver  in 
connection  with  the  plunder  of  Sultan  Mahmud.52 

The  art  of  the  jeweller  was  maintained  at  its  old  level  of  excel¬ 
lence  during  this  period.  The  list  of  jewels  in  the  lexicons53  inclu¬ 
des  crystal,  sun-stone,  moon-stone,  emerald,  ruby,  coral,  diamond, 
sapphire,  beryl  (or  lapis  lazuli),  and  pearls.  We  have  a  full  des¬ 
cription  (evidently  derived  from  the  old  works  on  ratnaparlksha )  of 
the  sources  and  characteristics  of  various  gems  in  the  Mdnasollasa .54 
The  list  comprises  diamond,  pearl,  ruby,  sapphire,  emerald,  crystal, 
topaz,  lapis  lazuli,  the  gomeda  gem,  and  coral.  From  the  testimony 
of  Marco  Polo55  also  we  learn  that  diamonds  were  found  abundant¬ 
ly  and  in  large  size  in  the  kingdom  of  “Mutfili”  (Warangal),  although 
his  story  of  the  method  of  their  collection  is  purely  legendary. 

The  overland  routes  connecting  India  with  Western  Asia 
go  back  to  the  centuries  before  the  Christian  era,  while  those 
linking  her  with  Central  Asia  and  China  came  into  use  some 
time  later.  With  the  gradual  advance  of  the  arms  of  Islam  from 
India’s  border  lands  to  her  heart  in  the  Ganga  valley,  the  control  of 
these  routes  must  have  passed  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Muslim 
rulers. 

The  extent  and  direction  of  India’s  maritime  trade  are  known 
principally  from  the  detailed  accounts  of  the  foreign  writers.  It 
appears  from  these  accounts  that  Ma‘bar  was  a  sort  of  clearing-house 
for  the  goods  of  the  East  and  West.  As  Wassaf  says,56  the  products 
of  China,  India  (sic)  and  Sindh  laden  on  huge  ships  constantly  arrive 
at  Ma‘bar.  To  this  he  adds  that  the  wealth  of  the  isles  of  the  Per¬ 
sian  Gulf  and  the  beauty  and  adornment  of  other  countries  from 

%/ 

Iraq  and  Khurasan  as  far  as  Hum  and  Europe  are  derived  from 
Ma‘bar  which  is  so  situated  as  to  be  the  key  of  Hind.  Wassaf’s  testi¬ 
mony  is  borne  out  in  part  by  Marco  Polo.  Speaking  of  “Cail” 
(Kayal  on  the  Tamraparm  river)  he  describes  it57  as  a  great  and 
noble  city  which  was  visited  by  ships  from  the  Persian  Gulf  and 
the  Arabian  coast  with  goods  laden  for  sale.  The  ports  of  Malabar 
likewise  ranked  as  international  centres  of  trade.  Thus  Idris!  men¬ 
tions  Fandarlna  as  a  port  of  call  for  ships  from  India  and  Sindh.  Ac¬ 
cording  to  Abu  Dulaf  (quoted  by  Yaqut),  Kawlam  (Quilon)  was 
a  port  of  embarkation  for  ‘Uman(in  Arabia).68  From  Chou  K’u- 
fe'i59  we  learn  that  Quilon  was  a  port  of  transhipment  of  traders 
from  the  smaller  boats  of  the  Arabian  sea  to  the  larger  vessels  of 
the  Chinese  seas.  Chau  Ju-Kua60  observes  that  Quilon  was  a  port 
of  call  for  ships  coming  from  San-fo-ts’i61  and  its  dependencies.  Of 
the  land  of  “Nan-p’i”  (Malabar)  he  similarly  says62  that  its  pro¬ 
ducts  were  carried  to  Ki-lo  Ta-nung  (Perak)  and  San-fo-ts’i.  Marco 


520 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 


Polo  also  observes63  that  ships  with  their  goods  came  to  Malabar 
both  from  South  China  and  the  West,  the  former  preponderating 
over  the  latter  in  the  proportion  of  10  to  1.  In  particular  we  are 
told64  that  merchants  from  South  China  and  from  Arabia  and  the 
Levant  came  to  Quilon  with  their  ships  and  their  merchandise  and 
derived  great  profit  from  the  import  as  well  as  the  export  trade. 
We  further  learn  65  that  Eli,  in  spite  of  its  want  of  harbours,  was 
visited  by  ships  from  South  China  and  other  lands  in  summer,  the 
Chinese  ships  braving  the  visit  the  most  because  of  their  huge 
wooden  all-weather  anchors.66 

Important  also  for  international  trade  was  the  Gujarat  coast. 
IdrlsI  tells  us  that  Barus  (Broach)  was  a  port  of  call  for  vessels 
coming  from  China  and  from  Sindh.  Cambay,  according  to  Marco 
Polo,67  was  visited  by  merchants  with  many  ships  and  cargoes. 
The  same  author  observes68  that  the  products  of  Gujarat  were  load¬ 
ed  in  ships  every  year  for  trade  with  Arabia  and  other  lands.  There 
are  references  to  other  ports  which  were  evidently  of  less  import¬ 
ance,  viz.  Bullin  (probably  an  island  near  Saymur,  Shirur  in  the 
South  Canara  District),  Subara  (=Supara  on  the  Konkan  coast), 
Tana  (=Thana),  Jurbatan  (=Srikandapuram),  Sandan  (=Sindhu- 
durga  in  the  Ratnagiri  District),  and  Sindabur  (=Sadasivagad  near 
Karwar,  which  was  a  commercial  town  with  fine  buildings  and  rich 
bazaars),  where  ships  cast  anchor.69 

Inscriptions  in  Upper  Burma  and  Sumatra70  still  commemo¬ 
rate  the  operations  of  the  great  Indian  trading  corporation  of  this 
period,  known  as  the  Nanadesis,  in  those  lands.  To  the  foreign  ob¬ 
servers  of  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  we  are  indebted  for 
fuller  and  more  direct  evidence  of  Indian  maritime  and  commer¬ 
cial  enterprises  in  the  lands  of  South-Eastern  as  well  as  Western 
Asia  during  this  period.  From  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  a  Spanish  Jew, 
who  started  on  his  travels  to  the  greater  part  of  the  then  known 
world  in  A.D.  1159,  we  learn71  that  Indian  merchants  brought  their 
commodities  for  sale  to  the  island  of  Kish  in  the  Persian  Gulf,  one 
of  the  great  international  marts  of  Western  Asia  at  that  time.  At 
the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.,  Marco  Polo72  similarly 
noticed  that  the  merchants  of  India  visited  Hormos  (Hormuz  in  the 
Persian  Gulf)  in  ships  loaded  with  products  of  their  land  for  sale 
to  the  merchants  of  Western  Asia.  We  are  further  told73  that  the 
great  city  of  Calatu  on  the  Persian  Gulf  was  visited  by  numerous 
ships  with  goods  from  India.  It  was  not,  however,  to  the  Persian 
Gulf  alone  that  the  maritime  activities  of  the  Indian  merchants  in 
the  West  were  confined  at  this  period.  We  learn  from  Marco 
Polo74  that  the  ships  of  Ma‘bar  visited  the  islands  of  Madagascar 


521 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


and  Zanzibar,  arriving  there  in  twenty  days,  while  taking  more  than 
three  months  for  the  return  voyage  because  of  the  strong  southern 
current.  In  the  East,  according  to  the  same  authority,75  Zayton 
(Chwan-Chau  or  Chinchew  in  Fu-Kien),  the  great  sea-port  of  me¬ 
diaeval  China,  was  visited  by  all  the  ships  of  India  with  spices  and 
other  kinds  of  costly  wares. 

We  possess  a  fair  idea  of  the  articles  of  India’s  maritime  trade 
with  the  West  and  the  East.  As  regards  imports,  we  may  first  re¬ 
fer  to  the  synonym,  turushka,  given  in  Vai jay  anti, 7  6  for  incense. 
This  evidently  refers  to  the  frankincense  of  the  coast  of  Hadhara- 
maut  in  South  Arabia  which  has  been  famous  from  classical  times 
and  is  particularly  noticed  by  Marco  Polo.77  Among  other  agricul¬ 
tural  products  cloves,  spikenard,  and  other  fine  spices  were  brought 
into  Malabar  by  ships  from  the  East.78  As  these  articles  are  speci¬ 
fically  mentioned  among  the  native  products  of  Java  and  Sumatra,79 
they  must  have  come  to  India  from  these  islands.  Metals  formed 
another  important  article  of  India’s  import  across  the  seas.  We 
learn80  that  merchants  in  their  ships  brought  gold,  silver  and  cop¬ 
per  to  Java  and  Cambay.  More  definitely  we  are  told81  that  ships 
coming  from  the  East  to  Malabar  brought  copper  in  ballast  as  well 
as  gold  and  silver.  As  Sumatra  has  long  been  famous  for  its  pro¬ 
duction  of  gold  and  since  it  is  credited  by  Marco  Polo  himself82 
with  a  great  abundance  of  treasure,  the  gold  brought  to  Malabar 
from  the  East  most  probably  came  from  that  island.  This  inference 
is  supported  by  the  epithet  “the  product  of  Suvarnadvlpa”  applied 
to  gold  in  Vaijayanti ,83  We  may  recall  in  this  connection  the 
foreign  synonyms  given  in  Vaijayanti 84  for  various  other  metals, 
such  as  Mlechchha  for  copper,  Yavaneshta  for  lead,  Chlnapatta  and 
Simhala  for  tin,  and  China  for  iron.  As  for  textiles  we  have  the 
valuable  testimony  of  Marco  Polo35  to  the  effect  that  ships  from 
the  East  brought  clothes  of  silk  and  gold  as  well  as  “sendals”  (a 
silk  texture).  As  some  of  the  great  cities  of  China  like  Si-ngan  fu, 
Ho-kien  fu,  Pao-ying-Hien,  Ngan-king,  Chin-kiang  fu,  and  Su-chau 
(to  give  them  their  modern  names)  are  specifically  stated  by  Marco 
Polo86  to  be  famous  for  these  products,  they  must  have  reached 
India  from  these  cities.  These  stuffs  no  doubt  are  to  be  identified 
with  the  fabrics  of  Great  China  (mahdchinabhava)  mentioned  in  the 
Manasollasa 87  among  the  varieties  of  the  king’s  wardrobe.  The 
reference  to  the  textiles  of  Ceylonese  origin  ( Sirhhaladvlpaja )  in 
the  same  context88  indicates  that  other  fine  stuffs  were  imported  from 
the  neighbouring  island. 

It  remains  to  mention  the  most  costly  and  wasteful  of  India’s 
imports  at  this  period.  In  the  preceding  volume  we  have  seen  how 


522 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 


Arab  and  Persian  merchants  drove  a  profitable  trade  in  horses  with 
the  ports  of  western  and  southern  India.  This  trade  appears  to 
have  attained  phenomenal  proportions  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries  A.D.  The  Indian  authorities  of  this  period,89  like  their 
predecessors,  agree  in  assigning  the  first  rank  in  their  classified  list  of 
horses  to  the  foreign  breeds  (specially  those  of  “Vanayu”  or  Arabia 
and  Persia)  and  the  lowest  rank  to  the  indigenous  breeds,  such  as 
those  of  Trigartta,  Gurjara,  AvantI,  Saurashtra  and  Pariyatra. 
The  great  volume  of  India’s  import  trade  in  Arab  and  Persian 
horses  is  indicated,  beyond  doubt,  by  the  contemporary  foreign 
writers. 89a  The  figures  for  the  imported  horses  and  their 
prices  indicate  the  extensive  drain  suffered  by  the  Indian  revenues 
from  this  trade.  Wassaf30  refers  to  an  agreement  made  by  a  Pandya 
king  with  an  Arab  merchant  to  the  effect  that  he  would  embark  as 
many  horses  as  he  could  procure  from  the  islands  of  the  Persian 
Gulf  and  land  them  in  Ma‘bar.  According  to  the  same  author  the 
price  of  each  horse  was  fixed  at  220  dinaras  of  “red  gold,”91  while 
the  number  of  horses  exported  from  the  Arabian  and  Persian  ports 
to  the  Pandya  kingdom,  Cambay  and  so  forth,  reached  the  huge 
figure  of  14,000  valued  at  2,20,00,000  dinaras.  Writing  about  the 
Pandya  kingdom  Marco  Polo92  similarly  observes  that  each  horse 
was  sold  at  500  saggi  (=500  x  1/6  oz.)  of  gold,  while  2000  horses 
were  sought  for  purchase  every  year  by  each  of  the  Pandya  kings. 
In  another  place93  Marco  Polo,  while  describing  the  import  of  horses 
from  the  Persian  Gulf  into  India,  tells  us  that  each  horse  was  sold 
at  200  “livres”  of  Persian  money.94  The  necessity  for  this  extra¬ 
vagant  demand  of  the  Indians  for  the  horses  from  the  West  is  traced 
by  the  foreign  observers  chiefly  to  the  Indians’  ignorance  of  the  art 
of  managing  the  animals.  According  to  Wassaf  the  Indians  were 
so  ignorant  of  training  horses  that  even  the  best  animals  under  their 
management  were  soon  disabled  for  active  work.  Marco  Polo,95 
while  lamenting  the  waste  of  a  great  part  of  the  wealth  of  the  coun¬ 
try  in  the  purchase  of  horses,  gives  three  reasons  for  the  same. 
Firstly,  no  horses  were  bred  in  the  country.  Secondly,  the  Indians 
had  no  farriers,  and  the  foreign  merchants  prevented  any  farrier 
from  going  to  that  country  for  fear  of  losing  their  highly  profitable 
trade.  Thirdly,  and  lastly,  the  Indians,  in  their  ignorance  of  the 
treatment  of  horses,  fed  them  with  boiled  rice  and  boiled  meat  and 
various  other  cooked  food. 

As  regards  India’s  exports  to  the  neighbouring  lands  beyond 
the  seas,  we  learn  from  Benjamin  of  Tudela96  that  Indian  merchants 
carried  great  quantities  of  spices  to  the  island  of  Kish  in  the  Persian 
Gulf  for  exchange  with  the  goods  brought  thereto  by  the  merchants 
of  Mesopotamia,  Yemen  and  Persia.  Marco  Polo97  similarly  men- 


523 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


tions  that  Indian  merchants  visited  Hormuz  in  ships  loaded  with 
spices,  precious  stones,  pearls,  clothes  of  silk  and  gold,  elephants’ 
tusks,  and  so  forth  which  they  sold  to  the  local  merchants.  The 
further  statements  of  the  foreign  writers  enable  us  to  specify  the 
articles  exported  from  different  geographical  areas.  We  learn  from 
Chau  Ju-Kua98  that  Gujarat  produced  indigo,  myrobolans,  and 
coloured  cotton  stuffs  in  such  abundance  that  they  were  exported  to 
the  lands  of  the  Arabs.  Again  we  learn  from  Marco  Polo  that  most 
of  the  manufactures  in  Gujarat,  mentioned  above,"  filled  a  number 
of  ships  every  year  for  export  to  Arabia  and  other  lands. 

III.  THE  ORGANISATION  OF  INDUSTRY  AND  TRADE 

We  have  seen  in  the  preceding  volume  what  a  large  part  was 
played  by  the  industrial  and  commercial  guilds  in  the  economic  life 
of  our  country  during  the  previous  centuries.  The  same  important 
role  was  played  by  these  groups  during  the  period  under  review. 

The  law  relating  to  guilds  and  associated  groups  is  treated  in 
the  commentaries  and  digests,100  as  in  the  Smritis,  under  a  dis¬ 
tinctive  title  called  violation  of  compact  ( samvid-vyatikrama ) 
otherwise  called  non-transgression  of  compact  ( samayasyanapa - 
karma).  We  learn  from  the  Smriti-chandrikd  that  the  samuhas 
(groups)  had  the  authority  of  making  compacts  ( samaya )  for  over¬ 
coming  misfortunes  like  droughts  and  oppression  of  thieves  and 
kings,  and  these  compacts  were  binding  not  only  upon  themselves  but 
also  upon  the  king.  Illustrating  this  statement  the  author  says  that 
the  naigamas  have  many  such  rules  as  that  those  disregarding 
messengers  in  (the  uniform  of)  a  jacket  are  to  be  fined  and  that  the 
srems  have  such  rules  as  that  a  certain  commodity  is  to  be  sold  by  a 
particular  srenl  and  no  other.  These  illustrations  show  how  the 
craft-guilds  and  the  merchant-guilds  devised  their  own  rules  for 
maintaining  their  authority  and  for  controlling  the  market.  Ex¬ 
plaining  the  constitution  of  samuhas  after  the  Smriti  pattern,  the 
author  observes  that  because  of  the  differences  of  minds  among  their 
members  and  their  unlimited  numbers  the  samuhas  are  incapable  of 
deciding  unanimously  on  the  merits  and  demerits  of  their  business, 
and  that,  therefore,  they  should  appoint  boards  of  two,  three  or  five 
“overseers  of  public  business”  (karyachintaka) .  Not  only  the  over¬ 
seers  of  the  samuhas,  but  also  those  advisers  for  their  good  ( hita - 
vadins)  who  do  not  belong  to  this  body,  shall  be  obeyed  by  all  the 
members.  The  samuhas  themselves,  in  the  first  instance,  have  the 
authority  to  punish  offenders  against  their  regulations.  This  com¬ 
prises  fining  one  who  is  hostile  to  the  advisers  or  denies  a  speaker 
his  opportunity  or  makes  an  unreasonable  speech,  and  banishing 


524 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 


from  the  place  of  the  assembly  one  who  betrays  their  secrets,  or 
creates  dissensions  among  themselves,  or  is  guilty  of  such  other 
offences.  When  the  samuhas  are  incapable  of  dealing  with  their 
members  in  such  matters  as  stopping  the  insolence  of  their  chiefs 
( mukhya ),  the  king  shall  interfere  for  the  purpose  of  setting  the 
offender  on  his  proper  path.  When  the  mukhya  cannot  be  made  to 
do  so  even  by  the  king,  he  shall  be  deprived  of  all  his  property  and 
banished  from  the  kingdom,  for  the  king  alone  is  competent  to  in¬ 
flict  such  punishments.  But  the  samuha  alone  shall  exercise  this 
disciplinary  authority  if  it  is  but  slightly  competent  to  do  so.  Re¬ 
verting  to  the  penalties  against  offending  members  of  the  samuha , 
the  author  says  that  the  mukhya ,  who  cannot  be  set  by  the  king  on 
his  proper  path,  shall  be  fined  on  a  graduated  scale  according  to  the 
extent  of  his  solvency,  and  he  shall  be  banished  in  case  of  extreme 
urgency.  When  those  guilty  of  violating  the  compacts  are  not 
mukhyas,  they  shall  be  fined  according  to  the  degree  of  their  guilt, 
and  when  they  are  very  near  the  level  of  the  mukhyas,  they  shall 
be  deprived  of  all  their  property  and  banished  from  the  capital. 

We  find  in  epigraphic  records  frequent  references  to  the  acti¬ 
vities  of  the  mercantile  and  other  guilds,  which  founded  pious  en¬ 
dowments  by  voluntarily  imposing  tolls  upon  various  articles  of 
their  trade,  trusting  no  doubt  to  the  Smriti  clause  of  law  which  made 
their  agreements  binding  upon  themselves.101  A  famous  guild  of 
horse-dealers  (kudiraichettis) ,  having  their  headquarters  probably 
in  Malai-ma^daZam  (modern  Travancore),  is  commemorated  in  a 
large  number  of  inscriptions  of  the  Chola  and  Pandya  kings  of  this 
period.102  The  great  trading  corporations  mentioned  in  the  preced¬ 
ing  volume103  and  their  compeers,  the  Ahjuvannam  and  Vlra- 
Vananjus,  flourished  in  South  India  during  these  centuries. 
The  desa-salattu-gandar  of  the  18  districts  are  mentioned  in  a  Mysore 
inscription  of  about  A.D.  1200. 104 

The  great  trading  corporation  of  Nanadesa-Tisaiydyirattu 
Aihhurruvar  mentioned  above105  flourished  considerably  during  this 
period.  An  inscription  of  c.  A.D.  1050  from  the  Mysore  tract,106 
while  recording  an  endowment  by  this  body  (here  called  the  Five 
hundred  svdmis  of  Ayyavole),  proudly  recalls  their  high  mythical 
ancestry,  their  long  history,  the  vast  scale  of  their  commercial  trans¬ 
actions,  and  their  daring  and  enterprising  spirit.  They  were  born, 
we  read,  in  the  race  of  Vasudeva,  Khandali  and  Mulabhadra;  they 
obtained  boon  from  the  goddess  Bhagavati;  they  had  32  veloma,  18 
cities,  64  Yoga-pUhas,  and  asramas  at  the  four  points  of  the  compass; 
they  were  born  to  wander  over  many  countries  since  the  begin¬ 
ning  of  the  Krita.  Yuga;  they  visited  Chera,  Chola,  Pandya, 


525 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Maleya,  Magadha,  Kausala,  Saurashtra,  Dhanushtra,  Kurumbha, 
Kambhoja,  Gaulla,  Lala,  Barvvara,  Parasa,  Nepala  and  other 
lands;  they  penetrated  by  land-and  sea-routes  into  the  regions 
of  the  six  continents;  they  traded  in  elephants  and  horses, 
sapphires,  moon-stones,  pearls,  rubies  and  other  gems,  cardamoms, 
cloves,  bdellium,  sandal,  camphor  and  other  perfumes  and  drugs; 
they  sold  their  goods  wholesale  or  hawked  them  about  on  their 
shoulders;  they  carried  their  merchandise  on  asses  and  buffaloes 
adorned  with  red  trappings.  The  above  claim  of  the  corporation’s 
mythical  ancestry  is  repeated  in  another  record  of  eleventh  century 
A.D.107  which  gives  us  additional  information  of  its  organisation. 
It  consisted,  we  are  told,  of  various  sub-divisions  coming  from  the 
1,000  (districts)  of  the  four  quarters,  the  18  towns,  the  32  velapu- 
ram  and  the  64  ghatikd-sthanas.  Another  inscription  of  A.D. 
1050 108  describes  them  as  a  samaya  (meaning  unexplained)  and 
states  that  they  were  served  by  regiments  of  foot-soldiers  and 
swordsmen.109  That  the  claim  of  ndnddesls  to  have  wandered  over 
different  lands  is  based  upon  fact  is  proved  by  two  striking  refer¬ 
ences.  They  are  mentioned  in  a  fragmentary  Tamil  inscription  of 
1010  Saka  (A.D.  1088)  from  Lobu  Tuwa  in  Sumatra.  Again  we 
learn  from  a  thirteenth  century  inscription  at  Pagan110  that  a  native 
of  Cranganore  made  a  donation  in  favour  of  a  Vishnu  temple  which 
had  been  founded  by  the  ndnadesls  in  that  distant  city  of  Upper 
Burma.  An  important  aspect  of  the  activities  of  the  ndnadesls  is 
concerned  with  500  charters  ( vlrasdsancis )  which  they  are  repeatedly 
said111  to  have  acquired  for  themselves. 

Next  to  the  organisation  of  guilds  described  above,  we  may 
mention  that  of  capitalists’  and  labourers’  partnerships.  The  part¬ 
nership,  according  to  the  Smriti-chandrikd ,  is  of  six  classes,  con¬ 
cerned  with  trade,  agriculture,  crafts,  sacrifices,  singing  and  “theft” 
(“at  the  king’s  instigation  in  the  enemy’s  country”).  As  for  the 
rights  and  duties  of  the  partners  inter  se,  we  are  told  that  the  pro¬ 
fit  and  loss  as  well  as  the  expenditure  and  the  work  are  to  be  borne 
by  the  partners  according  to  the  special  agreement  thereanent. 
A  partner  is  to  make  good  to  all  the  other  partners  what  has  been 
lost  through  his  negligence,  when  he  has  acted  without  their 
authority  or  against  their  instructions.  On  the  other  hand,  if  a 
partner  saves  partnership-property  by  his  own  exertions  from 
thieves,  fire,  and  flood,  he  shall  get  one-tenth  of  the  property  thus 
saved  as  his  special  share.  Similar,  but  not  identical,  rules  are 
applicable  to  partnership  among  cultivators  and  artisans. 

The  Smriti-chandrikd  deals  with  the  relation  between  capital 
and  labour  most  systematically  and  thoroughly,  and  lays  down  in 


526 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 


great  detail  rules  about  wages,  compensation  and  liabilities — “the 
labour  laws”  as  they  may  be  called, — which  are  marked  by  equity 
and  justice. 

IV.  GENERAL  ECONOMIC  CONDITION  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

In  the  above  pages  we  have  furnished  sufficient  evidence  of  the 
developed  condition  of  agriculture,  industry  and  trade  in  India 
during  this  period.  From  this  it  is  not  unreasonable  to  infer  that 
a  high  level  of  economic  prosperity  prevailed  generally  among  the 
people  concerned  with  those  vocations.  It  is  indeed  quite  natural 
to  think  that  this  level  varied  not  only  in  different  parts  of  the  coun¬ 
try  but  also  among  the  different  strata  of  the  population.  But  in 
any  event,  the  indications  of  the  people’s  prosperity  which  have  been 
preserved  for  us  are  sufficiently  impressive.  The  opulence  of  the 
North-Indian  cities  and  the  exceptional  magnificence  of  their  temples 
in  the  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century  are  proved  by  the  accounts 
of  the  contemporary  Muslim  chroniclers,  referred  to  above.112 

If  these  accounts  help  us,  though  indirectly,  to  realise  the 
wealth  of  certain  geographical  regions  of  northern  India  in  the  first 
half  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.,  other  foreign  notices113  give  us 
glimpses  into  the  economic  prosperity,  by  means  of  trade 
and  commerce,  of  the  coastal  regions  of  Western  and  Southern 
India  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  Marco  Polo114  de¬ 
scribes  the  land  of  Ma‘bar  as  “the  best  of  all  the  Indies”  and  “the 
finest  and  noblest  province  of  the  world”.  The  immense  gifts  of 
gold  and  silver  as  well  as  jewellery  made  by  kings,  queens, 
princesses  and  others  to  the  temples,  such  as  are  recorded  repeated¬ 
ly  in  the  inscriptions  of  South  India  during  this  period,  testify  as 
much  to  the  affluence  as  to  the  piety  of  the  donors. 

The  above  account  refers  to  the  economic  condition  of  the 
people  before  the  Muslim  invasions  began  on  a  serious  scale.  The 
accounts  of  the  Muslim  chroniclers  give  vivid  descriptions  of  the 
wholesale  plunder  and  devastation  of  the  country,  as  well  as  mass¬ 
acre  and  enslavement  of  its  inhabitants  that  attended  its  conquest 
by  the  arms  of  Islam.  These  events  could  not  but  disrupt  complete¬ 
ly  the  economic  life  of  the  people  who  thus  came  under  the  foreign 
yoke. 


527 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


1.  ARSIE,  16  of  1917. 

2.  El,  XIII,  18  f. 

3.  ARSIE,  45  of  1910. 

4.  ARSIE,  521  of  1912. 

5.  Vaij,  125-28.  31-61;  Abh,  471-81;  235  f. 

6.  III.  1346-48,  1358. 

7.  Vaij ,  128.  62-63. 

8.  Vaij,  124.  17-18;  Abh,  375.4  f. 

9.  Vaij,  124.  19-20;  Abh,  375.  4f. 

10.  Vaij,  124.  22-23;  Abh,  375.45. 

11.  On  the  above,  see  Imperial  Gazetteer  of  India,  IX,  s.v.  Cauvery,  p.  306. 

12.  Apar.  on  Yaj,  I.  212. 

13.  Mdnasolldsa,  III.  1347. 

14.  KRT,  1.42. 

15.  Cf-  Nainar,  Arab  Geographers’  Knowledge  of  Southern  India,  Ch.  I,  s.v.  Sandan 
and  Saymur.  For  the  identification  of  the  above  geographical  names,  see  Ibid. 

16.  II.  389. 

17.  Nainar,  loc.  cit. 

18.  H.  115. 

19.  Nainar,  op.  cit.,  Ch.  I,  s.v. 

20.  Ferrand,  Relations  de  voyages  et  texts  geographiques,  340. 

21.  Nainar,  op.  cit.;  Ch.  I. 

22.  11.389. 

23.  Nainar,  op.  cit;  Ch.  I,  s.v.  For  the  identification  of  the  geographical  names, 
see  Ibid. 

24.  Vaij,  132.112. 

25.  Mdnasolldsa,  III.  989. 

26.  I.  42. 

27.  Marco  Polo,  II.  393- 

28.  II.  115. 

29.  Chau  Ju-Kua,  op.  cit.  92;  Marco  Polo,  II.  375,  393,  398. 

30.  Marco  Polo,  II.  395. 

31.  Yaqut  and  Qazwlni  in  Nainar,  op.  cit,  Ch.  IV,  s.v. 

32.  Op.  cit.,  96. 

33.  II.  395. 

34.  Ibid,  398. 

35.  Ibid,  393,  94. 

36.  Nainar,  op.  cit.,  Ch.  I.,  s.v. 

37.  Op.  cit.,  96. 

38.  II,  331-32. 

39.  Ill,  1017-20. 

40.  Op.  cit-,  92. 

41.  II,  398. 

42.  Op.  cit.,  93. 

43.  Op.  cit.,  88- 

44.  11,389. 

45:  Quoted  by  Abul  Fida  in  Nainar,  op.  cit.,  55-56. 

46.  Op.  cit.,  96. 

47.  II,  361. 

48.  II,  144-45. 

49.  On  the  above,  see  Panchanan  Niyogi,  Iron  in  Ancient  India,  21-30. 

50.  HI,  1146-47. 

51.  Ill,  1685-86,  1691. 

52.  See  above,  pp.  14,  19  ff.;  HIED,  II.  35. 

53.  Vaij,  44,  37-41;  Abh,  424-26,  129  f. 

54.  II.  403  f. 

55.  II.  360. 

56.  HIED,  III.  32. 

57.  11.370. 

58.  On  the  above,  see  Nainar,  op.  cit.,  s.v. 

59.  Quoted  in  Chau  Ju-Kua,  op.  cit.,  intr.,  24  and  91  n. 

60.  Op.  cit.,  89. 

61 .  Palornbang  in  Sumatra. 

62.  Op.  cit.,  88. 

63.  II.  390. 


528 


ECONOMIC  CONDITION 


64.  II.  376. 

65.  II.  386. 

66.  Eli,  the  Mt.  d’Eli  of  the  Portuguese  writers,  modern  Blimalai,  lay  in  the  terri¬ 
tory  of  the  kings  of  the  Southern  Mushaka  dynasty,  whose  capital  was  Kolam 
or  Pandalayani-Kollam  ( ARS1E ,  1929-30,  p.  86,  summarising  the  data  of  the 
recently  published  Sanskrit  work,  the  Mushikavaihsa) . 

67.  II.  398. 

68.  II.  393. 

69.  On  IdrlsTs  geographical  notices  with  their  identifications,  see  Nainar,  op.  cit. 

ch.  I,  s.v.  * 

70.  El,  VII.  197-8. 

71.  R.  H.  Major,  India  in  the  Fijteenth  Century,  intr.  xlv-1. 

72.  I.  107. 

73.  Ibid,  II.  450. 

74.  11.412. 

75.  II.  234. 

76.  132.111. 

77.  II.  442,  445. 

78.  Ibid,  390. 

79  .  Ibid,  272,  284. 

80.  Ibid,  395,  398. 

81.  Ibid,  390. 

82.  Ibid,  284. 

83.  42.21. 

84.  43.25-33. 

85.  11.390. 

86.  Ibid,  24, 132,  152,  157,  176,  181. 

87.  III.  1019. 

88.  III.  1018. 

89.  Vaij,  111-12.  94-96;  Abh,  499.  300;  Mdnasolldsa ,  IV.  669-75. 

89a.  Chau  Ju-Kua,  op.  cit.  91  n;  Marco  Polo,  1.83;  11.340,  370,  395,  438,  444,  450. 

90.  HIED,  II.  33-34. 

91.  Estimated  by  Yule  at  550  “Western  dinaras ”  or  saggi  of  Marco  Polo,  II.  349  n. 

92.  II.  340. 

93  I  83 

94.  Estimated  by  Yule  to  be  £  193. 

95.  11.340,345,450. 

96.  R.  H.  Major,  loc.  cit. 

97.  I.  107. 

98.  Op.  cit.,  92. 

99.  See  pp.  517  ff. 

100.  Vij.  and  Apar.  on  Yd j,  II.  185-192;  SC,  III.  520-33. 

101.  Cf.  El,  XVIII.  190  f,  XIX.  21  f.  for  the  reigns  of  the  Western  Chalukyas  of 
Vatapi  and  the  Yadavas  of  Devagiri  respectively. 

102.  ARSIE,  201  of  1905,  161  of  1907,  182  of  1926,  196  of  1928,  15  and  16  of  1935-36,  35 
and  77  of  1936-37. 

103.  Vol.  IV,  p.  405. 

104.  MAR,  1930,  No.  53. 

105.  Vol.  IV,  p.  405;  K.A.N.  Sastri,  Colas,  II.  1.419. 

106.  EC,  VII,  SK.  118. 

107.  ARSIE,  256  of  1912. 

108.  ARSIE,  342  of  1912. 

109.  K.A.N.  Sastri’s  tr., op. cit.,  421. 

110.  El,  VII,  197-98. 

111.  EC,  IV,  Hg.  No.  17;  VII,  SK.No.  118;  ARSIE,  256  of  1912. 

112.  See  pp.  19  f. 

113.  See  above,  pp.  516  ff. 

114. 11.331. 


529 


S.E. — 34 


CHAPTER  XX 

ART* 

1.  ARCHITECTURE 

1.  Formation  of  the  Traditional  Temple  Styles 

The  Indian  Silpasdstras 1  recognise  three  main  styles  of  tem¬ 
ples,  known  as  the  Ndgara,  the  Dravida  and  the  Vesara.  The  des¬ 
criptions  given  of  them  are,  however,  vague  and  inadequate,  and 
it  is  not  possible  at  the  present  stage  of  our  knowledge  to  equate 
the  descriptions  of  the  texts  with  any  of  the  extant  examples  of 
Indian  temple  architecture.  The  term  Dravida  indicates  that  the 
names  were  primarily  geographical.  Various  texts  also  contain  pas¬ 
sages  mentioning  the  respective  regions  in  which  the  different 
styles  were  current,  though  some  of  the  texts  maintain  that  all  the 
styles  may  be  found  in  all  the  regions.2  All  the  available  texts  are 
agreed  on  the  point  that  the  Ndgara  style  was  prevalent  in  the  re¬ 
gion  between  the  Himalayas  and  the  Vindhyas.3  The  Dravida 
country  is  well  known,  and  the  texts  rightly  confine  the  Dravida. i 
style  to  that  part  of  the  country  lying  between  the  river  Krishna 
and  cape  KanyakumarL4  As  will  be  shown  later,  the  temples 
erected  in  these  two  regions  in  the  mediaeval  period  are  sharply 
distinguished  from  each  other,  both  as  regards  ground  plan  and 
elevation.  The  Ndgara  and  Dravida  styles  can  thus  be  explained 
with  reference  to  Northern  India  and  the  Dravida  country  respec¬ 
tively,  and  the  characteristic  form  and  features  of  each  easily  deter¬ 
mined.  The  term  Vesara,  however,  is  not  free  from  vagueness. 
Some  of  the  texts  ascribe  the  Vesara  style  to  the  country  between 
the  Vindhyas  and  the  river  Krishna.5  In  this  region,  or  more 
properly  in  the  region  for  some  time  under  the  royal  dynasty  of 
the  Chalukyas,  a  separate  style  of  temple  architecture  may  be 
recognised — -a  style  known  to  the  archaeologists  as  the  “Chalukyan”. 
This  style,  however,  is  a  hybrid  one,  borrowing  elements  and  fea¬ 
tures  both  from  the  Ndgara  and  the  Dravida  styles,  and  does  not  be¬ 
come  clearly  distinguished  before  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  Thus, 
having  regard  to  the  evidence  of  monuments,  the  three  styles  of 
the  Silpa  texts  can  be  resolved  ultimately  into  two,  viz.  the  Ndgara 
and  the  Dravida. 

The  Silpa  texts,  as  observed  above,  are  of  very  little  help  to 
us  in  forming  an  idea  of  the  characteristic  form  and  features  of 
these  three  styles.  They  are  always  distinguished  in  the  texts  by 

r*1*"  ■  —  11  '  .  _  .  -  .  — ,  ■■■-  — — 

*  The  words  “Text  Figure”  in  this  chapter  indicate  diagrams  appearing  at  the 
end  of  the  chapter. 


530 


ART 


their  shapes.  As  for  example,  all  the  texts  lay  down  that  a  Ndgara 
temple  is  quadrangular  all  over,6  i.e.  from  the  base  to  the  stupiJ 
But  this  feature  of  the  plan  is  so  very  general  and  common  that  it 
is  difficult  to  consider  it  as  a  sure  and  distinctive  cognisance  of  a 
particular  style  of  temple.  The  octagonal  and  circular  shapes, 
respectively,  of  the  Dravidci  and  the  Vesara  styles  are  also  too  in¬ 
adequate  to  be  regarded  as  sure  and  distinguishing  marks  for  the 
styles  concerned.  Under  the  circumstances,  one  has  to  depend  on 
the  evidence  of  extant  monuments  for  a  knowledge  of  the  parti¬ 
cular  form  and  features  of  any  one  of  the  styles  mentioned  in  the 
Silpasastras. 

A  study  of  the  temples  of  Northern  India  reveals  two  distinct 
features — one  in  planning  and  the  other  in  elevation.  In  plan  the 
temple  is  always  a  square  with  a  number  of  graduated  projections 
in  the  middle  of  each  side.  These  projections  give  it  a  cruciform 
shape  with  a  number  of  re-entrant  angles  on  each  side.  In  elevation 
it  exhibits  a  tower  {sikhara) ,  gradually  inclining  inwards  in  a  convex 
curve.  The  projections  in  the  plan  are  also  carried  upwards  to  the 
top  of  the  sikhara,  and  thus  there  is  a  strong  emphasis  on  vertical 
lines  in  elevation.  On  account  of  this  and  the  prominence  of  the 
vigorous  and  unbroken  outline  of  the  tower,  it  is  also  known  as  the 
rekha  sikhara.  Widely  distributed  over  a  greater  part  of  India, 
the  Ndgara  style,  as  could  be  expected,  exhibits  distinct  varieties 
and  ramifications  in  different  localities,  conditioned  by  the  diffe¬ 
rent  lines  of  evolution  and  elaboration  that  each  locality  chose  for 
itself.  The  cruciform  plan  and  the  curvilinear  tower  are,  however, 
common  to  every  mediaeval  temple  of  Northern  India,  wherever  it  is 
situated  and  whatever  its  local  stamp  might  be.  In  spite  of  elabora¬ 
tions  and  modifications  in  different  localities,  these  two  fundamental 
features  are  always  present  in  a  North  Indian  temple,  and  may  be 
considered  as  distinctive  characteristics  of  the  Ndgara  style  of 
temple  architecture.  Each  of  the  projections  on  each  face  of  the 
square  plan  leaves  out  a  small  portion  at  either  corner,  and  thus 
are  formed  a  number  of  projecting  angles  ( asras )  and  facets  (known 
as  rathakas  in  Sanskrit  and  rathas  in  the  canonical  texts  of  Orissa). 
In  this  connection  it  should  be  observed  that  some  of  the  texts 
describe  a  Ndgara  temple  both  as  chaturasra  (quadrangular)  and  as 
dyatdsra.8  The  latter  term  has  been  interpreted  as  rectangular.9 
It  appears,  however,  that  chaturasr dyatdsra  of  the  texts  should 
better  be  taken  to  mean  “square  with  angles  projected”  (dyatdsra, 
i.e.  asras  or  angles  made  ayata  or  projected).  This  sense  finds  con¬ 
firmation  in  the  plan  of  the  Ndgara  temples  which,  on  account  of 
the  projections  on  each  face,  may  appropriately  be  described  as  a 
square  with  projecting  angles  (chaturasr dyatdsra). 


531 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


The  fundamental  characteristics  of  a  Ndgara  temple  are,  as 
noted  above,  the  cruciform  plan  and  the  curvilinear  sikhara;  and 
the  simplest  archetype  of  this  style  may  be  found  in  a  group  of 
shrines  that  were  in  existence  in  the  sixth  century  A.D.  The  most 
representative  examples  of  the  group  are  the  Dasavatara  temple  at 
Deogarh  (Uttar  Pradesh)  and  the  brick  temple  at  Bhitargaon  (Uttar 
Pradesh).  Though  belonging  to  the  later  phase  of  the  Gupta 
period,  they  present  a  distinct  deviation  from  the  archaic  Gupta  type 
of  flat-roofed  shrines  in  having  each  a  low  and  stunted  sikhara, 
gradually  diminishing  towards  the  top,  over  the  square  sanctum. 
They  may  thus  be  classed  with  the  later  Northern  Indian  sikhara 
temples,  of  which  they  are  surely  the  precursors.  The  Dasavatara 
temple  presents  again  a  novel  feature,  apart  from  the  sikhara,  in 
the  arrangement  of  three  sculptured  niches  on  the  three  walls, 
each  as  a  panel  framed  by  two  pilasters  on  either  side.  These 
niches,  along  with  the  projection  of  the  door-frame  in  the  front 
wall,  appear  to  set  off  the  wall  in  the  middle  of  each  face.  Such 
an  arrangement  may  be  regarded  as  the  beginning  of  a  device  that 
subsequently  developed  into  the  practice  of  setting  forward  the 
middle  of  each  side  of  the  square,  characteristic  of  the  ground  plan 
of  the  Ndgara  temple  of  later  days.  One  such  projection  may  al¬ 
ready  be  recognised  in  the  brick  temple  at  Bhitargaon  and  also 
in  the  Mahadeva  temple  at  Nachna  Kuthara,  the  latter  being  slight¬ 
ly  later  in  date  (c.  seventh  century  A.D.)  than  the  Deogarh  and  the 
Bhitargaon  temples.  The  sikharas  of  the  two  early  monuments 
are  badly  damaged.  The  Deogarh  tower  probably  shows  the  use 
of  corner  dmalakas ,  which  further  indicate  a  fairly  big-sized  ama- 
laka  as  the  crowning  member  of  the  sikhara — also  an  inseparable 
component  of  the  Ndgara  temple.  The  projections  on  the  body  of 
the  sanctum,  whether  by  sculptured  niches  or  by  regular  but¬ 
tresses,  have  been  carried  up  the  body  of  the  tower  in  each  of  the 
above  two  examples.  These  features  constitute  two  other  essen¬ 
tial  elements  of  a  Ndgara  temple,  and  the  recessed  frieze  separating 
the  walls  of  the  sanctum  cella  from  those  of  the  tower  may  also  be 
found  in  the  early  temples  of  the  Ndgara  style.  The  graceful  and 
well-preserved  Mahadeva  temple  at  Nachna  Kuthara  exhibits  a 
slight  convex  curvature  of  the  sikhara  as  it  goes  up,  and  offers  the 
nearest  approach  to  a  temple  of  the  Ndgara  style  in  all  its  character¬ 
istic  elements.  The  brick  temple  of  Lakshmana  at  Sirpur  (Madhya 
Pradesh),  contemporary  to,  or  only  slightly  later  than,  the  Nachna 
Kuthara  monument,  also  exhibits  a  form  of  the  tower  which  is  not 
far  removed  from  that  of  a  Ndgara  temple.  With  its  origins  and 
antecedents  in  the  Gupta  period93  the  Ndgara  style  emerges  in  its 
typical  form  and  characteristics  by  the  eighth  century  A.D. 


532 


ART 


The  Dravida  style  was  current  in  the  south,10  evidently  in  the 
Dravida  country,11  roughly  the  country  between  the  river  Krishna 
and  Kanyakumari1 2  (Cape  Comorin).  The  texts  merely  lay  down 
that  a  Dravida  prdsada  should  be  octagonal  (some  say  hexagonal) 
from  the  neck  to  the  top,13  or,  as  one  or  two  texts  would  enjoin, 
from  the  base  to  the  top.14  But  such  descriptions  are  too  vague 
and  hardly  fit  the  facts.16 

The  outstanding  and  common  characteristic  of  the  temples  of 
the  Dravida  country  is  the  pyramidal  elevation  of  the  tower  ( vimana ,) 
which  consists  of  a  multiplication  of  storey  after  storey,  each  a  replica 
of  the  sanctum  cella  and  slightly  reduced  in  extent  than  the  one 
below,  ending  in  a  domical  member,  technically  known  as  the  stupi 
or  stupika,  as  the  crowning  element.  This  storeyed  arrangement 
of  the  tower  in  gradually  receding  stages  may,  therefore,  be  regard¬ 
ed  as  a  distinct  individuality  of  the  Dravida  style  of  temple,  though 
in  later  phases  of  its  history  the  stages  become  more  and  more  com¬ 
pressed,  so  much  so  that  they  are  almost  hidden  under  a  profusion 
of  details  which  become  characteristic  of  the  subsequent  evolution 
of  the  style.  In  plan  the  Dravida  temple  presents  an  inner  square 
chamber  as  the  sanctum  cella  within  a  bigger  square  enclosure, 
covered  and  roofed  over,  serving  as  the  pradakshina  (circumam- 
bulatory  passage).  The  division  of  the  external  walls  into  niches 
by  pilasters  is  also  a  characteristic  element  of  South  Indian  temples. 
The  convex  roll  cornice,  with  chaitya- window  motifs,  demarcating 
each  of  the  stages,  and  the  little  pavilions  around  the  upper  storeys 
may  also  be  regarded  as  peculiar  features  of  the  style.  The  pillar¬ 
ed  halls  and  corridors  and  the  immense  gopurams  (gateways)  are 
invariably  associated  with  temples  that  are  considerably  late,  and 
may  be  left  out  of  the  present  discussion. 

Many  of  the  distinctive  elements  of  what  came  to  be  known 
as  the  Dravida  temple  style  may  be  found  in  the  second  group  of 
Gupta  temples,  mentioned  above,163  which  exhibits  a  building 
consisting  of  an  inner  sanctum  with  a  covered  pradakshina  forming 
a  bigger  square  around.  The  roof  is  flat,  and  in  several  examples 
(the  Par  vat!  temple  at  Nachna  Kuthara,  the  Lad  Khan,  the  Kont 
Gudi  and  the  Meguti  temples  at  Aihole,  etc.)  we  find  an  upper 
storey,  which  being  placed  above  the  inner  sanctum  cella  is  neces¬ 
sarily  set  back.  These  storeyed  structures  are  in  some  respects 
analogous  to  the  storeyed  pavilions,  shown  in  relief,  on  the  Audum- 
bara  coins  from  the  Kangra  valley  of  about  the  first  century  A.D.ie 
Structurally,  however,  such  temples  cannot  be  dated  earlier  than 
the  fourth  century  A.D.,  and  in  the  early  structural  buildings  we 
find  just  the  rudiments  of  accumulating  storey  after  storey,  in  gra¬ 
dually  reduced  stages,  that  form  the  nucleus  of  the  Dravida  style  of 


533 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


vimana.  The  plan  of  the  inner  sanctum  with  a  cloistered  gallery 
around  is  a  special  characteristic  common  to  this  type  of  Gupta 
temples  and  a  temple  of  the  Drdvida  style.  Again,  the  scheme  of 
the  division  of  the  walls  of  the  Drdvida  temple  by  pilasters  and 
niches  may  have  its  origin  in  the  peculiar  device  of  enclosing  the 
pradakshina  square  with  thin  slabs  of  stone  socketted  to  pilasters 
placed  at  intervals,  as  we  have  in  the  Lad  Khan  at  Aihole.  In  the 
Jain  temple  of  Meguti  such  a  decorative  scheme  of  the  exterior 
walls  becomes  clearly  established.  The  Lad  Khan  as  well  as  the 
Meguti  further  show  the  use  of  the  roll  cornice  carved  with  well¬ 
shaped  chaitya  arches — an  essential  motif  that  came  to  be  regard¬ 
ed  as  a  distinguishing  mark  of  the  Drdvida  style  of  temples.  Al¬ 
ready,  then,  in  the  Gupta  period  the  distinctive  characteristics  of 
what  came  to  be  subsequently  known  as  the  Drdvida  temple  style 
may  be  recognised  in  a  well-defined  group  or  type  of  temples.  All 
the  early  examples  of  the  type,  however,  are  found  outside  the 
limits  of  the  Dravida  country,  and  the  association  of  the  type  with 
that  country  is  an  event  that  is  still  to  come.  But  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  the  Drdvida  temple  is  an  adaptation  of  the  earlier  storey¬ 
ed  form  of  the  Gupta  temple,  enriched  further  by  the  addition  of 
new  elements  in  the  matter  of  details,  which  may  be  said  to  be  of 
local  origin. 

It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  regional  defini¬ 
tion  of  the  two  styles  comes  later,  and  is  not  clear  as  yet.  The 
archetypes  of  what  came  to  be  known  as  the  Drdvida  style  had 
originally  nothing  to  do  with  the  Dravida  country,  and  appear  first 
in  the  Deccan  and  Central  India,  occasionally  also  in  Northern 
India.  Even  in  the  seventh  century  A.D.  the  sikhara,  archetype  of 
the  Ndgara  style,  and  the  storeyed  forms  occur  side  by  side  at 
Aihole,  Pattadakal,  and  Badami.  The  geographical  delimitation  of 
the  two  styles  is  thus  yet  to  come. 

2.  Ndgara  Style 

The  Ndgara  style  of  temple  architecture  had  a  long  and  varied 
history.  Temples,  with  distinctive  characteristics  of  the  style  as 
mentioned  above,  are  found  to  be  widely  distributed  over  the 
greater  part  of  India.  According  to  the  Silpasastras  the  geographi¬ 
cal  extent  of  the  Ndgara  style  coincided  with  Northern  India, 
i.e.  the  region  between  the  Himalayas  and  the  Vindhyas,  and  Fer- 
gusson’s  nomenclature,  the  Aryavarta  style,  is  nearly  approximate 
in  this  connection.  Actually,  however,  the  style  transcends  the 
canonical  limit  far  to  the  south,  and  temples  belonging  to  the  style 
may  be  seen  from  the  Himalayas  in  the  north  to  the  Bijapur  District 


534 


ART 


in  the  south,  from  the  Punjab  in  the  west  to  Bengal  in  the  east. 
With  such  a  vast  geographical  extent  it  is  natural  that  there  are 
local  variations  and  ramifications  in  the  formal  development  of  the 
style  in  the  different  regions,  although  such  local  developments  do 
not  alter  materially  its  basic  characteristics.  Such  variations  are 
caused  by  local  conditions,  by  different  directions  in  development, 
as  well  as  by  assimilation  of  extraneous  trends  wherever  these 
made  themselves  felt.  On  account  of  such  wide  distribution  and 
varied  developments,  a  consecutive  historical  treatment  of  the  style 
is  not  possible,  except  on  a  regional  basis.  The  different  phases  of 
the  N cigar  a  style  will,  therefore,  be  dealt  with  geographically. 

A.  Orissa 

Of  all  the  regional  developments  of  the  Ndgara  style  that  of 
Orissa  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable.  From  the  seventh  to  the 
thirteenth  century  A.D.  innumerable  temples  were  erected  in  Orissa, 
and  it  has  been  truly  observed  that  “there  are  perhaps  more  tem¬ 
ples  now  in  Orissa  than  in  all  the  rest  of  Hindustan  put  together”. 
The  activity  centred  round  the  sacred  city  of  Bhuvanesvara 
(Bhuvaneswar),  a  temple  town  which  alone  contains  hundreds  of 
temples,  large  and  small,  in  various  stages  of  preservation.  Along 
the  coast  the  movement  extends  in  the  north-east  and  south-west, 
roughly  covering  the  area  of  the  modern  State  of  Orissa.  Circum¬ 
scribed  within  this  area,  these  temples  form,  to  quote  Fergusson, 
“one  of  the  most  compact  and  homogeneous  architectural  groups  in 
India”.17  This  prolific  and  sustained  architectural  activity  was 
due  in  a  large  measure  to  the  patronage  of  the  different  dynasties 
of  kings,  and  the  preservation  of  so  many  fine  examples,  to  the  com¬ 
parative  immunity  of  the  country  from  Muslim  inroads  till  a  late 
period.  The  result  is  that  there  is  more  or  less  a  continuous  series 
of  monuments  which  enables  us  to  trace  the  history  of  this  local 
development  of  the  Ndgara  style  with  a  certain  amount  of  exact¬ 
ness  and  precision.  One  other  singular  fact  is  that  the  Orissan 
temples,  in  spite  of  an  unbroken  history  of  several  centuries, 
remain  nearest  to  the  original  archetype,  while  other  regional 
manifestations  of  the  Ndgara  style  indicate  great  modifications  and 
transformations  in  course  of  evolution.  As  such,  the  Orissan  group 
may  be  said  to  represent,  to  some  extent,  a  pure  form  of  the  origi¬ 
nal  Ndgara  style.  Its  graceful  proportions,  solemn  and  unbroken 
outline,  and  elegant  design  and  decorative  scheme  enhance  the 
beauty  of  the  original  archetype,  but  without  any  loss  of  balance, 
strength,  or  stability.  Not  only  historically,  but  architectonically 
too,  it  is  the  most  interesting  and  instructive  series  of  all  the  temple 


535 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


forms  of  the  Nagara  style,  and  it  is  only  natural  and  logical  that  a 
study  of  the  development  of  the  style  should  begin  with  Orissa. 

The  earliest  temple  in  Orissa,  like  the  older  type  of  the  Gupta 
period,  is  a  single  building  consisting  of  a  square  sanctum,  topped 
by  a  curvilinear  tower,  with  one  buttress-like  projection  in  the 
middle  of  each  face.  The  typical  Orissan  temple,  however,  has, 
in  addition,  the  porch  hall  in  front  distinguished  by  a  pyramidal  roof 
(known  locally  as  mukha-mandapa  or  jagamohana).  In  the  early 
temples  the  porch  hall  appears  to  have  been  absent.  In  the  Parasu- 
ramesvara  temple  at  Bhuvanesvara  (Fig.  3)  there  is  a  rectangular 
porch  hall  roofed  over  by  two  sloping  tiers  forming  a  clerestory; 
but  this  porch,  too,  appears  to  have  been  a  later  addition.  In  sub¬ 
sequent  examples,  however,  the  porch  hall  became  a  necessary 
concomitant  of  the  Orissan  temples.  The  sanctum  with  the  curvi-. 
linear  tower  is  known  as  the  rekha  deul,  whereas  the  jagamohana : 
with  the  pyramidal  roof  is  called  the  bhadra  or  pidha  deul.  Each  of 
these  two  components  offers  a  counterplay  in  the  design  of  the 
other. 

Orissa  had  its  own  canons  of  architecture, — a  set  of  literature 
which  has  been  edited  by  a  competent  scholar  who  made  a  thorough 
study  of  it  with  the  help  of  local  craftsmen,  supplementing  it  by 
personal  field  observations.18  As  a  result  of  the  study  of  the 
canons  the  building  art  in  Orissa  is  found  to  have  a  separate  and  dis¬ 
tinct  nomenclature  of  its  own.  Each  part  and  each  section  of  the 
building  had  its  particular  name,  and  those  describing  the  essential 
members  may,  with  a  certain  amount  of  appropriateness,  be  used 
with  reference  to  the  other  temple  groups  of  the  Nagara  style. 

The  sanctum  and  the  jagamohana  in  Orissa  may  each  be  divided 
along  the  vertical  axis  into  four  distinct  sections,  namely  the 
pishta  (pedestal  or  the  platform  on  which  the  temple  stands),  the 
bada  (the  cube  of  the  sanctum  cella  or  of  the  porch  hall),  the  gandi 
(or  the  sikhara,  the  tower),  and  the  mastaka  (or  the  crowning  ele¬ 
ments).  The  pishta  does  not  appear  to  have  been  an  essential  ele¬ 
ment,  as  there  are  important  examples  where  it  has  been  found  to 
be  absent.  The  bada  rises  perpendicularly  straight  up  to  a  certain 
height  and,  in  case  of  the  rekha  deul ,  merges  into  the  gandi 
or  the  sikhara ,  which  gradually  inclines  inwards  in  a  convex  curve. 
Usually  there  is  a  section,  known  as  the  baranda,  demarcating  the 
bada  from  the  gandi.  The  gandi  of  the  rekha  is  further  subdivid¬ 
ed  into  a  number  of  sections,  literally  known  as  the  bhumis  or 
planes,  by  ribbed  elements  at  the  corners.  This  ribbed  element 
no  doubt  represents  a  sectional  amid,  known  as  bhumi-amla  for 
demarcating  the  bhumis,  and  a  substitute,  in  the  body  of  the  gandi, 


536 


ART 


of  the  enormous  spheroid  stone,  amcilaka-sila,  that  caps  the  tower. 
In  the  bhadra  deul  the  gandi  is  composed  of  a  number  of  pidhas  or 
horizontal  platforms,  compressed  in  height  and  piled  up  in  the  form 
of  a  pyramid,  so  that  they  decrease  in  size  from  the  bottom  upwards. 
The  pidhds  may  be  arranged  in  two  or  more  sections  ( potala ). 
From  the  top  of  the  gandi  in  either  case  (rekha  and  bhadra),  rise 
the  different  crowning  elements,  which  may  be  collectively  termed 
as  the  mastaka.  First,  there  is  a  recessed  portion  known  as  the 
beki  or  the  neck  ( Sanskrit-Zcantha) ;  above  this  is  the  amid  (San¬ 
skrit  dmalaka-sild  or  amalasdraka) ,  which  is  a  flattened  spheroid 
ribbed  at  the  edges.  In  the  full-fledged  bhadra  deul  an  enormous 
member,  shaped  like  a  bell  and  sometimes  ribbed  at  the  edges, 
intervenec  between  the  beki  and  the  amid.  Next  to  the  amid 
there  is  the  khapuri  (literally  the  skull  of  the  head),  which  is  a  flat 
domical  member  resembling  an  unfolded  umbrella.  Above  it  is 
placed  the  kalasa  or  water  jar,  an  important  auspicious  object  in 
Indian  religion  and  ritual.  The  bdda  as  well  as  the  gandi  is  square 
in  cross  section  all  through,  but  the  crowning  elements  are  circular, 
and  above  them  all  appears  the  dhvaja  or  ayudha,  i.e.  the  emblem 
of  the  particular  deity  to  whom  the  temple  is  consecrated. 

In  plan  the  sanctum  as  well  as  the  j agamohana  is  plainly 
square  inside,  but  on  the  exterior  the  walls  exhibit  several  buttress- 
like  projections  in  the  middle  of  each  face,  on  account  of  which  the 
ground  plan  assumes  what  may  be  called  a  cruciform  shape.  Each 
such  projection  leaves  out  a  portion  at  both  the  ends,  and  hence  the 
plan  is  also  one  of  projecting  and  re-entrant  angles.  Where  there  is 
only  one  such  projection  in  the  middle  of  each  face,  the  wall  is 
divided  into  three  vertical  sections  (literally  known  as  rathas  or 
rathakas) ,  and  such  a  plan  is  hence  known  as  triratha  or  composed 
of  three  rathas ,  the  two  on  either  side  being  on  the  same  plane  and 
the  other  being  set  forward  a  little.  In  a  similar  way  there  are 
pancharatha,  saptaratha  and  navaratha  plans,  according  as  there  are 
two,  three,  or  four  such  projections  on  each  face  of  the  cube  of  the 
bdda.  The  projections  on  the  bdda  run  along  the  entire  height  of 
the  gandi,  and  the  corresponding  sections  on  the  body  of  the  latter 
are  known  as  the  pagas .  Usually  there  runs  a  narrow  depression 
between  the  vertical  sections,  thus  demarcating  and  accentuating  the 
projections  still  more. 

The  description  given  above  is  more  or  less  true  of  every  tem¬ 
ple  of  Orissa,  early  or  late.  The  tendency  in  evolution  is  towards 
a  greater  elaboration,  minuter  details,  and  a  pronounced  accentua¬ 
tion  of  height.  The  oldest  specimens  of  the  extant  temples  in  Orissa 
exhibit  each  a  triratha  plan,  and  the  bdda  is  subdivided  into  three 


537 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


segments,  placed  one  above  the  other  long  the  vertical  axis,  namely, 
the  pdbhtiga  (from  pdda-bhdga,  the  portion  of  the  foot,  i.e  the 
plinth),  the  jangha  (shin,  i.e.  the  perpendicular  wall  portion)  and 
the  baranda,  i.e.  the  section  that  intervenes  between  the  bada  and 
the  gaydi.  Several  temples  of  this  shape  and  form  may  still  be 
found  in  Orissa. 

The  Parasuramesvara  temple  at  Bhuvanesvara  is  usually  re¬ 
garded  as  the  oldest  among  the  temples  of  Orissa.  Mr.  Manomohan 
Ganguli  observes  that  it  is  probably  ‘‘dated  in  the  5th  or  6th 
century  A.D.  at  the  latest”.19  This  date  is  palpably  wrong,  and 
on  the  basis  of  a  palaeographical  analysis  of  the  inscriptions  on  the 
Navagraha  lintel  over  the  doorway  of  the  sanctum  the  late  Mr.  R. 
D.  Banerji  placed  the  temple  in  the  eighth  century  A.D.,20  a  date 
that  seems  very  probable  from  the  stylistic  considerations  of  the 
temple  and  its  sculptures.  Recently  another  scholar  has  tried  to 
place  the  temple  about  the  seventh  century  A.D.  on  the  same  palaeo¬ 
graphical  grounds.21  The  story  of  Orissan  temples,  however,  goes 
further  back  and  examples  of  a  still  earlier  date  may  be  found  at 
Bhuvanesvara  in  the  Satrughnesvara  group  of  temples  (Fig.  1),  just 
in  front  of  the  Ramesvara.  Though  extremely  damaged,  a  straight- 
edged  contour  of  the  sikhara  may  be  recognised  in  each  case,  and  this, 
together  with  a  general  appearance  of  bareness  and  simplicity,  indi¬ 
cates  an  earlier  date  for  these  temples,  perhaps  not  far  removed 
from  that  of  the  Dasavatara  temple  at  Deogarh.  Stylistically, 
again,  the  tiny  shrine,  once  standing  by  the  side  of  the  Vindusaro- 
vara  tank  (Fig.  2),  appears  to  have  been  slightly  older  than  the  Para¬ 
suramesvara,  though  the  two  temples  are  so  very  alike  that  it  is  very 
difficult  to  come  to  any  definite  conclusion  on  this  point.  The  style 
of  the  carvings  of  this  little  temple,  now  lost,  belongs  very  probably 
to  an  earlier  date,  and  on  this  account  an  earlier  date  for  the  temple 
may  very  plausibly  be  postulated. 

The  small  but  exquisitely  decorated  Parasuramesvara  temple 
(Fig.  3)  may,  however,  be  regarded  as  a  representative  specimen 
among  the  early  Orissan  temples,  and  from  it  should  properly  begin 
the  story  of  the  development  of  Orissan  temple  architecture.  The 
sanctum  is  triratlna  in  plan,  but  on  each  face  there  are  two  subsidiary 
niches  on  either  side  of  the  central  niche  accommodated  in  the  but¬ 
tress  projection  in  the  middle.  This  mode  may  just  be  an  anticipa¬ 
tion  of  the  subsequent  pahcharatha  plan.  The  pdbhdga  or  the 
plinth  consists  of  three  simple  mouldings.  The  jangha  is  occupied 
by  three  niches  on  each  face,  each  capped  by  a  tiered  superstruc¬ 
ture.  The  baranda  or  the  section  demarcating  the  bdda 
from  the  gaydi ,  consists  of  a  narrow  recessed  frieze  of  couples  of 


538 


ART 


human  figures  alternating  with  chess-board  patterned  panels. 
The  gandi  is  low  and  stunted,  and  begins  to  curve  inward  from 
the  very  bottom,  thus  resulting  in  a  gradual  curvilinear  outline.  The 
projection  of  the  central  niche  is  carried  up  and  forms  the  rahd-paga 
(i.e.  the  central  paga),  while  two  intermediate  pagas  ( anurahd - 
pagas)  are  formed  on  either  side  as  a  result  of  the  continuation, 
though  not  in  the  same  alignment,  of  the  projections  of  the  subsi¬ 
diary  niches  on  the  two  sides.  At  the  outermost  or  the  corner 
pagas  ( konaka-pagas )  the  gandi  is  divided  into  five  planes  or  stages, 
literally  bhiimis,  by  bhumi-amlas.  Above  the  fifth  bhumi  there  is 
a  flat  tier,  known  as  the  bisama,  also  called  the  vedi  or  altar.  The 
gandi  is  throughout  square  in  cross  section,  and  the  sharp  edges  at 
the  corners  as  well  as  those  of  the  ratha-paga  projections  are  rigid¬ 
ly  maintained.  On  account  of  the  gradual  inward  inclination,  the 
gandi  or  the  tower  ends  with  the  vedi  in  a  much  smaller  square,  and 
next  begins  the  circular  section  of  the  crowning  elements,  the 
enormous  amalaka-sild  having  an  appearance  of  being  supported  at 
each  of  the  four  corners  on  the  figure  of  a  seated  lion  with  two 
hinder  parts,  technically  known  in  Orissa  as  the  dopichha  simha. 
Nothing  now  remains  above  the  dmalaka,  but  it  is  possible  that  it 
was  topped  by  a  prism-shaped  object,  which  is  the  usual  finial  in 
the  early  examples  of  the  Orissan  group.  The  height  of  the 
temple  is  approximately  three  times  the  inside  length  of  the  garbha- 
griha  or  the  sanctum,  and  in  form  and  appearance,  in  plan  and  ele¬ 
vation,  it  has  but  very  little  difference  with  the  earlier  examples  of 
the  sikhara  type  noticed  elsewhere.  Another  significant  fact  is 
that  the  bisama,  i.e.  the  tier  at  which  the  gandi  ends  at  the  top,  in 
conformity  with  the  early  sikhara  temples,  is  square  without  the 
indentations  of  the  paga  projections  on  the  body  of  the  gandi. 

The  long  and  rectangular  jagamohana,  preceding  the  sanctum, 
was  very  probably  a  subsequent  addition,  and  the  joining  between 
the  two  is  a  rather  haphazard  piece  of  work.  The  rectangular  hall 
is  topped  by  a  sloping  roof  formed  by  flat  stone  slabs  having  in 
the  centre  a  sort  of  clerestory  supported  on  two  rows  of  three 
pillars  each  in  the  interior.  The  Orissan  temple  is  essentially 
astylar  and  the  pillars  have  seldom  a  place  in  the  composition  of 
the  Orissan  temples.  The  pillars  in  the  jagamohana  accordingly  dis¬ 
appear  along  with  the  evolution  of  the  usual  type  of  pyramidal 
jagamohana  characteristic  of  Orissa.  The  porch  hall  is  approached 
by  three  doorways,  one  each  on  the  larger  sides  and  the  third  in 
front,  the  last  being  subsequently  closed  up  by  a  sculptured  slab 
forming  a  grilled  window.  Besides,  light  is  admitted  into  the  interior 
of  the  hall  by  means  of  a  latticed  window  of  a  chess-board  pattern 
in  one  of  the  longer  walls.  The  sculptured  decorations  of  both  the 


539 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


jagamohana  and  the  garbha-griha  are  in  elegant  taste  and,  though 
widely  separated  in  time,  the  Gupta  flavour  is  not  yet  exinct. 

The  temple  is  not  large,  the  garbha-griha  being  only  20  feet  at  its 
base,  the  entire  length  with  the  jagamohana ,  48  feet,  and  the  height 
of  the  sikhara  from  the  base  to  the  top,  only  44  feet.  The  method  of 
construction  is  extremely  simple,  with  stone  masonry  of  large  size 
set  without  mortar  and  kept  in  position  by  their  weight  and  balance, 
strengthened  further  by  a  system  of  interlocking  flanges.  Simple 
though  its  construction  is,  the  methods  employed  in  this  small  shrine 
remained  in  vogue  in  Orissa,  and  were  followed  in  the  subsequent 
period  even  in  raising  up  such  enormous  piles  of  structures,  as  the 
great  Lingaraja  at  Bhuvanesvara  and  the  far-famed  Sun  temple  at 
Konarak  (Konarka). 

The  twin  temples  at  Gandharadi  in  the  old  Baudh  State  may 
be  mentioned  as  the  next  in  point  of  date  to  the  Parasuramesvara,  to 
which  they  are  exactly  similar  in  plan  as  well  as  in  elevation. 
Though  there  is  no  clerestory,  the  roof  of  the  jagamohana  rises  in 
two  receding  stages  of  sloping  tiers.  A  pidha  with  three  sloping  tiers 
may  be  seen  at  Baramba  (Cuttack  District).  In  this  arrangement 
may  be  recognised  the  beginning  of  the  stupendous  pyramidal  form 
of  the  typical  Orissan  jagamohanas.  Though  the  scheme  of  orna¬ 
mentation  is  not  more  detailed  and  advanced  than  that  of  the  Para¬ 
suramesvara,  the  rounded  corners  and  the  bevelled  edges  of  the 
pagas  indicate  that  the  tendency  to  refinement  from  harsh  to  softer 
contours  is  well  under  way. 

The  next  temple  that  should  be  mentioned  is  the  little  shrine 
of  Muktesvara  (Fig.  4),  lying  very  close  to  the  Parasuramesvara 
at  Bhuvanesvara,  at  a  place  called  Siddharanya  or  the  “forest  of 
the  Perfect”.  It  is  situated  within  a  quadrangular  court  enclosed  by 
a  low  wall  with  panelled  sides  and  battlemented  coping.  The  ap¬ 
proach  is  through  an  elegant  tor  ana  (Fig.  5)  or  archway  supported 
on  two  richly  carved  columns  rising  from  a  paved  court.  The 
columns  are  built  in  sections  and  consist  each  of  a  square  base,  a 
sixteen-sided  shaft,  and  a  capital  consisting  of  an  amalaka  with  a 
spread  out  cruciform  vedika  as  a  support  for  the  arch.  The  last  is 
semi-circular  in  shape,  but  built  in  transverse  section  with  over¬ 
sailing  courses.  The  ends  of  the  arch  are  shaped  as  makara  heads 
and  both  the  faces  are  elegantly  carved  with  floral  patterns,  minia¬ 
ture  niches  with  human  heads  peeping  out,  and  a  pair  of  female 
figures  in  recumbent  attitude  occupying  the  entire  segment  of  the 
arch.  This  ornamental  appendage  to  the  Muktesvara  is  unlike  any¬ 
thing  in  Orissa,  and  the  tradition  that  it  was  intended  for  purposes 


540 


ART 


of  swinging  the  god  on  festive  occasions  may  have  some  basis  of 
truth. 

The  temple  of  Muktesvara  is  closely  similar  in  design  to  that 
of  the  Parasuramesvara,  and  like  it,  stands  on  a  low  plinth.  The 
plan  of  the  sanctum  is,  however,  a  regular  pahcharatha  and  the 
jagamohana  partakes  more  of  the  typical  Orissan  form  of  the  pidha 
deul.  The  latter  is  surmounted  by  a  pyramidal  roof,  consisting  of 
gradually  receding  tiers,  piled  up  one  above  the  other,  and  ultimately 
crowned  by  the  auspicious  jar  ( kalasa )  with  the  majestic  figures  of 
lions  over  the  pediments  of  the  projections  on  the  three  sides. 

The  corners  of  the  sanctum  tower  are  carefully  rounded  off,  and 
the  edges  of  the  ratha-paga  projections  are  bevelled  to  a  certain 
extent,  with  the  result  that  the  harsh  contours  of  the  earlier  exam¬ 
ples  give  place  to  a  really  graceful  and  softened  outline  of  the 
sikhara.  In  keeping  with  this,  the  exterior  surface  of  the  temple 
is  very  richly  carved  with  a  luxuriance  of  ornamental  detail  sculp¬ 
tured  and  finished  with  the  greatest  care  and  taste.  Every  scrap  of 
carving  is  clean-cut  and  distinctive.  Particularly  interesting  are  the 
fine  interlacings  of  a  minute  design,  resembling  the  chaitya- window, 
which  appear  on  the  intermediate  ratha-paga  projections  as  well  as 
on  the  upper  section  of  the  rahd-paga  on  each  face.  Executed  with 
the  greatest  skill  the  design  takes  the  form  of  a  very  rich  fretwork, 
singular  in  its  appearance  in  Orissa  but  a  rather  common  mode  of 
ornamentation  in  the  temples  of  Osia  in  Rajputana.  The  bold  design, 
consisting  of  a  couple  of  rounded  dwarfish  figures  on  either  side  of  a 
highly  ornate  chaitya- window  device  topped  by  a  kiritimukha  (Fig. 
6),  that  appears  on  each  of  the  raha-pagas,  is  also  superb  and  master¬ 
ful  in  treatment  and  animation.  Moreover,  the  floral  bands,  the 
scroll  works,  etc.  lavishly  display  a  remarkable  excellence  in  design 
and  a  perfect  delicacy  of  execution.  The  reliefs  are  bold  and  im¬ 
pressive;  the  statuettes  jutting  out,  as  it  were,  of  the  surface  are 
vigorous  and  full  of  action,  and  exhibit  charming  forms. 

The  temple  of  Muktesvara  is  one  of  the  smallest  of  the  Bhuva- 
nesvara  group,  being  barely  35  feet  high,  and  the  sanctum  only 
7  feet  G  inches  square  on  the  inside.  But  the  parts  are  so  beautifully 
adjusted  to  one  another  that  the  disposition  of  the  whole  is  elegant 
as  well  as  effective.  Further,  the  artist  has  adapted  his  ornaments 
to  the  scale  of  his  monument  in  so  clever  a  way  that  the  eye  fails 
to  detect  the  smallness  of  the  structure.  Hence,  in  spite  of  its 
modest  size  the  Muktesvara  may  be  regarded  as  the  most  brilliant 
of  its  class,  and  it  is  not  without  reason  that  it  has  been  so  enthu¬ 
siastically  praised  by  different  critics.  Fergusson,  than  whom  there 
can  be  no  better  judge,  describes  it  as  the  “gem  of  Orissan  archi- 


541 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


tecture”,22  while  Rajendra  Lala  Mitra  extols  it  as  “the  handsomest 
— a  charming  epitome  of  the  perfection  of  Orissan  architecture”.23 
Both  of  them  saw  the  temple  in  a  dilapidated  state  and  overgrown 
with  jungle.  But  the  decay  and  overgrowth  of  centuries,  thougn 
they  had  furrowed  its  brow  and  wrought  wrinkles  on  its  glistening 
surface,  could  not  entirely  efface  its  pristine  beauty  and  solemn 
grandeur. 

The  Muktesvara  marks  an  advance  on  the  form  presented  by 
the  Parasuramesvara  and  represents  the  early  phase  of  architectural 
activity  in  Orissa  at  its  maturity.  This  advance,  however,  does  not 
signify  as  yet  any  definite  break  with,  or  departure  from,  the  tradi¬ 
tions  and  form  of  the  early  prototype,  and  hence  the  interval  bet¬ 
ween  the  dates  of  the  two  temples  could  not  have  been  very  long. 
Scholars  are  usually  inclined  to  place  the  Muktesvara  temple  about 
A.D.  950,  i.e.  nearly  two  centuries  after  the  date  of  the  Parasu¬ 
ramesvara.  This  date,  however,  appears  to  be  much  too  late,  archi¬ 
tectonically.  The  exquisite  carvings  of  this  pretty  little  shrine  also 
tell  the  same  tale.  On  these  considerations  the  longest  interval  that 
separated  the  two  temples  does  not  seem  to  have  been  more  than 
a  century. 

Temples  almost  similar  in  shape  and  design  may  be  found  at 
Bhuvanesvara  and  at  other  places  in  Orissa.  They  range  in  date 
between  the  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  A.D.,  and  casually  this  early 
form  persists  even  up  to  the  tenth.  It  has  to  be  borne  in  mind 
that  temples  of  this  class,  no  doubt  an  early  manifestation  of  the 
N  agar  a  style  in  Orissa,  are  found  to  be  widely  distributed  over  a 
greater  part  of  India.  This  is  not  at  all  surprising,  as  each  locality 
derived  it  from  a  common  archetype,  current  and  in  vogue  in  the 
Gupta  and  post-Gupta  periods,  and  none  of  them  can  be  said  to  have 
developed  as  yet  any  local  and  regional  characteristic. 

But  this  plain  and  early  form  of  the  Nagara  temple  in  Orissa 
undergoes  a  distinct  transformation,  as  a  result  of  evolution,  into 
a  novel  and  elaborate  type,  which  may  be  termed  as  peculiarly 
Orissan.  The  tendency  in  evolution  is  towards  an  elaboration  and 
refinement  of  the  simpler  design  of  the  earlier  temple  and  also  to¬ 
wards  an  accentuation  of  height.  The  elaboration  is  noticed  not 
only  in  the  greater  variegation  of  the  ground  plan,  obtained  by  add¬ 
ing  to  the  number  of  projections,  but  also  in  that  of  elevation  where 
the  exterior  facade  is  divided  into  a  larger  number  of  sections  along 
the  vertical  axis.  Beginning  from  the  triratha,  the  plan  is  gradually 
elaborated  into  the  pancharatha,  the  saptaratha  and  even  to  the  nava- 
ratha.  Each  of  these  rathas  again  is  further  subdivided  into  a  number 
of  smaller  facets.  From  the  standpoint  of  elevation  the  earlier 


542 


ART 


Orissan  temple,  in  conformity  with  its  arc!  ^type,  always  shows  a 
threefold  division  of  the  bdda, — the  pdbhdga,  the  jangha  and  the 
baranda.  The  later  Orissan  temple,  however,  invariably  exhibits  a 
five-fold  division  of  the  bdda,  the  jangha  itself  being  divided  into  two 
sections,  the  lower  {tala- jangha)  and  the  upper  {upar  a- jangha) ,  by  a 
course  of  mouldings,  known  as  the  bandhand  or  the  bond,  about  its 
middle  height.  Correspondingly,  the  mouldings  of  the  pdbhdga  and 
those  of  the  baranda  increase  in  number,  the  former  consisting  of  five 
and  the  latter  of  seven  in  almost  every  important  Orissan  temple  of 
the  later  period.  In  the  gandi  the  bhumis  also  increase  in  number 
and  in  contour  it  takes  a  more  perpendicular  rise  with  an  abrupt 
inwards  bend  towards  the  top.  The  greater  variegation  in  the  eleva¬ 
tion  of  the  temple  is  no  doubt  necessitated  by  an  urge  for  increased 
height. 

Along  with  such  minute  demarcation  of  the  different  elements 
and  sections,  as  mentioned  above,  there  was  correspondingly 
a  greater  variety  of  decorative  detail,  and  the  whole  exterior  of 
the  bdda  all  around  is  not  only  covered  with  rich  and  elegant  mould¬ 
ings,  but  also  with  pilasters,  niches  and  figures — human,  animal  and 
composite — each  having  its  proper  and  appropriate  place  in  the 
design.  The  accentuation  of  height  is  recognised  in  the  multipli¬ 
cation  of  mouldings  as  well  as  in  the  general  form  and  appearance 
of  the  gandi  or  the  sikhara.  In  the  early  temples  the  ratio  between 
the  length  of  the  sanctum  and  the  total  height  of  the  temple  is  appro¬ 
ximately  1:3,  as  we  have  in  the  Par asurames vara.  But  in  the  tem¬ 
ples  which,  in  plan  (multiplication  of  rathas)  as  well  as  in  elevation 
(five  sections  of  the  bdda,  multiplication  of  the  mouldings,  greater 
details  in  decoration,  etc.),  exhibit  late  features  in  evolution,  the 
ratio  increases  from  1:4  to  1:5,  and  in  the  magnificent  Sun  temple 
at  Konarak  the  estimated  ratio  is  approximately  1:7.  A  regular 
correspondence  between  elaboration  and  heightening  may  be  observ¬ 
ed  all  through  the  history  of  Orissan  architecture. 

Again,  a  refinement  and  delicacy  of  the  outline  paa  y 
be  noticed  in  the  gradual  rounding  off  of  the  edges  at  the  corners 
as  well  as  in  the  ratha-paga  projections.  But  in  such  attempts  at 
softening  off,  the  architects  took  especial  care  not  to  break  up  the 
outline,  and  the  unbroken  contour  of  the  tall  tower,  together  with 
the  accentuated  verticalism  of  the  ratha-paga  projections,  gave  an 
impression  of  aspiring  height  and  grandeur.  In  this  rounding  off  of 
the  corners  and  of  the  edges  of  the  projections  may  be  logically 
traced  the  origin  of  the  practice  of  decorating  the  exterior  with 
miniature  replicas  of  Sikharas  ( anga-sikharas )  round  the  main  one. 
The  corner  pagas,  rounded  off  and  with  bhumi-amlas  at  the  different 

54S 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


stages,  naturally  take  the  shape  of  miniature  rekhas ,  and  soon  these 
begin  to  appear  on  the  surface  of  the  gandi  all  around.  Thus  do  the 
different  stages  of  the  spire  simulate  the  main  one  by  repeating  them¬ 
selves  round  the  body  of  the  gandi  and  quite  in  a  logical  course  too. 
The  temple  of  Rajarani  at  Bhu  vanes  vara  exhibits  a  cluster  of  smaller 
towers  round  the  body  of  the  main  gandi  (Fig.  10).  This  may  appear 
to  be  an  exotic  growth  in  Orissa,  being  rather  very  rare  in  that 
area.  This  novel  arrangement  may  be  explained  as  the  natural  out¬ 
come  of  a  logical  evolution  following  a  process  of  elaboration,  refine¬ 
ment  and  decoration  as  outlined  above.  The  effect,  however,  did 
not  prove  to  be  happy,  as  the  different  miniatures  round  the  body 
of  the  main  tower  broke  up  and  dissolved  the  forceful  outline  of  the 
temple,  an  outline  that  was  more  pleasing  and  architecturally  more 
sound.  It  might  be,  that  for  this  reason  the  process  was  not  followed 
up  in  Orissa;  but  it  had  its  full  play  in  Central  India,  where  the 
aspiring  outline  of  the  rekha  tower  was  almost  effaced  by  an 
exuberance  of  turrets  clinging  to  the  body  of  the  main  sikhara,  and 
thus  breaking  up  its  contour.  The  Orissan  architects  knew  where  to 
stop,  and  as  soon  as  it  became  apparent  that  the  process  of  evolution, 
when  carried  to  a  logical  culmination,  would  lead  to  a  loss  of  archi¬ 
tectural  effect,  they  gave  up  the  attempt  and  confined  the  miniature 
rekhas  to  the  anuraha-pagas  only,  and  casually  to  the  rdhd-paga  of  the 
front  facade.  They,  however,  took  care  that  these  miniature  replicas 
were  not  obstrusive  enough  to  break  up  the  linear  ascent  of  the 
main  tower. 

Thus  the  sikhara  temple  evolved  a  particular  and  individual 
form  in  Orissa  of  which  the  main  features  were  the  five-fold  division 
of  the  bdda  and  the  miniature  replicas  of  the  rekha-sikhara  ( anga - 
sikhara)  on  the  anuraha-pagas  of  the  main  gandi.  The  rampant  figure 
of  a  lion  on  an  elephant  (gaja-shhha) ,  projecting  from  each  face  of 
the  gandi,  and  caryatids,  known  usually  as  deul-charanis,  above  the 
bisama,  supporting  or  appearing  to  support  the  heavy  amalaka-sila, 
also  occur  as  invariable  accompaniments  of  this  characteristic  Orissan 
type  of  temple,  and  may  be  recognised  to  have  been  among  its  dis¬ 
tinctive  features.  The  characteristic  type  of  Orissan  temple  also  ex¬ 
hibits  an  almost  perpendicular  ascent  of  the  rekha  up  to  a  great 
height,  taking  a  pronounced  curve  only  quite  near  the  top.  The  in¬ 
crease  in  the  number  of  sections  along  the  vertical  axis  is,  no  doubt, 
a  necessary  corollary  to  the  increased  height  of  the  temple,  and  an 
aspiration  for  height  is  particularly  felt  all  through  the  course  of 
evolution.  The  above  features,  being  peculiar  only  to  Orissa,  may 
be  said  to  be  typically  Orissan.  They  begin  to  appear  from  the  tenth 
century  A.D.  The  five-fold  division  of  the  bdda  is  characteristic  not 


544 


ART 


only  of  the  body  of  the  garbha-griha  but  also  of  that  of  the 
jagamohana. 

The  emergence  of  the  typical  Orissan  form  of  the  temple  may 
be  studied  with  reference  to  several  instructive  examples  at  Bhuva- 
nesvara,  namely  the  Siddhesvara  (Fig.  7),  the  Kedaresvara  and  the 
Brahmesvara.  The  Siddhesvara  and  the  Kedaresvara  are  two  decayed 
temples  of  medium  height  situated,  like  the  Muktesvara,  within  the 
precincts  of  the  Siddharanya,  and  look  almost  alike  in  appearance. 
Like  the  Muktesvara  each  of  the  temples  is  pancharatha  in  plan.  A 
five-fold  division  of  the  bada  has,  however,  been  obtained  by  dividing 
the  jangha  into  two  sections  by  three  courses  of  horizontal  mouldings 
( bcindhana )  about  the  middle  height,  though  the  central  ratha  forms 
one  unit  consisting  of  the  usual  niche  with  a  tiered  superstructure 
reaching  the  lowermost  course  of  the  baranda.  The  number  of  mould¬ 
ings  in  the  pabhaga  has  increased  to  conventional  five,  and  the  baran¬ 
da,  instead  of  being  a  recessed  frieze  as  in  the  earlier  temple,  has 
taken  the  form  of  a  number  of  mouldings  projected  and  recessed 
alternately.  At  the  bottom  the  gandi  is  surrounded  by  miniature 
rekhas,  one  on  each  paga,  and  the  figure  of  a  rampant  lion  (j hampa- 
simha)  may  be  seen  projecting  from  the  rdhd-paga  on  each  face.  This 
is  a  motif  that  is  new  in  appearance,  but  a  variation  of  which,  the 
lion  rampant  on  an  elephant  (gaja-shiiha) ,  became  a  distinctive  cha¬ 
racteristic  of  later  Orissan  temples.  This  particular  feature  is  absent 
in  the  temples  of  the  earlier  group,  e.g.  the  Parasuramesvara,  the 
Muktesvara,  etc.,  where  one  usually  finds  instead  an  inset  sculpture 
depicting  a  particular  legend  associated  with  the  divinity  to  whom 
the  temple  was  consecrated.  In  the  Muktesvara,  on  the  front  face,  a 
sedent  lion  is  placed  above  the  prominent  design  consisting  of  the 
figure  of  a  kirttimukha  between  two  dwarfish  gana  figures.  This  may 
indicate  the  beginnings  of  such  a  practice,  and  in  the  Siddhesvara- 
Kedaresvara  group  four  rampant  lions  on  the  four  sides  of  the  gandi 
may  be  recognised  to  be  an  advancement  on  the  former  design.  Above 
the  bisama  on  each  rdhd-paga  is  placed  a  grinning  figure  seated  on 
haunches,  which  appears  to  carry  the  amalaka-sild  as  caryatids  do. 
It  is  these  figures  which  later  on  came  to  be  known  as  deul-chdranis . 
Next  to  the  amalaka-sild  there  is  the  flattened  dome-shaped  section, 
known  as  the  khapun,  surmounted  by  the  kalasa  and  the  distinctive 
emblem  ( ayudha )  of  the  god  as  the  crowning  finial.  It  has  to  be  borne 
in  mind,  however,  that  the  kalasa  and  the  finial  are  absent  in  the 
earlier  group.  The  small  temple  by  the  side  of  the  Vindusarovara 
(now  collapsed)  had  a  prism-shaped  object,  not  unlike  the  phallic 
emblem,  surmounting  the  dmalaka.  The  Parasuramesvara  also  possi¬ 
bly  had  a  similar  objects  as  the  crowning  member  of  the  tower.  The 
Muktesvara  is  now  found  to  be  crowned  by  a  kalasa,  but  it  is  not 

54  5 

S.E.— 35 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


known  definitely  whether  it  was  there  originally.  The  kalasa,  an 
auspicious  object  in  Hindu  ritual,  is  a  sacred  element  and  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  its  appearance  in  conjunction  with  the  distinctive 
emblem  of  the  divinity  has  been  dictated  by  a  sacerdotal  necessity. 
Leaving  aside  the  rather  doubtful  case  of  the  Muktesvara,  these  two 
important  features  of  the  typical  Orissan  temple  are  for  the  first 
time  met  with  in  the  Siddhesvara-Kedaresvara  group.  Compared 
to  the  Muktesvara,  with  its  finished  appearance,  the  Siddhesvara  and 
the  Kedaresvara,  with  their  thick-set  and  heavy-shouldered  sikharas 
and  a  general  coarseness  of  ornament,  may  appear  to  be  rather  ar¬ 
chaic.  But  the  features  mentioned  above  clearly  mark  them,  along 
with  the  Brahmesvara,  as  a  stage  in  transition  from  the  early  Ndgara 
form  to  the  typically  Orissan  one.  They  present  us,  in  many  respects, 
with  the  beginnings  of  those  individual  features  that  finally  became 
established  as  the  distinctive  characteristics  of  the  typical  Orissan 
temple.  Chronologically  they  may  roughly  be  placed  in  the  tenth 
century  A.D. 

The  Brahmesvara  temple  (Fig.  8)  with  its  more  finished  appear¬ 
ance  belongs  also  to  the  phase  of  transition  like  the  Siddhesvara  and 
the  Kedaresvara.  According  to  an  inscription,  now  lost,  it  was  built 
by  Kolavatl,  mother  of  king  Uddyotakesarl,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of 
the  latter’s  reign,  which  may  be  placed  about  the  middle  of  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.24  Situated  within  an  enclosure  and  with  four 
subsidiary  shrines  ( chaturamarakuli )  at  the  four  corners  it  makes  a 
regular  panchayatana  group.  Although  belonging  to  the  same  phase 
as  the  Siddhesvara  and  Kedaresvara  the  main  temple  marks  an  ad¬ 
vance  on  both.  Apart  from  its  more  refined  appearance  due  to  the 
rounding  off  of  the  sharp  edges,  the  rekha  gcwdi  in  the  Brahmesvara, 
instead  of  showing  a  gradual  inward  curve  as  in  the  earlier  group, 
rises  almost  perpendicularly  up  to  a  greater  portion  of  its  height  and 
takes  a  pronounced  bend  only  towards  the  top,  a  contour  that  is  not 
far  off  from  that  of  the  celebrated  Lingaraja  at  Bhuvanesvara.  The 
graded  heights  of  the  anga-sikharas  on  the  pagas  at  the  bottom  of  the 
gandi  introduce  pleasing  variations  to  the  rather  monotonous  effect 
of  such  a  feature  in  the  Siddhesvara-Kedaresvara  group  where  they 
are  found  to  have  made  their  first  appearance.  The  kdrttimukha  as 
the  pedestal  of  the  projecting  figure  of  the  rampant  lion  also  appears 
to  mark  an  advance  on  the  design,  just  a  step  prior  to  the  evolution 
of  the  usual  conventional  motif  of  the  gaja-simha.  The  jagamohana , 
too,  though  approximating  in  shape  to  those  of  the  Muktesvara,  the 
Siddhesvara  and  the  Kedaresvara,  has  a  more  refined  appearance. 
Further,  it  introduces  new  and  significant  features  supplying  a  defi¬ 
nite  connection  with  the  future  development  of  the  typical  pifhd 
deul.  The  top  is  surmounted  by  a  domical  member  and  crowned  by 


546 


ART 


the  dmalaka-sild  and  the  auspicious  jar,  exactly  as  in  the  jagamoha- 
nas  of  the  typical  Orissan  temples.  But  the  different  elements  of 
the  superstructure  still  show  rather  an  assortment  of  individual 
members  without  any  conscious  attempt  at  co-ordination  and  inte¬ 
gration  that  are  to  come  later.  Thus,  in  its  characteristic  features 
and  appearance,  the  Brahmesvara  offers  us  the  nearest  approach  to 
the  great  Lingaraja  which  is  the  best  and  the  most  representative 
of  the  Orissan  type  of  the  Ndgara  temple. 

The  temple  of  Rajaranl  (Fig.  9)  at  Bhuvanesvara,  though  appar¬ 
ently  an  exceptional  type  in  Orissa, 24a  requires  a  more  detailed  treat¬ 
ment  in  this  connection.  Standing  isolated  nearly  a  furlong  to  the 
east  of  the  Siddharanya,  it  looks  picturesque  by  reason  of  the  broad 
expanse  of  green  fields  on  all  its  sides.  The  rather  unusual  name 
might  have  been  derived  from  the  fine-grained  yellow  sandstone, 
known  as  the  rajrania,  of  which  the  temple  has  been  built.  Time  has 
mellowed  its  surface  to  delightful  soft  shades,  varying  from  pale  am¬ 
ber  to  deep  jacinth,  which  further  add  a  colourful  effect  to  the  build¬ 
ing  among  its  natural  surroundings. 

The  Rajaranl  certainly  marks  an  advance  in  the  art  of  composi¬ 
tion  over  that  of  the  group  just  mentioned.  In  general  configuration 
the  plan  of  the  sanctum  (Text  Fig.  1)  is  no  doubt  in  the  shape  of  a 
square,  but  because  of  the  multiple  offsets  and  projections  on  each 
face,  introduced  evidently  to  give  greater  variety  and  play  of  light 
and  shade,  it  becomes  almost  circular  in  appearance.  Moreover,  the 
sanctum,  instead  of  being  aligned  on  the  same  plans  as  the  rest  of 
the  building,  is  placed  diagonally  to  it. 

In  elevational  aspect  too  the  Rajaranl  temple  is  a  departure  from 
all  the  others  of  the  Orissan  group.  Along  with  the  extreme  variega¬ 
tion  of  the  ground  plan  the  main  body  of  the  tower  is  surrounded 
by  a  number  of  smaller  replicas,  clinging  to  and  clustering  around 
it  (Fig.  10).  Although  this  kind  of  elaboration  was  already  anticipat¬ 
ed  in  the  previous  group,  here,  in  the  Rajarani,  the  tendency  gets  an 
added  emphasis  not  only  in  the  two  anga-sikharas,  one  above  the 
other,  on  each  of  the  raha-pagas,  but  also  in  the  separate  volume  and 
mass  that  have  been  given  to  each.  The  walls  of  the  sanctum  are 
richly  and  magnificently  carved  and  the  individual  decorations  are  of 
rare  and  singular  beauty.  But  the  jagamohana  is  apparently  left 
^unfinished. 

Though  exotic  in  Orissa,  the  Rajarani  is  really  the  result  of  a 
logical  evolution,  following  a  distinct  course,  from  the  early  Ndgara 
form  in  Orissa  represented  by  the  Parasuramesvara-Muktesvara 
group  at  Bhuvanesvara.  Though  there  is  a  more  fluent  volume  and 
mass  in  the  body  of  the  tower  displaying  a  refinement  in  curves  and 


547 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


contours  that  denote  a  more  subtle  feeling  for  form,  the  design  did 
not  find  favour  in  Orissa  and  was  ultimately  discarded,  as  men¬ 
tioned  above.  No  one  who  has  seen  the  RajaranI  temple 
at  Bhuvanesvara  and  those  of  the  Khajuraho  group  can  fail  to 
notice  the  similarity  in  the  shape  of  this  particular  deul  with  the 
sikharas  of  the  Central  Indian  type,  a  type  that  strikes  a  new  note 
in  this  aspect  of  the  temple  design.  Another  link  with  Central  India 
may  be  recognised  in  the  double  amalakas  which  characterise  the 
anga-sikharas  of  the  RajaranI.  The  course  of  evolution,  as  outlined 
above,  had  no  doubt  its  fullest  and  freest  play  in  Central  India  where 
the  exuberance  of  miniature  replicas  clinging  to  the  body  of  the  main 
sikhara  adds  a  rich  and  variegated,  though  somewhat  disturbed  and 
restless,  effect. 

The  majestic  temple  of  the  Lingaraja  (Fig.  11)  at  Bhuvanesvara 
represents  the  Orissan  type  of  temple  in  its  full  maturity.  The  god 
enshrined  in  it  is  Siva  (Tribhuvanesvara  or  Bhuvanesvara)  from 
which  the  city  takes  its  name.  The  sanctuary  is  situated  in  the 
middle  of  a  large  quadrangular  court  enclosed  by  massive  walls  and 
with  a  monumental  entrance  portal  in  the  middle  of  the  east  side. 
Many  other  subsidiary  structures  are  clustered  round  the  main  sanc¬ 
tuary  pile.  Each  of  these  accessory  buildings  is  a  work  of  art,  but  the 
mind  and  eye  of  the  spectator  always  turn  towards  the  enormous 
Lingaraja  with  its  majestic  proportions,  its  extraordinary  means  of 
construction  and  its  elegant  carvings. 

Like  every  other  temple  of  magnitude  and  importance  the  Lihga- 
raja,  as  it  now  stands,  is  made  up  of  four  great  conjuncts,  all  disposed 
on  the  same  axis  extending  from  east  to  west,  viz ,  the  bhoga-mandapa 
(refectory  hall),  the  nata-mandapa  (dancing  hall),  the  jagamohana 
(hall  of  audience)  and  the  deul  or  the  sanctuary  proper  (Text  Fig  2). 
They  do  not  all  date  from  the  same  period;  the  original  temple 
scheme  consisted  of  two  elements,  the  deul  and  the  jagamohana ,  the 
two  ancillary  halls  of  the  nata-mandapa  and  the  bhoga-mandapa  be¬ 
ing  added,  in  all  probability,  about  a  century  later.  The  sanctum 
proper  is  characterised  by  the  tall  curvilinear  tower,  remarkable 
for  its  height  and  volume,  and  the  halls  by  pyramidal  roofs.  The 
deul  and  the  jagamohana,  both  belonging  to  the  original  temple 
scheme,  are  pancharatha  in  plan,  and  in -each  there  is  the  corres¬ 
ponding  five-fold  division  of  the  bdda  in  vertical  segments.  The 
mouldings  of  the  pabhaga ,  the  bandhand  and  the  baranda  and  the 
sculptural  decoration  of  the  two  janghas  are  richer  and  more  elegant 
in  design,  but  do  not  produce  any  idea  of  monotony  or  of  being  over¬ 
done.  The  niches  in  the  central  projection  of  the  bafta  of  the  deul, 
except  on  the  east,  have  each  developed  into  a  miniature  shrine  on 


548 


ART 


a  roofed  platform  approached  by  elaborate  flights  of  steps.  They 
accommodate  the  subsidiary  divinities,  Parvati,  Karttikeya  and 
Ganesa,  associated  with  the  mythology  of  Siva  to  whom  the  temple 
is  consecrated.  The  black  chlorite  figures  of  these  deities  are  speci¬ 
mens  of  exquisite  carving  representing  the  high  watermark  of  the 
plastic  skill  of  Orissan  artists  in  days  gone  by. 

Undoubtedly  the  most  impressive  feature  of  the  Lingaraja  is 
the  great  tower  of  the  deul  (Fig.  12)  which  dominates  not  only  the 
entire  composition  but  also  the  surrounding  landscape  for  many 
miles.  Nearly  160  feet  in  height,  its  stupendous  mass  is  effectively 
broken  up  by  the  vertical  pagas  which  add  to  the  fluency  of  its  out¬ 
line.  The  tower,  slightly  inclining  inwards  from  the  top  of  the 
baranda,  speeds  up  into  a  parabolic  curve  near  the  top.  This  pro¬ 
nounced  taper  takes  off  the  harshness  of  the  almost  perpendicular 
ascent  of  the  tower  and  introduces  pleasingly  the  recessed  beki  over 
which  rises  the  ponderous  dmalaka-sila  supported  at  each  corner  on 
a  lion  with  two  hinder  parts  (dopichhd-simha) .  Above  is  the  um¬ 
brella-shaped  khapuri  surmounted  by  the  kalasa  and  the  trident, 
the  emblem  of  the  god  installed  within.  The  corners  of  the  tower 
and  the  edges  of  the  pagas  have  been  rounded  off  a  good  deal,  but 
the  square  cross-section  is  maintained  all  through  the  height  of  the 
gandi.  Not  only  has  the  deul  grown  in  elevation,  but  the  height  is 
further  accentuated  by  the  vertical  lines  of  the  pagas,  of  which  the 
angles  of  the  anurahas  on  each  face  bear  miniature  representations 
of  the  rekha  tower  (ahga-sikhara) .  Rising  in  graded  sizes  up  the 
entire  height  of  the  gandi,  they  help  the  upward  ascent  of  the  tower, 
rather  than  break  it.  A  harmonious  counterplay  in  the  design  is 
afforded  by  the  horizontal  mouldings  which,  carried  in  lines  across 
the  chases  of  the  pagas ,  richly  texture  the  entire  surface  of  the  tower. 
On  the  rdhapaga  on  each  face  projects  the  figure  of  a  lion,  rampant 
on  an  elephant  (gaja-simha) ,  that  looks  as  if  leaping  in  space.  With 
its  aspiring  height  and  plastically  modelled  mass  the  sikhara  of  the 
great  Lingaraja  is  the  crowning  achievement  of  this  far-famed  temple. 

The  jagamohana ,  also  co-eval  with  the  deul,  is  no  less  magni¬ 
ficent.  Like  the  deul  it  is  pancharatha  in  plan  and  shows  the  similar 
division  of  the  bada  into  five-fold  vertical  segments.  The  super¬ 
structure  consists  of  a  pyramidal  roof  rising  in  two  sections  ( potalas ) 
of  superposed  horizontal  tiers  in  gradually  receding  stages.  Above 
this  square  roof  rise  the  circular  crowning  elements,  the  beki ,  the 
bell-shaped  fluted  member  supporting  the  dmalaka-sila ,  and  the 
kalasa  finial.  The  entire  height  is  a  little  over  100  feet  from  the 
ground,  and  with  its  massive  dimensions  and  decorative  scheme  the 
jagamohana  is  a  fitting  prelude  to  the  deul  which  soars  high  up  be- 

549 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

hind,  each  affording  a  counterplay  in  the  design  of  the  other.  The 
ancillary  halls  of  the  nata-mandapa  and  the  bhoga-mandapa,  though 
of  later  date,  are  very  much  of  the  same  design  as  the  jagamohana , 
and  harmoniously  fit  into  the  architectural  scheme  of  the  whole;  but 
they  prolong  the  line  of  the  structures  rather  inordinately. 

Of  the  secondary  structures  within  the  courtyard  of  the  Lihga¬ 
raja,  mention  should  at  least  be  made  of  the  temple  of  Bhagavati 
which  is  a  structural  entity  of  high  architectural  merit  and  sculptural 
excellence.  Were  it  not  situated  beneath  the  shadow  of  the  mighty 
tower  of  the  Lihgaraja,  it  would  have  ranked  as  a  production  of 
supreme  grandeur  and  magnificence. 

There  are  a  number  of  votive  inscriptions  on  the  temple  and  its 
adjuncts.  But  none  is  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century 
A.D.,  which  must  be  taken  as  the  farthest  limit  of  the  date  of  the 
temple.  Scholars  have  usually  placed  the  Lihgaraja  at  about  A.D. 
1000. 2 5  But  in  view  of  the  direction  of  architectural  development, 
as  outlined  above,  along  with  the  fixed  chronological  point  supplied 
by  the  Brahmesvara  temple,  the  Lihgaraja  has  to  be  dated  about 
A.D.  1100,  certainly  not  earlier  than  the  last  quarter  of  the  eleventh 
century. 

A  number  of  temples  of  the  typical  Orissan  class  may  be  found 
at  Bhuvanesvara  and  other  parts  of  Orissa.  Few  of  them  aspire  to 
the  massive  grandeur  and  dignity  of  the  Lihgaraja,  but  all  are  re¬ 
markable  for  their  rich  and  finished  appearance.  Though  in  no  way 
reaching  the  latter’s  standard  of  excellence,  they  abundantly  testify 
to  the  prolific  prevalence  of  the  type  through  centuries.  Of  those 
at  Bhuvanesvara  mention  should  specially  be  made  of  the  temple 
of  Ananta  Vasudeva  (Fig.  13)  which,  though  smaller  in  size  and  lesser 
in  sanctity,  is  no  less  imposing.  The  only  temple  dedicated  to  the 
worship  of  Vishnu  in  this  sacred  fane  of  the  god  Siva,  it  approximates 
the  Lihgaraja  in  its  general  arrangement  and  in  having  the  four 
necessary  adjuncts,  all  in  the  same  axis  and  raised  over  a  substantial 
terrace.  The  ascending  heights  of  the  pyramidal  roofs  of  the  two 
ancillary  halls  and  the  jagamohana  provide  an  effect  of  which  there 
is  a  parallel  only  in  the  celebrated  temples  of  Khajuraho  in  Central 
India. 

The  famous  temple  of  Jagannatha  at  Puri,  still  a  very  sacred 
place  of  pilgrimage,  is,  like  the  Lihgaraja,  large  and  massive  and 
consists  also  of  the  four  usual  elements  within  a  quadrangular 
court,  surrounded  by  two  lines  of  enclosure  walls  and  approached 
through  the  outer  walls  by  means  of  four  monumental  portals,  one 
on  each  side.  The  main  entrance  was  on  the  east  where  stands  a 
monolithic  column,  the  Aruna  stambha,  transported  from  its  original 


550 


ART 


site  in  the  precincts  of  the  Sun  temple  at  Konarak.  Almost  contem¬ 
poraneous  with  the  Lingaraja  at  Bhuvanesvara  the  temple  was  built 
practically  on  the  same  principles  and  likewise  consists  of  four  com¬ 
ponent  parts,  the  two  frontal  ones  being  added  later,  probably 
about  the  fourteenth  century  A.D.  The  architectural  effect  of  the 
temple,  as  it  stands,  is  howrever  not  up  to  the  mark.  In  spite  of  its 
immense  sanctity  and  its  impressive  size  and  massiveness  the  Jagan- 
natha  at  Puri  cannot  claim  to  possess  such  sublime  dignity  as  that 
of  the  Lirigaraja,  probably  on  account  of  the  fact  that  successive 
renovations,  carried  out  at  different  periods,  along  with  its  annual 
coat  of  lime-wash,  have  resulted  in  a  loss  of  its  original  grandeur. 

The  celebrated  Sun  temple  at  Konarak  (Fig.  14),  known  as  the 
black  pagoda  from  its  darkish  colour  seen  from  a  distance,  was  built 
during  the  reign  of  Narasimha  I  (A.D.  1238-64).  A  noble  conception 
initiated  by  a  master  mind  and  executed  and  finished  by  a  master 
architect,  it  represents  the  crystallised  and  accumulated  experience 
of  several  hundreds  of  years,  and  ably  illustrates  the  fulfilment  and 
finality  of  Orissan  architectural  movement.  The  tide  of  humanity 
has  long  drifted  away  from  Konarak,  leaving  to  posterity  a  supreme 
artistic  creation,  grand  and  impressive  even  in  its  ruin. 

The  temple,  now  a  deserted  fragment,  is  situated  in  the  centre 
of  a  quadrangular  court  and  is  designed  in  the  shape  of  a  huge 
chariot  drawn  on  exquisitely  carved  wheels  by  a  team  of  seven 
spirited  horses.  The  approach  was  from  the  east  where  a  roofless 
structure  confronts  the  visitor.  This  structure,  the  nata-mandapa, 
rests  on  an  elaborately  carved  podium  reached  by  long  flights  of 
steps,  one  on  each  side.  On  the  east  the  stairway  is  flanked  by  two 
superb  lions,  each  rampant  on  an  elephant  (Fig.  16).  The  motif  is 
fairly  prolific  in  Orissan  art,  but  here  in  these  two  sculptures  we  have 
masterful  portraits  in  which  the  nobility  and  vigour  of  the  animals 
have  been  depicted  in  all  truthfulness  and  vehemence.  Unfortunate¬ 
ly,  the  roof  of  this  pretty  little  building  has  tumbled  down.  But 
to  judge  from  the  ruins  around  and  on  the  analogy  of  structures  of 
similar  kind,  the  building  must  have  been  surmounted  by  a  pyramidal 
roof  resembling  the  massive  pile  that  raises  up  its  head  behind.  In 
its  elegant  proportions  and  elaborate  carvings,  inside  and  out,  this 
battered  structure  is  a  suitable  prelude  to  what  awaits  the  visitor 
further  on. 

The  position  of  the  nata-mandapa  as  an  isolated  structure  in 
front  of  the  temple  proper  may  be  regarded  as  an  improvement  on 
the  design  which  joins  the  four  essential  components  in  an  axial 
line  with  the  sanctum.  The  latter  prolongs  the  length  of  the  plan 
inordinately  in  comparison  with  its  breadth  and  thus  upsets  the 


551 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


& 


balance.  At  Konarak,  not  only  is  the  ndta-mandapa  planned  as  a 
detached  building  in  front  of  the  main  temple  group,  but  the  bhoga- 
mandapa  also  appears  as  a  separate  building  on  one  side.  Their 
character  and  location  not  only  proclaim  a  correct  sense  of  grouping 
and  architectural  application,  but  also  a  reasoned  co-ordination  of 
all  into  a  pleasing  unified  scheme  with  all  the  necessary  components 
without  in  any  way  disturbing  the  balance  and  harmony  of  the 
composition. 

Crossing  the  nata-mandapa  one  descends  to  the  courtyard  below 
where  once  stood  the  Aruna  pillar,  now  shifted  to  Purl  and  placed 
in  front  of  the  Jagannatha  temple  there.  From  this  position  there 
spreads  out  before  the  spectator  the  enormous  temple — the  lofty 
towered  sanctuary  and  the  pyramidal  pile  of  the  jagamohana,  i.e. 
the  audience  chamber,  both  united  to  represent  the  Sun  chariot  (Fig. 
15).  Soaring  high  up  with  its  enormous  mass  borne  on  wheels,  the 
temple  symbolises,  as  it  were,  the  majestic  stride  of  the  Sun  god 
across  the  horizon  of  the  sky,  and  no  conception  could  have  been 
more  grand  and  expressive  of  the  cosmic  phenomenon  which  the  Sun 
god  stands  for. 

Apart  from  its  spiritual  significance  the  architectural  character 
of  the  monument  may  also  be  described  as  superb.  Both  the  sanctum 
and  the  jagamohana  stand  on  a  lofty  basement  the  exuberance  of 
which  is  itself  a  marvel.  The  frieze  of  elephants  at  the  bottom  all 
around  represents  this  creature  in  every  mood  and  action,  playful 
and  violent,  and  offers  a  substantial  stylobate  on  which  the  ponder¬ 
ous  burden  rested.  The  skill  with  which  the  artists  have  portrayed 
every  curve  and  lineament  of  the  animal  is  proof  positive  that 
they  must  have  had  ample  scope  for  studying  the  anatomy  and 
appearance  of  this  lordly  beast.  Above  this  frieze  of  elephants 
rise  the  bold  mouldings  of  the  basement  which  with  their  deep  con¬ 
trasts  of  light  and  shade  accentuate  the  richness  of  the  walls.  The 
latter  present  a  vast  panorama  of  graceful  sculptures,  separated  by 
richly  adorned  pilasters  and  broken  by  exquisitely  patterned  wheels 
of  gigantic  shape.  Each  of  the  wheels  (Fig.  17)  is  9  feet  8  inches  in 
diameter,  with  rims  8  inches  deep,  axles  protruding  11  inches,  and 
16  spokes  alternatively  thick  and  thin.  Some  of  these  are  now  mere 
things  of  shreds  and  patches.  Those  that  have  weathered  the  storm 
and  stress  of  centuries  are  marvels  of  elaborate  and  intricate  designs, 
the  maximum  of  decoration  being  squeezed  into  the  minimum  of 
space. 

Over  this  richly  sculptured  basement  rises  the  temple  pile,  the 
sanctum  and  the  jagamohana ,  each  pancharatha  in  plan  and  consist¬ 
ing  of  five  vertical  sections  as  is  typical  in  Orissa.  Every  ratha  is 


552 


ART 


further  diversified  into  smaller  facets.  These  divisions  and  subdivi¬ 
sions,  richly  embellished  with  elaborate  carvings,  are  carried  up 
along  the  height  of  the  tower.  Not  only  do  they  lighten  the  enorm¬ 
ous  mass  by  introducing  pleasing  varieties  of  lights  and  shades,  but 
they  also  accentuate  the  soaring  verticalism  of  the  monument  and 
impart  to  it  a  fluency  and  movement  seldom  paralleled  in  any  other 
kind  of  building. 

Around  the  walls  of  the  sanctum,  on  the  north,  south  and  west, 
the  visitor  sees  the  Sun  god  in  all  his  glory  in  elaborate  recessed 
niches  on  the  projection  of  the  central  ratha.  The  lofty  curvilinear 
tower  of  the  sanctum  has,  however,  fallen  down,  and  we  miss  the 
soaring  grandeur  of  the  sikhara.  But  the  massive  pile  of  the  jaga- 
mohana  in  front,  complete  with  its  ponderous  superstructure,  partly 
compensates  for  the  loss,  and  we  are  in  a  position  to  visualise  the 
stupendous  height  of  the  fabric,  when  entire.  The  jagamohana  is 
covered  by  the  usual  pyramidal  roof  in  three  stages  (Fig.  15),  sur¬ 
mounted  by  a  fluted  dome-shaped  member  and  crowned  by  the  gigan¬ 
tic  amalaka-Hld.  This  kind  of  roof,  usually  associated  with  the  jaga¬ 
mohana  in  Orissa,  is  itself  highly  expressive  of  the  needs  and  func¬ 
tions  which  it  serves.  There  is  no  roof  in  India  where  the  same 
play  of  light  and  shade  is  obtained  with  an  equal  amount  of  richness 
and  constructive  propriety  as  in  this  instance,  nor  one  that  sits  so 
gracefully  on  the  base  that  supports  it.  Here  at  Konarak  the  design 
is  perfectly  harmonious  on  account  of  the  added  elevation  of  the 
different  stages  and  the  greater  volume  and  plasticity  which  are  im¬ 
parted  to  this  solid  pile  by  the  life-size  sculptures  of  lively  execu¬ 
tion  and  alluring  beauty  that  adorn  each  stage  of  the  roof  all  around. 
These  sculptures,  with  their  superb  modelling,  the  fulness  of  their 
forms,  and  their  easy  and  graceful  attitude  and  poses,  add  a  new 
and  striking  note  in  the  form  of  the  Orissan  jagamohanas. 

Within  the  courtyard  other  stately  buildings  adorned  the  site, 
but  only  a  heap  of  ruins  now  remains  to  indicate  their  former  splend¬ 
our.  On  the  north  and  south  there  are  imposing  portals,  the  former 
flanked  by  two  majestic  elephants,  and  the  latter  by  two  prancing 
steeds.  Architectonically  treated,  their  massive  strength  and  vigour, 
their  passion  and  vehemence,  are  masterfully  portrayed.  In  the 
whole  range  of  world’s  art  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  more  success¬ 
ful  delineation  of  animal  figures. 

At  Konarak  the  extraordinary  genius  of  the  architect  and  the 
sculptor  combined  to  raise  a  sanctuary  in  honour  of  Sun  god,  the  illu¬ 
minator  of  the  universe.  Even  in  its  ruin  it  illumines  India  and 
her  art,  and  shines  forth  throughout  the  world  as  a  momentous  crea¬ 
tion  of  human  endeavour.  When  entire,  the  temple  must  have  been 


553 


THE  STRUGGLE  LOR  EMPIRE 


one  of  the  most  exquisitely  proportioned  monuments  ever  known. 
Each  part  and  each  section  harmoniously  blended  and  mingled  with 
one  another  and  built  up  a  perfect  composition,  so  diversified  and 
yet  so  marvellously  unified.  The  intricate  treatment  of  the  walls 
with  figures  and  decorative  motifs  of  varied  forms  and  manifesta¬ 
tions  has  created,  so  to  say,  an  inspired  orgy  of  sculptural  magni¬ 
ficence.  Yet,  everything  is  ordered  and  balanced  and  the  entire 
monument  vibrates  with  a  rhythm  and  grandeur,  unique  in  the  world. 

Though  not  coming  within  the  general  course  of  evolution  of  the 
Orissan  type  of  temple,  the  Vaital  deul  (Fig.  18),  situated  by  the  side 
of  the  main  road  to  the  west  of  the  Vindusarovara  tank  at  Bhuvane- 
svara,  is  notable  as  belonging  to  a  conception  that  is  apparently  alien 
to  Orissa.  It  stands  on  a  raised  platform  within  a  low  enclosure  wall 
and  consists  of  a  shrine  chamber  preceded  by  a  porch  hail  in  front. 
Unlike  the  usual  type  of  the  Orissan  temple  the  sanctuary  is  rectan¬ 
gular  in  plan  (18  feet  by  25  feet)  and  is  surmounted  by  a  tower  which 
is  also  of  an  unusual  shape.  The  jagamohana  in  front,  also  of  rec¬ 
tangular  form  and  roofed  as  the  jagamohana  of  the  Parasuramesvara, 
presents  a  radical  divergence  in  having  a  small  replica  of  the 
triratha  rekha  temple  embedded  at  each  of  its  four  corners.  A  similar 
arrangement  of  four  replicas  of  the  rekha  at  the  four  corners  of  the 
porch  hall  may  be  found  in  a  temple  at  Baijnath  (Kangra  District),26 
though  the  hall  there  is  surmounted  by  a  pyramidal  roof.  Apart 
from  its  rectangular  shape,  the  shrine  proper  of  the  Vaital  deul  exhi¬ 
bits  many  novel  features.  A  significant  deviation  from  the  usual 
type  may  be  recognised  in  the  form  of  the  gandi  which,  rising  like 
that  of  the  usual  type  up  to  a  certain  height,  is  surmounted  by  an 
elongated  vaulted  roof  of  two  stages  with  a  recess  in  between,  fur¬ 
ther  crowned  by  three  dmalakas,  each  with  the  usual  finials,  placed 
along  the  ridge  of  the  upper  semi-circular  vault.  Moreover,  the 
ground  plan  does  not  show  any  ratha  projection  on  any  face  of  the 
hdda  and  the  exterior  surfaces  of  the  walls  are  treated  and  diversi¬ 
fied  in  a  manner  that  is  entirely  new,  not  only  in  Orissa,  but  also 
in  the  Nagara  style  of  temple.  All  around  the  bada  each  wall  is 
divided  into  richly  patterned  pilasters  and  recesses  containing  sculp¬ 
tures — an  arrangement  that  is  exactly  similar  to  the  treatment  of 
the  walls  of  the  South  Indian  style  of  temple.  The  beginnings  of 
such  a  treatment  have  already  been  traced  to  the  storeyed  temples 
of  the  Gupta  and  post-Gupta  periods.  As  a  distinctive  decorative 
pattern  it  becomes  clearly  established  in  the  seventh  century  A.D., 
as  we  see  in  the  Jain  temple  of  Meguti  (A.D.  634)  at  Aihole  and  the 
rock-cut  rathas  of  Mahabalipuram  of  about  the  same  period.  A 
further  link  with  South  India  is  indicated  by  the  semi-cylindrical 
vaulted  roof,  clear  analogies  of  which  are  furnished  by  the  Bhima 


ART 


and  Ganesa  rathas  at  Mahabalipuram.  Still  earlier  parallels  of  the 
shape  of  the  roof,  though  not  extant  in  structural  form,  are  recog¬ 
nised  in  relief  representations  at  Bharhut,  Sanchl,  etc.  It  should  be 
stressed,  however,  that  analogies  with  the  south  end  with  the  shape 
of  the  roof  and  the  manner  of  treatment  of  the  exterior  walls  of  the 
bdda.  In  their  origins  both  these  features  were  not  particularly 
South  Indian.  Moreover,  we  miss  here  the  storeyed  arrangement  of 
the  tower  which  is  distinctive  of  South  Indian  temples.  Apart  from 
these,  the  other  essential  arrangements  of  the  Vaital  deul,  including 
the  rise  of  its  gandi  up  to  a  certain  height,  exhibit  a  more  general 
conformity  with  the  early  N  agar  a  form  as  presented  in  Orissa. 
Hence,  though  the  tower  presents  a  closer  alliance  with  South  India 
and  the  plan  is  rectangular,  the  distinctive  quality  of  the  architec¬ 
tural  treatment  of  the  temple  may  be  regarded  as  derived  from 
the  Nagara  style. 

All  over  the  building  there  is  a  profusion  of  carved  work,  elegant 
and  graceful  in  an  extreme  measure.  The  pleasing  proportions  of 
the  sanctum,  the  skilful  disposition  of  its  surfaces  and  decorative 
elements  denote  an  aesthetic  sense  of  a  very  high  order.  Many  of 
its  decorative  elements  closely  approximate  to  those  of  the  Parasu- 
ramesvara,  with  which  it  is  clearly  allied  in  general  form  and  dis¬ 
position  of  its  j agamohana,  as  well  as  on  stylistic  considerations  of 
its  sculptures.  The  date  of  the  Vaital  deul  cannot,  therefore,  be  far 
removed  from  that  of  the  Parasuramesvara. 

Among  the  hundreds  of  temples  at  Bhuvanesvara  the  rather 
exotic  shape  of  the  Vaital  deul  marks  it  as  having  been  derived  from 
alien  inspiration  and  assimilating  extraneous  influences.  The  shape 
of  the  temple,  however,  is  recognised  in  the  canonical  texts  of  Orissa 
as  forming  a  distinct  class,  known  as  the  Khakhard.  Miniature  re¬ 
plicas. of  the  Khakhard  often  appear  in  relief  in  the  surface  decoration 
of  the  Orissan  temples  of  orthodox  shape  and  form,  and  a  likely 
parallel,  though  much  transformed  on  account  of  subsequent  reno¬ 
vations,  may  be  noticed  in  the  Gauri  temple  at  Bhuvanesvara. 
Another  temple  of  the  Vaital  deul  type  may  be  seen  in  the  little 
shrine  of  Durga  at  Badeivara  (Cuttack).27  It  is  a  very  near  imitation 
of  the  prototype  at  Bhuvanesvara  and  like  it  also  seems  to  have 
been  a  structure  of  remarkable  beauty  and  excellence.  A  ruined 
temple  at  Ranipur  Jharial  (Patna  State)28  also  appears,  from  its 
plan  and  arrangements  of  the  hada ,  to  have  been  a  building  of  the 
Vaital  deul  type.  Outside  Orissa  the  type  appears  in  the  Teli-ka- 
mandir  at  Gwalior  (Fig.  20),  the  Navadurga  temple  (Fig.  19)  at 
Yagesvara  (Almora  District),29  and  also  possibly  in  the  rectangular 
temple,  now  ruined,  at  Osia,  Rajputana.  The  Orissan  texts  of  the 


555 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Silpasastras  refer  to  three  varieties  of  the  Khakhara  temple,  namely 
the  Dravida,  the  Vardti,  and  the  Kosall.  The  first  no  doubt  brings 
out  the  South  Indian  association  of  the  type  which  is  too  apparent 
in  the  extant  monuments  to  be  missed. 

Another  interesting  type  of  temple  in  Orissa  may  be  found  in 
the  three  ancient  temples  within  the  compound  of  the  modern  shrine 
of  Ramesvara  at  Baudh.30  Each  of  these  temples  stands  on  a  raised 
platform  and  consists  of  a  sanctum  cella  with  its  attached  portico 
in  front.  Each  is  planned  on  the  principle  of  two  squares,  placed 
diagonally  and  intersecting  each  other  at  angles  of  45  degrees.  The 
angular  faces  thus  formed  in  the  exterior  walls  of  the  temple  give 
it  the  shape  of  an  eight-pointed  star.  Each  angular  face  is  further 
subdivided  into  three  facets  and  the  entire  design  presents  a  charm¬ 
ing  arrangement  of  light  and  shade,  accentuated  still  more  by  the 
intricate  tracery  work,  with  deep  shadows  in  the  interstices,  charac¬ 
teristic  of  the  ornamentation  of  the  gandi.  The  angularities  of  the 
plan  ascend  in  bold  lines  along  the  height  of  the  gandi  and  convey 
an  appearance  of  greater  height  than  any  of  the  temples  really  pos¬ 
sesses.  Barring  the  star-shaped  plan  the  other  arrangements  of  the 
bada  and  the  gandi  have  striking  affinities  with  those  of  the  Bhuvane- 
svara  temples  qf  the  early  phase.  Elaborate  carvings  literally  cover 
each  one  of  the  temples  from  the  base  to  the  top  and  the  ornamen¬ 
tation  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  early  phase  of  temples  at  Bhuvane- 
svara.  In  view  of  the  general  shape  and  form  and  plastic  considera¬ 
tions  of  their  sculptures,  these  temples  may  be  referred  to  a  date 
not  far  removed  from  that  of  the  Muktesvara  at  Bhuvanesvara. 
Another  temple  of  a  similar  plan  may  be  recognised  in  a  ruined  brick 
monument  at  Kausuli  near  Ranlpur  Jharial,  old  Patna  State.31  Only 
one  wall  of  this  building  now  remains.  But  the  exterior  face  leaves 
no  doubt  about  its  plan  being  obtained  on  the  principle  of  two  in¬ 
tersecting  squares,  as  in  the  above-mentioned  temples  of  Baudh, 
to  which,  as  the  carvings  indicate,  it  was  probably  co-eval  in  date. 

This  plan  of  intersecting  squares  is  a  rare  occurrence  in  the 
early  phase  of  the  history  of  Indian  temple  architecture.  But, 
along  with  the  addition  of  graduated  projections  on  each  face  of 
a  square,  this  principle  is  also  latent,  as  a  parallel  measure  of  ela¬ 
boration,  in  the  variegation  of  the  ground  plan  and  diversification 
of  the  walls  of  a  Nagara  temple.  The  former  was  no  doubt  the 
almost  universal  practice,  but  the  latter,  not  entirely  outside  the 
scope  of  possible  development  of  a  Nagara  temple,  is  also  known  to 
have  been  in  use.  A  further  advance  on  this  simple  plan  may  be 
recognised  in  a  temple  within  the  Nurpur  fort32  the  ground  plan 
(Text  Fig.  3)  of  which,  made  of  two  intersecting  squares,  has  the 


550 


ART 


angles  of  intersection  filled  up.  Thus  the  temple  assumes  an  octa¬ 
gonal  shape  with  small  projecting  angles  between  the  sides.  This 
is  one  particular  direction  in  the  development  of  this  plan.  Another 
direction  is  supplied  by  the  addition  to  the  number  of  intersecting 
squares,  developed  particularly  in  the  Chalukyan  monuments  of  the 
eleventh-twelfth  century  A.D.,  a  direction  that  clearly  explains  the 
full-fledged  stellate  plan  of  these  monuments.33 

B.  Central  India 

Central  India  had  been  the  home  of  early  sikhara  temples,  and  a 
number  of  shrines  in  this  part  of  the  country  provide  a  moving  picture 
of  the  march  of  the  sikhara  style  from  its  archaic  beginnings  in  the 
fifth-sixth  century  A. D.  to  the  emergence  of  the  Ndgara  form  in  the 
eighth.  Moreover,  temples  in  this  region  exhibit  different  expres¬ 
sions  and  manifestations  which,  though  belonging  to  the  Ndgara 
style  in  general,  present  significant  varieties  in  contrast  to  the 
practically  unilateral  architectural  movement  in  Orissa.  The  geo¬ 
graphical  position  of  Central  India,  accessible  to  impacts  and  influ¬ 
ences  from  the  west  as  well  as  from  the  east,  might  have  been  res¬ 
ponsible  for  such  varieties.  In  spite  of  different  expressions  we 
may  recognise  in  the  temples  of  this  region  certain  distinctive  fea¬ 
tures  peculiar  to  this  part  of  the  country. 

In  an  earlier  section,  in  connection  with  the  emergence  of  the 
Ndgara  form,  mention  has  been  made  of  the  early  sikhara  temples 
of  Central  India.  The  temple  of  Lakshmana  at  Sirpur34  may  be 
recognised  as  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  early  sikhara  style,  as  re¬ 
presented  by  the  temples  at  Pathari  (Gwalior)  and  the  Mahadeva 
temple  at  Nachna  Kuthara.  Built  of  large-sized  red  bricks  over  a 
raised  terrace  of  cell  foundations,  the  temple  consisted  of  the  sanc¬ 
tum  proper34a  and  a  mandapa  in  front,  with  an  ante-chamber  (anta- 
rdla)  connecting  the  two.  The  mandapa,  of  which  only  the  pillars  re¬ 
main,  was,  in -all  probability,  a  later  addition,  as  this  adjunct  is 
usually  found  to  be  absent  in  other  early  temples  of  this  kind.  The 
sanctum  is  pancharatha  in  plan,  the  rathas  being  carried  upwards 
along  the  height  of  the  sikhara.  Here  a  greater  variegation  over 
the  plan  of  the  earlier  examples  is  apparent  from  the  addition  to  the 
number  of  projections  on  the  outer  wall,  the  gradually  receding 
planes  on  each  face  thus  leading  to  more  attractive  effects  of  light 
and  shade.  The  projections,  continued  vertically,  also  emphasise 
the  height  of  the  tower.  The  bdda  is  divided  into  three  sections — 
the  pabhaga,  the  jahgha,  and  the  baranda,  the  last  consisting  of  two 
recessed  friezes  that  separate  the  cube  of  the  bdda  from  the  gandi 
of  the  tower.  The  brick  temple  at  Bhitargaon,  belonging  to  a  date 


557 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

several  centuries  earlier,  has  also  two  lines  of  recessed  friezes  de¬ 
marcating  the  sikhara  from  the  cube  of  the  sanctum.  Another 
peculiarity  of  the  Sirpur  temple  is  the  triangular  dormer  opening 
over  the  doorway  in  front,  a  characteristic  that  is  prominent  in  the 
early  brick  temples.  The  mouldings  of  the  pabhaga  and  of  the 
bara\ujia,  as  also  the  ratha  projections,  are  boldly  designed.  Equal¬ 
ly  boldly  designed  false  windows  on  the  central  projections  on  the 
three  sides  provide  a  singular  harmony  with  the  doorway  in  front. 
The  principal  decorative  scheme  consists  of  well-shaped  chaitya- 
window  motifs,  finely  cut  and  pleasingly  disposed  all  over  the 
exterior  surface.  The  sikhara ,  tapering  inwards,  shows  a  vertical 
sequence  of  attached  dmalakas  at  the  corners,  and  though  the  top 
is  damaged,  it  is  easy  to  imagine,  on  the  analogy  of  similar  temples, 
that  a  flattened  dmalaka-sild,  supported  on  a  recessed  beki ,  crowned 
the  sikhara.  The  brick-work  is  particularly  good,  the  surface  and 
joints  being  rubbed  down  to  a  beautifully  smooth  texture  with 
bold,  well-defined  and  sharp-cut  ornaments.  In  the  perfect  dis¬ 
position  of  its  parts  and  in  the  richness  and  refinement  of  its  sur¬ 
face,  this  battered  structure  at  Sirpur  is  perhaps  unsurpassed 
among  the  early  N  agar  a  temples  of  this  region.  The  date  of  this 
interesting  monument  is  not  definitely  known,  and  while  some 
scholars  place  it  in  the  seventh  century  A.D.,  others  bring  it  down 
to  the  ninth.  The  treatment  of  the  temple  indicates  a  long  experi¬ 
ence  in  the  art  of  building,  particularly  building  in  brick,  and  in 
the  light  of  the  stylistic  development  of  the  Ndgara  temple  in  the 
different  regions  its  date  appears  to  be  midway  between  the  above 
two  dates  proposed  by  previous  scholars.  In  Central  India  there 
had  been  a  prolific  activity  in  brick  building  about  this  period  and 
fragmentary  examples  may  still  be  seen  in  the  two  battered  build¬ 
ings  at  Kharod  (Bilaspur  District)35  and  one  at  Pujaripali  (Sambal- 
pur  District).36 

A  rather  archaic  form  of  the  Ndgara  temple  in  Central  India 
may  be  seen  in  the  temple  of  Vaidyanatha  Mahadeva  at  Baijnath,37 
a  small  village,  nine  miles  from  Rewa.  Unfortunately,  a  greater 
part  of  the  sikhara  has  fallen  down,  but  enough  remains  to  provide 
an  idea  of  its  plan  and  elevation.  The  sanctum  is  triratha  in  plan 
and  the  bdda  consists  of  the  usual  three  sections,  the  baranda 
consisting  simply  of  a  recessed  frieze.  The  sikhara  inclines  in¬ 
wards  and  appears,  from  its  preserved  portion,  to  have  a  stunted 
elevation.  The  ornament,  consisting  chiefly  of  chaitya- window 
motifs,  is  simpler  in  execution.  The  late  Mr.  R.  D.  Banerji  was 
inclined  to  identify  the  Baijnath  temple  with  the  one  given  by  king 
Lakshmanaraja  to  the  Saiva  ascetic  Hridayasiva,  as  mentioned  in  the 
Bilhari  inscription.  There  is,  however,  no  definite  evidence  to  sup- 


558 


ART 


port  this  tentative  suggestion.  In  plan,  in  elevation,  and  in  gene¬ 
ral  appearance  the  Baijnath  has  a  close  parallel  in  the  Parasurames- 
vara  temple  at  Bhuvanesvara  and  is  nearer  to  the  early  sikhara 
temples.  Hence,  stylistically  the  Baijnath  temple  appears  to 
be  anterior  to  the  brick  temple  of  Lakshmana  at  Sirpur.  A  ruined 
temple  of  the  Baijnath  type  and  appearance  may  be  found  at  Bar- 
gaon.8-  The  above  temples  represent  an  early  phase  of  the  N  agar  a 
style  in  Central  India  and  are  identical  in  form  and  appearance  to 
analogous  monuments  distributed  over  different  parts  of  Northern 
India  and  a  substantial  portion  of  the  Deccan. 

An  interesting  temple  with  characteristics  of  the  early  form 
affords  an  instructive  example  in  the  development  of  the  distinctive 
Central  Indian  type.  This  is  the  well-preserved  temple  at  Baroli  (Fig. 
21),"  situated  in  a  wild  and  romantic  spot  near  the  Chambal  falls.  In 
plan  it  is  pahcharatha,  but  the  bdda  is  divided  into  the  usual  three 
sections.  The  corners  have  sharp  edges  with  the  usual  vertical  se¬ 
quence  of  angle-amala/cas.  What  is  interesting  is  that  the  recessed 
beki  in  this  temple  is  surmounted  by  a  large-sized  flattened  dmalaka 
over  which  is  placed  again  what  looks  like  a  second  dmalaka  sup¬ 
porting  the  kalasa  nnial.  The  pagas ,  again,  do  not  terminate  at  the  end 
of  the  gancli  but  are  continued  beyond,  each  in  the  shape  of  a  triangu¬ 
lar  finial  that  almost  touches  the  dmalaka-sild.  The  double  dmalaka 
and  the  continuation  of  the  pagas  beyond  the  top  of  the  gandi  are 
characteristics  that  belong  to  Central  India,  being  unknown,  except 
as  aberrations,  outside  this  area.  Barring  these  two  interesting 
features  which  are  peculiar  to  Central  India  the  temple  closely  agrees 
to  the  other  examples  of  the  early  Ndgara  form.  From  its  shape  and 
appearance  the  sanctuary  appears  to  date  from  about  the  ninth  cen¬ 
tury  A.D. 

In  Central  India  the  direction  of  development  of  the  early 
Ndgara  form  is  practically  identical  with  that  as  outlined  in  case  of 
Orissa.  But  the  pillared  halls,  though  apparently  absent  in  the 
early  phase  of  the  development,  come  to  play  a  prominent  part  in 
the  composition  of  a  Central  Indian  temple  and  become  a  necessary 
concomitant  of  the  full-fledged  local  type.  In  this  respect  the  type 
had  had  its  associations  with  other  parts  of  India,  west  as  well  as 
south. 

A  number  of  temples  in  Central  India  indicate  a  development 
that  is  essentially  identical  to  that  in  Orissa.  There  is  the  same 
process  of  variegation  by  dividing  the  body  both  vertically  and 
horizontally  and  by  subdividing  each  such  section.  In  Central 
India  the  process  is  carried  a  little  further.  For  example,  a  Central 

559 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Indian  temple  is  usually  saptaratha  in  plan  and  the  cube  of  the  bd^la 
is  divided  into  seven  sections  by  two  bandhanas,  while  we  do  not 
meet  with  more  than  five  such  divisions  in  Orissa.  The  jangha,  thus 
diversified,  horizontally  as  well  as  vertically,  offers  a  background 
for  a  moving  pageant  of  elegant  sculptures  in  various  attitudes  and 
poses,  all  conforming  to  the  varied  composition  of  the  walls.  The 
ga\idi  of  the  sikhara  is  also  correspondingly  diversified  by  the  conti¬ 
nuation  of  the  rathas  as  pagas ,  and  soon,  as  already  indicated  in 
Orffcsa,  by  the  appearance  of  anga-sikharas  on  the  body  of  the  main 
tower  all  around.  In  Central  India  the  latter  process  was  carried 
to  its  logical  conclusion  and  clusters  of  cinga-sikharas,  clinging  to 
the  body  of  the  main  tower,  impart  to  it  a  plasticity  and  volume 
that  are  unknown  in  Orissa.  Boldly  projected  and  rising  up  one 
above  the  other  they  signify  an  impatient  and  restless  upwTard  urge 
which,  not  infrequently,  interferes  with  disciplined  movement. 
In  the  Baroli  temple  we  have  already  noticed  two  interesting  fea¬ 
tures — one  in  the  projection  of  the  pagas  beyond  the  top  of  the  gandi 
and  the  other  in  two  dmalakas  crowning  the  sikhara.  In  the  later 
examples  such  projection,  confined  to  the  rdhd-paga  only,  became  a 
singular  characteristic  of  the  Central  Indian  temple.  The  second, 
the  double  dmalaka,  also  proved  to  be  distinctive  of  Central  India, 
two  dmalakas  being  invariable  not  only  as  surmounting  the  top  of 
the  main  sikhara  but  also  those  of  the  anga-sikharas. 

The  place  of  the  vestibule  ( antardla )  and  the  pillared  audience 
hall  ( manclapa )  in  Central  Indian  temples  has  already  been  indicat¬ 
ed.  The  former  has  been  an  inseparable  element  even  from  the 
earliest  times,  and  the  latter,  though  probably  absent  in  the  earlier 
examples,  comes,  later  on,  to  occupy  an  important  position  in  the 
regular  temple  scheme.  Preceding  it  again  there  is  placed  another 
smaller  hall  (ardha-mandapa) ,  serving  as  a  portico  with  its  entrance 
projected  and  leading  to  the  tall  flight  of  steps  that  forms  an  im¬ 
pressive  approach.  All  these,  one  after  the  other,  represent  a 
continuous  scheme  resulting  in  a  plan  elongated  along  the  axial 
line,  the  entire  complex  of  structures  being  raised  over  a  sub¬ 
stantial  and  solid  terrace.  Some  of  the  important  Orissan  temples 
also  exhibit  four  component  elements  in  axial  length,  but  there  the 
disposition  and  details  of  the  adjuncts  are  different.  Again,  the 
halls  in  Orissa  are  usually  astylar,  but  in  Central  India  columns  and 
pillars  form  important  elements  of  the  scheme.  The  roof  in  each 
hall  is  placed  over  a  dome  supported  on  pillars.  -These  pillars  and 
architraves  over  which  the  ceilings  are  placed  offer  suitable  back¬ 
grounds  for  lavish  carvings,  and  hence  the  interiors  of  these  halls 
are  also  richly  ornamented  in  strong  contrast  to  the  bare  and  dull 
appearance  of  the  interiors  of  the  Orissan  halls.  The  halls  in 

560 


ART 


Orissa  are  closed,  but  here  they  are  open  on  the  three  sides,  the 
openings  between  the  pillars  forming  balconied  windows  shaded  by 
projecting  eaves.  Along  the  sides  there  are  seais  ( kakshdsanas ) 
with  sloping  balustrades.  The  sides  of  the  mandapa  hall  form  tran¬ 
septs  in  the  more  developed  examples,  and  they  go  round  the 
sanctum  cella  and  are  provided  with  balconied  windows  on  three 
of  its  sides.  These  openings  not  only  provided  well-lighted  hails, 
in  contrast  to  the  gloomy  interiors  of  similar  Orissan  adjuncts,  but 
also  throw  intense  shadows  athwart  the  intermediate  portion  of 
the  building  complex  providing  a  significant  contrast  to  the  solids 
in  the  lower  and  upper  sections  of  the  temple  scheme.  This  con¬ 
trast  of  solids  and  voids  lends  an  effect  which  is  seldom  paralleled 
in  any  other  region  of  India. 

In  the  superstructures  of  these  adjuncts  and  their  elevation  a 
general  likeness  may  be  recognised  in  the  arrangement  of  the 
pidha  deuls  in  Orissa.  In  Central  India,  as  in  Orissa,  each  of  these 
halls  is  distinguished  by  a  separate  roof.  Ascending  in  graduated 
heights  they  sweep  up  to  the  lofty  sikhara  of  the  sanctum,  suggest¬ 
ive  of  the  rising  peaks  of  a  mountain  range  converging  on  to  the 
highest  point.  This  effect  of  the  elevation  may  be  recognised,  to  a 
certain  extent,  in  the  temple  of  Ananta  Vasudeva  at  Bhuvanesvara 
(Fig.  13).  The  roofs  are  composed  of  horizontal  strata  of  tiers  upon 
tiers  in  receding  stages.  The  surface  texture  of  these  roofs  is  thus 
essentially  the  same  as  in  Orissa,  with  the  only  difference  that  the 
bell-shaped  member,  which  we  find  in  the  full-fledged  Orissan  pidha 
deul  intervening  between  the  last  stage  of  the  pidha  and  the  ama- 
\aka,  is  absent  in  Central  India.  The  contour  also,  instead  of  being 
that  of  an  Orissan  straight-edged  pyramid,  conforms  more  to  that 
of  a  domical  shape.  The  last  is  no  doubt  dictated  by  the  method 
of  interior  construction  of  such  roofs  in  Central  India. 

The  above  characteristics,  gradually  evolved,  together  with  the 
singular  features  of  the  double  dmalaka  and  the  rdhd-paga  project¬ 
ing  beyond  the  gandi,  constitute  the  distinctive  traits  of  the  Central 
Indian  type  of  the  Ndgara  style.  The  Kandarya  Mahadeo  temple  at 
Khajuraho  (old  Chhatarpur  State)  represents  the  most  notable  crea¬ 
tion  of  the  Central  Indian  movement.  It  has  to  be  stressed,  how¬ 
ever,  that  the  type  was  the  result  of  a  gradual  evolution,  the  course 
of  which  is  indicated  by  several  interesting  temples  in  different  parts 
of  Central  India. 

An  early  phase  in  the  transition  is  represented  by  the  Visva- 
natha  temple  at  Maribagh  (old  Rewa  State).40  Pancharatha  in  plan 
and  with  a  fivefold  division  of  the  bada,  the  temple  shows  an  ad¬ 
vancement  on  the  earlier  design.  Temple  type  of  this  kind  had 

561 

S.E.— 86 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

a  much  wider  distribution  and  may  be  placed  between  the  ninth- 
tenth  century  A.D. 

Amarkantak,  reputed  to  be  the  source  of  the  rivers,  the  Nar¬ 
mada,  the  Son  and  the  Mahanadi,  was  a  very  sacred  place  in  ancient 
times  and  a  number  of  beautiful  temples41  adorned  the  site  in  days 
gone  by.  Many  of  them  are  now  in  ruins,  but  among  the  remains 
that  still  stand  there  are  a  few  which,  on  analysis,  may  be  found 
to  represent  important  developments.  The  temples  of  Kesava- 
narayana  and  Machchhendranatha,  situated  contiguous  to  each 
other,  are  practically  identical  in  design  with  only  slight  variations 
in  minor  details.  Each  of  the  temples  consists  of  a  sanctum,  an 
antardla  and  a  mandapa  joined  in  axial  length.  The  sanctum  cube 
in  each  case  is  pancharatha  in  plan  and  has  a  fivefold  division  along 
the  vertical  axis.  The  pagas  in  each  project  beyond  the  top  of  the 
gandi  which  is  surmounted  by  two  dmalakas.  The  surface  of  the 
tov/er  is  ornamented  by  shallow-cut  chaitya- window  motifs  of 
tracery-like  execution.  The  body  of  the  cube  is  sparse  of  sculp¬ 
tural  decoration,  except  in  the  central  ratha  divided  into  two  tiers 
by  the  bandhand  moulding.  The  antardla  is  covered  by  a  straight- 
edged  gable  superstructure  of  sharp  outline.  The  mwidapa  is 
square  in  plan,  with  kakshasanas,  sloping  balustrades,  overhanging 
eaves  around,  and  is  open  on  all  sides  except  for  the  pillars  that 
support  the  roof.  The  latter  consists  of  a  pyramidal  superstructure 
(now  broken  away  in  case  of  the  Machchhendranatha)  rising  in 
horizontal  tiers,  receding  gradually,  and  crowned  at  the  apex  by 
dmalakas  and  the  usual  finials.  In  the  Kesavanarayana  the  roof 
rests  on  the  pillars  that  go  round  the  hall,  but  in  the  Machchhendra¬ 
natha  a  group  of  four  columns  in  the  centre  has  been  provided  for 
to  support  the  roof,  in  addition  to  the  pillars  around  the  hall.  In 
the  Patalesvara  temple  (Fig.  22),  also  at  Amarkantak,  we  have  an 
identical  composition,  its  plan,  elevation  and  appearance  represent¬ 
ing  a  very  close  approximation  to  the  Machchhendranatha. 

In  these  temples  the  sanctum,  the  antardla  and  the  mandapa 
form  parts  of  a  unified  scheme  and  thus  they  represent  an  advance¬ 
ment  from  the  early  N  agar  a  form  towards  the  typical  Central  Indian 
design.  The  sikhara  over  the  sanctum  with  its  emphasis  on  pleas¬ 
ing  contour  and  unbroken  mass  is  still  of  the  early  Ndgara  form, 
but  with  its  shape  and  appearance,  in  its  projecting  pagas  and 
double  amalaka ,  there  is  perhaps  a  faint  approach  towards  the  shape 
and  appearance  of  the  typical  Central  Indian  temple. 

The  triple-shrined  temple,  traditionally  ascribed  to  Raja  Karao 
Dahariya  (Raja  Kama  of  Dahala),  at  Amarkantak  belongs  also  to 


562 


ART 


this  phase,  though  we  have  a  novel  design  here  in  the  arrangement 
of  three  sanctuaries  on  three  sides  of  a  central  mandapa  hall. 

Each  of  the  shrines  is  saptaratha  in  plan  and  consists  of  seven 
segments  along  the  vertical  axis.  The  seven-fold  division  of  the 
bada  is  an  advancement  over  the  five-fold  one,  and  though  inherent 
in  the  logic  of  development  of  the  N agar a  temple,  it  is  a  feature, 
particularly  characteristic  of  the  typical  Central  Indian  temple  and 
not  met  with  elsewhere.  The  sikhara  in  each  case  sweeps  up  with 
unbroken  contour,  the  rdha-paga  on  each  face  projecting  beyond  the 
top  of  the  gandi  which  is  crowned  by  two  dmalakas . 

This  triple-shrined  temple  with  the  superb  magnificence  of  its 
three  tall  towers  of  chaste  and  graceful  outline  soaring  above  the 
pyramidal  pile  of  the  mandapa  in  the  centre  represents  a  novel  de¬ 
sign  of  temple  complex  in  Central  India.  Though  rare  in  Central 
India,  it  was  widely  prevalent  in  Western  India,  including  Khandesh, 
and  also  in  the  Chalukyan  regions  in  later  times.  In  Central  India 
other  temples  of  this  design  may  be  found  at  Deoguna  (Jaso  State) 
and  at  Kukdeswar  (Indore). 

Closely  allied  to  the  Amarkantak  group  is  the  great  temple  of 
Viratesvara  Siva  at  Sohagpur  (old  Rewa  State),42  which  represents 
a  further  stage  in  the  evolution  of  the  Central  Indian  type.  The 
temple  consists  of  the  sanctum,  an  antardla,  a  mandapa  hall  and  an 
ardha-mandapa  or  portico,  all  on  the  same  axis,  one  after  the  other, 
on  a  common  law  platform.  By  the  addition  of  the  ardha-mandapa 
in  front  of  the  mandapa  hall  the  Central  Indian  temple  complex 
reaches  its  typical  form.  In  plan  the  sanctum  is  saptaratha  and  is 
correspondingly  divided  into  seven  segments  along  the  vertical  axis. 
The  jahgha,  divided  into  three  sections  by  two  bdndhands  of  two 
bands  each,  serves  as  a  background  for  three  tiers  of  sculptures  of 
elegant  shapes  and  forms  that  add  a  richness  and  variety  to  the 
sanctum  walls,  in  contrast  to  the  rather  tame  treatment  of  these 
wall  sections  in  the  earlier  examples.  The  baranda,  separating  the 
cube  of  the  sanctum  from  the  body  of  the  sikhara ,  again  consists  of 
a  number  of  banded  mouldings,  projected  and  recessed  alternately. 
The  sikhara  rises  in  seven  pagas  with  the  rahas  projecting  beyond 
the  top  of  the  gandi  and  is  crowned  by  three  dmalakas. 

At  the  base  of  the  sikhara  there  appears  a  new  feature  of  orna¬ 
mentation,  hitherto  unknown  in  Central  India.  A  line  of  minia¬ 
ture  sikhara  replicas  ( ahga-sikharas )  of  varying  and  progressively 
increasing  heights  surround  the  body  along  the  pagas,  the  rahc.  on 
each  face  repeating  the  pattern  on  a  bigger  scale.  This  kind  of  orna¬ 
mentation,  as  already  indicated,  was  latent  in  the  evolutionary 
process  of  the  Nagara  temple.  In  the  full-fledged  Central  Indian 


563 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


temple  we  have  perhaps  the  most  emphatic  expression  of  this  mode, 
as  we  see  in  the  celebrated  Kandarya  Mahadeo  temple  at  Khajuraho. 
In  the  Viratesvara  at  Sohagpur  we  recognise  an  early  stage  of  this 
process  in  which  the  anga-sikharas  cover  only  the  lower  portion  of 
the  main  tower.  The  major  portion  of  the  sikhara,  left  uncovered, 
shows  the  traceried  pattern  of  chaitya- windows  in  shallow  relief,  as 
we  have  in  the  early  temples. 

The  antardla  in  front  of  the  sanctum  is  covered,  as  usual,  by  a 
gable  roof  attached  to  the  front  face  of  the  sikhara.  An  advance 
on  the  harsh  outline  of  this  feature  in  the  earlier  monuments  may 
be  recognised  in  the  Viratesvara  in  the  attempt  to  break  up  the  out¬ 
line  into  a  number  of  sections.  In  front  of  the  antardla  stands  the 
mandapa  hall  with  kakshasanas.  In  the  Amarkantak  group  this 
component  was  of  square  shape.  But  in  the  Viratesvara  at  Sohag¬ 
pur  the  mandapa  assumes  a  cruciform  shape  on  account  of  the  bal¬ 
conied  windows  at  the  sides  and  the  ardha-mandapa  projected  in 
front. 

The  interior  of  the  mandapa  hall  also  offers  some  instructive 
features.  Like  the  Kesavanarayana  and  the  Machchhendranatha  at 
Amarkantak  the  mandapa  roof  is  supported  on  the  pillars  going 
around  the  hall,  there  being  no  additional  central  group  as  in  the 
Patalesvara.  The  square  is  converted  into  an  octagon  by  massive 
architraves  placed  diagonally  on  the  supporting  pillars  and  thus 
cutting  off  the  corners.  Over  this  octagonal  frame  of  architraves 
is  another  octagonal  course  and  on  this  are  supported  the  overlap¬ 
ping  concentric  rings  of  a  great  trabeate  dome,  fretted  and  coved 
all  over.  In  plan,  in  elevation,  in  structural  means  and  in  decora¬ 
tive  scheme  the  Viratesvara  temple  at  Sohagpur  offers  the  nearest 
approach  to  the  distinctive  Central  Indian  type  as  represented  by 
the  magnificent  temples  at  Khajuraho. 

Stylistically  and  constructionally  the  temples  at  Amarkantak  and 
Sohagpur  represent  a  distinct  phase  in  the  evolution  of  the  Central 
Indian  type  of  temple  and  have  to  be  placed  midway  between  the 
Visvanatha  temple  at  Maribagh,  an  example  of  the  general  Ndgara 
class  of  the  ninth-tenth  century  A .  D.,  and  the  typical  Central  Indian 
temples  at  Khajuraho,  the  chronology  of  which  remains  still  to  be 
settled.  The  Khajuraho  temples  have  generally  been  placed  within 
a  century  between  A.D.  950  and  1050, 43  in  the  period  in  which  the 
Chandellas  of  Jejakabhukti  were  predominant  in  this  region.  The 
stylistic  and  structural  considerations,  however,  tell  a  different  tale. 
The  Khajuraho  temples,  at  least  the  more  important  ones,  represent 
an  accumulated  and  crystallised  experience  and  indicate,  in 
every  sense,  the  fulfilment  and  finality  of  a  long  anterior  develop- 


564 


ART 


ment.  Our  knowledge  of  architectural  movement  in  Central  India 
and  in  other  localities  does  not  quite  fit  in  with  the  above  chronology 
of  the  Khajuraho  temples,  though  it  is  usually  accepted.  It  is  true 
that  there  have  been  found  inscriptions  at  the  place  ranging  in  date 
from  A.D.  953  to' 1001,  but  it  is  not  always  clear  to  which  particular 
temples  they  apply.  The  usual  chronology  of  these  temples,  settled 
with  reference  to  such  inscriptions,  may  therefore  be  regarded  as 
rather  tentative.  No  local  art  movement,  much  less  the  Central  Indian 
one  due  to  its  geographical  position,  can  be  regarded  as  an  isolated 
episode.  It  is  generally  related  to  other  developments  that  are  taking 
place  elsewhere.  The  direction  of  architectural  movements  in 
different  parts  of  India,  coupled  with  the  chronological  data  supplied 
by  the  temples  of  known  date,  would  indicate  that  none  of  the 
temples  at  Khajuraho,  even  those  which  on  account  of  style  may  be 
regarded  as  the  earliest,  can  be  dated  prior  to  the  second  half  of  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.  The  Visvanatha  temple  at  Maribagh  belongs 
to  the  general  class  of  the  N agar  a  style,  and  with  reference  to  the 
temples  of  this  class  in  different  localities  cannot  be  placed  earlier 
than  the  ninth  century  A.D.  The  gradual  advancement  of  this  design 
towards  the  typical  Central  Indian  one,  along  the  lines  described 
above,  denotes  a  transitional  process  covering  a  rather  long  period, 
particularly  in  those  days  of  slow  movement.  The  temples  at  Amar- 
kantak  and  Sohagpur,  together  with  temples  of  identical  design  and 
form  at  Khajuraho  and  other  places,  belong  to  this  transitional  phase 
which  may  roughly  be  placed  between  the  ninth  and  the  eleventh 
centuries  A.D.  In  Orissa,  as  already  indicated,  the  distinctive  local 
type  comes  into  view  not  before  the  close  of  the  eleventh  century 
A.D.,  and  in  Central  India,  too,  the  typical  Central  Indian  temple 
takes  its  shape  at  about  the  same  period. 

But  the  fact  remains  that  there  was  a  prolific  architectural  acti¬ 
vity  at  Khajuraho  in  the  second  half  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.,  as 
the  inscriptions,  found  at  the  place  abundantly  testify.  It  is  signi¬ 
ficant  again  that  this  activity,  so  far  as  epigraphic  data  are  concerned, 
ceased  abruptly  about  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D. 
The  first  half  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  was  a  critical  period  for 
the  Chandella  dynasty,  partly  owing  to  the  rise  of  the  Kalachuris, 
and  mainly  on  account  of  the  invasions  of  SultSn  Mahmud  who 
advanced  as  far  as  Kalahjara,  not  far  from  Khajuraho.  A  cruel 
invader,  intent  on  sack,  pillage,  plunder  and  iconoclasm,  Mahmud 
had  left  signs  of  wanton  destruction  wherever  he  went,  and  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  the  monuments  of  an  earlier  building  activity  at  Khaju¬ 
raho,  to  which  the  inscriptions  amply  testify,  suffered  irreparable 
damage.  As  noted  above,  the  Chandellas  again  rose  to  power  in  the 
second  half  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.,  and  the  temples  that  now 


565 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


stand  in  all  their  glory  at  Khajuraho  very  probably  belonged  to  this' 
period. 

The  straggling  village  of  Khajuraho  contains  at  present  over 
thirty  temples,  large  and  small,  in  various  stages  of  preservation. 
The  monuments  are  distributed  among  the  three  great  religious 
systems— Saivism,  Vaishnavism  and  Jainism — and  in  each  group 
there  is  one,  or  more,  greater  than  the  rest.  In  the  Saiva  group  wo 
have  the  Kandarya  Mahadeo  and  the  Visvanatha,  in  the  Vaishnava 
the  Ramachandra  or  Chaturbhuja,  and  in  the  Jain  the  Parsvanatha. 
It  is  these  temples,  more  than  any  other,  which  represent  the  Cen¬ 
tral  Indian  temple  in  its  best  and  most  complete  manifestation. 
In  plan  and  elevation,  in  form  and  appearance  they  are  all  alike,  and 
are  to  be  distinguished  only  by  certain  details  as  regards  their 
expression.  The  temple  complex  consists  of  the  sanctum  ( garbha - 
griha),  the  antarala,  the  mandapa  and  the  ardha-mandapa,  with  the 
projected  portico  in  front,  all  on  the  same  axis  one  after  the  other, 
and  raised  on  a  substantial  masonry  terrace,  the  adhishthana  or  the 
socle.  Each  temple,  so  constituted,  appears  to  represent  a  unified 
design,  and  sometimes  the  main  temple  is  flanked  at  each  corner  of 
the  adhishthana  by  a  supplementary  shrine,  thus  forming  a  complete 
panchayatana  group.  But  the  accommodation  of  a  temple  within  a 
quadrangular  enclosure,  though  customary  in  other  parts  of  India, 
is  unknown  to  Khajuraho. 

In  spite  of  this  general  agreement  in  plan  and  composition, 
which  is  evidently  due  to  one  and  the  same  stylistic  movement,  the 
Khajuraho  temples  can  nevertheless  be  distinguished  in  the  details 
of  their  expression.  The  distinctions  represent  the  successive  mani¬ 
festations  of  one  single  movement,  indicating  a  steady  onward 
march,  culminating  in  its  most  complete  expression  in  the  grand 
and  magnificent  pile  of  the  Kandarya  Mahadeo.  From  the  eleva- 
tional  aspect  the  temples  may  be  divided  into  two  broad  groups — 
those  with  repetitions  of  miniature  tov/er  replicas  (anga-sikharas) 
attached  to  the  main  sikhara  all  around,  and  those  without.  From 
the  standpoint  of  plan  and  composition  again,  two  distinct  groups 
may  be  recognised  according  as  there  are  transepts,  forming  an  inner 
passage  of  ambulation  around  the  main  cella  of  the  sanctum,  or  not. 
As  a  general  rule,  the  temples  without  the  transepts  around  the 
sanctum  cella  and  without  the  anga-sikharas,  precede  those  that 
possess  these  significant  characteristics  with  which  the  typi¬ 
cal  Central  Indian  temple  reaches  its  complete  form  44  Stvlistical- 
ly,  however,  the  two  groups  are  very  close  to  each  other,  the  one 
representing  just  a  stage  prior  to  the  evolution  of  the  other,  and,  to 
a  certain  extent,  chronological  overlappings,  usual  in  such  circum¬ 
stances,  are  not  unlikely. 


566 


ART 


Following  the  sequence  of  evolutionary  process,  outlined  above, 
the  account  of  the  Khajuraho  temples  should  begin  with  the  Vamana 
(Fig.  23)  and  the  AdinStha  (Fig.  24)  temples  which  are  practically 
of  an  identical  design.  The  sanctum  of  the  former  is  saptaratha  in 
plan,  but  the  cube  is  divided  into  five  vertical  segments  only.  The 
contour  of  the  tower  is  not  broken  up  by  any  superposed  miniature 
replica  (ahga-sikhara)  and  its  surface  is  ornamented  by  minute  and 
interlacing  patterns  of  chaitya- windows,  looking  almost  like  fret¬ 
work.  The  sanctum  walls  below  are,  however,  decorated  by  elegant 
mouldings  and  graceful  sculptures  whose  modelling  and  execution 
are  in  the  best  traditions  of  mediaeval  art.  To  some  extent,  the 
sikhara  has  a  stunted  appearance  as  in  the  earlier  temples  of  the 
general  Nagara  class,  and  the  rahas  also  end  at  the  top  of  the  gandi. 
But  such  features  as  the  double  amalaka  and  the  treatment  of  the 
walls  of  the  sanctum  cube  indicate  a  developed  phase  of  the  Central 
Indian  architectural  movement  to  which  its  other  elements,  like  the 
antardla,  the  mandapa  and  the  ardha-mandapa  together  with  their 
disposition,  are  closely  related. 

The  Adinatha  (Fig.  24)  represents  a  small  but  exquisite  struc¬ 
ture  by  the  side  of  the  great  Parsvanatha  temple.  Its  mandapa  and 
other  usual  adjuncts  either  did  not  exist  originally  or  were  removed 
and  replaced  in  modern  times  by  a  brick  construction,  abominable  in 
its  glaring  incongruity.  Rising  on  a  high  adhishthana  the  sanctum  is 
saptaratha  in  plan  and  correspondingly  has  a  seven-fold  division  of 
the  hada.  The  sanctum  walls  are  decorated  by  three  tiers  of  sculp¬ 
tures,  each  of  alluring  beauty  and  in  every  way  comparable  to  the 
best  temple  sculpture  of  the  age.  The  sikhara  rises  in  seven  pagas 
with  the  rahas  projecting  beyond  the  top  of  the  gan$i  and  almost 
touching  the  lower  of  the  two  amalakas  which  surmount  the  recessed 
heki.  What  is  interesting  is  that  the  konakas  also  continue  beyond 
the  height  of  the  gandi,  a  feature  that  gets  an  added  emphasis  in  the 
great  Parsvanatha  temple.  The  shape  of  the  sikhara  is  more  elongat¬ 
ed  than  that  of  the  Vamana,  and  the  surface,  unburdened  by  any 
duplicated  miniature,  is  richly  fretted  with  delicate  interfacings  of 
chaitya- opening  patterns.  It  is  perhaps  the  most  finished  creation 
of  the  Central  Indian  architectural  movement  just  prior  to  the 
emergence  of  its  complete  and  full-fledged  form. 

The  majority  of  the  Khajuraho  temples,  however,  belong  to  the 
second  group  i.e.  with  the  anga-sikhara  clustered  around  the  body  of 
the  main  tower.  Interesting  examples  may  be  seen  in  the  Bharat- 
ji  or  Chitragupta,  the  Devi  Jagadamba  (Fig.  27),  the  Kunwar  Math 
(Fig.  25),  the  Ramachandra  or  Chaturbhuja  (Fig.  26),  the  ParSva- 
natha  (Fig.  29),  the  Viivanatha  (Fig.  28),  and  last,  the  most  impres- 

567 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


sive  of  all,  the  Kandarya  Mahadeo  (Fig.  30).  They  are  fundamen¬ 
tally  of  the  same  design  and  composition  and  consist  of  the  charac¬ 
teristic  component  elements  with  practically  identical  arrangements 
and  dispositions.  But  even  within  this  group  there  is  a  divergence 
in  an  important  respect.  None  of  the  temples  surveyed  up  till  now 
have  an  ambulatory  contained  within  the  mass  of  the  structure. 
But  each  of  the  last  four  temples  of  this  group,  representing  the 
most  complete  expression  of  the  Central  Indian  type,  has  an  enclosed 
inner  ambulatory,  formed  by  the  extension  of  the  transepts  of  the 
mandapa  hall  around  the  sanctum  cella.  This  ambulatory  again 
has  the  usual  projected  window  openings  on  three  of  its  sides  just 
as  in  the  frontal  parts  of  the  temple  complex.  The  temple  with 
the  inner  ambulatory  is  known  as  the  sdndhdra  prasada,  while  the 
one  without  as  the  nirandkdra  prasada.  The  earliest  example  of 
the  sdndhdra  prasada,  so  far  as  extant  monuments  are  concerned, 
may  be  recognised  in  the  second  group  of  Gupta  temples.44a  In 
those  days  this  plan  was  more  or  less  widespread,  being  found 
over  a  large  area  in  the  north  as  well  as  in  the  south.  But  gradually 
the  plan  became  localised  in  the  south.  The  mediaeval  temples  of 
this  plan  in  certain  regions  of  Northern  India  like  those  of  Khaju- 
raho,  probably  indicate  the  influence  of  the  building  traditions 
of  the  south. 

In  these  two  well-marked  divisions  of  the  temples  at  Khajuraho, 
with  repetitions  of  anga-sikharas  on  the  tower,  it  is  likely  that  the 
one  without  the  inner  ambulatory  ( nirandhara )  is  stylistically  ante¬ 
rior  to  that  which  is  furnished  with  it  (sdndhdra),  though  the  two 
are  very  close  to  each  other,  but  for  this  significant  distinction. 
A  minute  comparison  of  the  forms  and  appearances  of  these  two 
divisions  of  temples  and  their  decorative  scheme  may  also  lend 
some  support  to  the  hypothesis  of  a  posterior  date  to  the  sdndhdra 
temples.  As  a  rule,  the  sdndhdra  prdsadas  are  more  elaborate  and 
exuberant  than  the  nirandhara  ones,  their  bewildering  wealth  of 
ornament  and  variegation  indicating  the  finality  of  the  movement 
just  prior  to  dessication  and  decadence. 

Among  the  nirandhara  temples  of  this  division  the  Devi  Jaga- 
damba  (Text  Fig.  4;  Fig.  27)  and  the  Kunwar  Math  (Fig.  25)  were 
impressive  productions,  though  the  latter  is  much  damaged.  Both 
have  the  same  exuberance  of  sculptures  and  rich  ornamentation, 
pleasingly  balanced  by  the  variegated  treatment  of  the  sikhara  by 
smaller  replicas  reduplicated  all  around.  In  the  Kunwar  Math,  how- 
ever,  the  sikhara  is  surrounded  by  regular  and  successive  rows  of 
smaller  replicas,  practically  of  identical  heights,  along  the  receding 
planes  of  the  pagas.  In  this  respect  the  Kunwar  Math  strikes  a  new 


568 


ART 


note  in  the  sikhara  design  which  has  parallels  further  towards  the 
west. 

Of  the  sandhara  temples  the  sanctum  in  the  Ramachandra  or 
Chaturbhuja  (Fig.  26)  is  pancharatha  and  panchanga,  the  other  tem¬ 
ples  showing  the  seven-fold  division  horizontally  as  well  as  verti¬ 
cally.  The  extension  of  the  transepts  of  the  mandapa  around  the 
sanctum  forms  an  inner  ambulatory  around  the  garbha-griha,  pro¬ 
vided  on  three  sides  by  projecting  windows  with  sloping  balustrades 
and  overhanging  eaves  as  in  those  of  the  mandapa  and  the  ardha - 
mandapa.  Along  the  entire  central  zone  of  the  temple  complex  there 
runs  thus  a  line  of  voids  (cf.  Figs.  26  and  28)  that  gracefully  relieves 
the  solids  in  the  low’er  and  upper  sections.  Hitherto  such  voids  have 
been  confined  to  the  mandapa  and  the  ardha-mandapa  only.  Their 
provision  on  the  sanctum  walls  perfects  the  design  and  adds  to  the 
impressive  character  of  the  monument  as  a  whole.  The  roof  of  the 
mandapa  is  nearer  to  the  typical  Orissan  pidhas,  on  account  of  its 
having  a  pyramidal  outline  and  the  bell-shaped  member,  usual  in 
Orissa  but  unknown  in  Central  India,  intervening  between  the  last 
stage  of  the  pyramid  and  the  dmalaka. 

The  Parsvanatha  temple  (Fig.  29),  the  holiest  of  the  Jain  group 
at  Khajuraho,  is  one  cf  the  most  elaborate  productions,  though  much 
reduced  in  size.  It  comprises  an  oblong  structural  scheme  with 
a  projected  portion  at  each  end  of  the  sanctum — the  one  in  front 
forming  the  mandapa  hall  and  the  other  at  the  back  an  attached  out¬ 
side  shrine.  Though  there  is  an  enclosed  passage  around  the  sanc¬ 
tum  cella,  in  continuation  of  the  transepts  of  the  mandapa  hall,  the, 
projected  balconied  windows  on  the  sides  are  singularly  absent,  thus 
resulting  in  an  almost  complete  elimination  of  any  voids  in  the 
temple  walls.  There  is  only  a  small  latticed  window  on  the  central 
ratha  on  each  face  for  admission  of  light  and  air  into  the  enclosed 
inner  ambulatory,  but  they  are  so  disposed  as  not  to  interfere  with 
the  predominantly  sculptural  scheme  of  the  whole.  The  lack  of  con¬ 
trast  between  the  solids  and  the  voids,  that  constitutes  a  striking 
and  pleasing  characteristic  of  the  Khajuraho  temples,  gives  the 
Parsvanatha  a  monotonous  and  overburdened  appearance  which  its 
exuberant  wealth  of  sculptural  elegance  could  hardly  compensate 
for. 

Of  the  Saiva  group  of  temples  the  most  important  are  the  Visva- 
natha  and  the  Kandarya  Mahadeo,  which  illustrate  the  Central  In¬ 
dian  architectural  movement  in  its  richest  and  most  finished  expres¬ 
sions.  In  these  two  magnificent  monuments,  representing  the  final 
results  of  a  long  anterior  development,  the  experience  of  successive 
ages  is  found  in  a  mature  and  crystallised  state.  The  Visvanatha 


569 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(Fig.28)  is  the  smaller  of  the  two  and  stylistically  makes  the  nearest 
approach  to  the  imposing  and  impressive  pile  of  the  Kandarya  Maha- 
deo.  In  plan  and  composition,  in  shape  and  appearance,  the  two 
are  identical,  but  in  the  Kandarya  Mahadeo  the  effect  is  much  richer 
and  grander,  expressive  of  an  abler  and  more  skilful  disposition  of 
its  various  parts  and  their  decorative  elements. 

The  Kandarya  Mahadeo  temple  (Text  Fig.  5;  Fig.  30)  stands  on 
a  high  terrace  and  comprises  the  usual  component  elements.  In  verti¬ 
cal  section  the  temple  is  seen  to  be  a  mountain  of  masonry  with  its 
volumes  and  masses  moving  in  an  upward  direction  until  they  reach 
the  peak.  According  to  the  scared  literature,  Siva,  the  god  enshrin¬ 
ed  in  the  temple,  has  his  abode  in  the  Kailasa  mountain,  and  this 
temple,  which  has  the  appearance  of  a  mountain  in  exterior  eleva¬ 
tion,  may  be  described  as  a  fitting  sanctuary  for  the  lord  of  the 
mountains  created  by  human  endeavour. 

The  sanctum  is  saptaratha  in  plan  and  consists  of  the  seven 
segments  along  the  vertical  axis.  This  arrangement  is  typical  of 
the  Central  Indian  temple  of  full-fledged  design.  On  the  lofty 
basement  terrace  rises  the  emphatically  high  plinth  or  pdbhaga 
sloping  upwards  in  a  succession  of  bold  mouldings  with  prominent 
passages  of  light  and  shade.  Over  this  rises  the  central  zone  of 
the  wall  section,  the  jdngha,  divided  into  five  segments,  the  two 
bandhanas  separating  the  three  elaborate  tiers  of  sculptures.  Fol¬ 
lowing  the  alternate  projections  and  recesses  of  the  plan  these 
life-like  forms,  “shapely  in  appearance,  exquisite  in  workmanship 
and  of  inexhaustible  interest”,  present  a  moving  pageant  of  sculp¬ 
tured  grace.  This  decorative  arrangement  constitutes  a  remark¬ 
able  characteristic  of  the  Khajuraho  temples,  each  building  accom¬ 
modating  such  friezes  in  proportion  to  its  size.  In  the  Kandarya 
Mahadeo  we  have  nearly  900  such  sculptures,  each  slightly  less 
than  life-size,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  with  such  animated  throng 
of  plastic  forms  ever  present  on  the  walls,  the  structure  pulsates 
with  a  vitality  not  ordinarily  met  with  in  building  art. 

Several  courses  of  barania  mouldings,  admirable  again  in  the 
disposition  of  light  and  shade,  separate  the  wall  section  from  that 
of  the  towered  superstructures.  Here  the  analogy  with  a  moun¬ 
tain  range  is  complete,  not  only  on  account  of  the  graded  heights  of 
the  superstructures  of  the  different  components  rising  and  falling  al¬ 
ternately  and  ultimately  converging  on  the  main  tower,  but  also  in  the 
multitudinous  peaks,  in  the  shape  of  anga-sikharas,  arrayed  round 
the  main  sikhara ,  that  lead  the  eye  towards  the  topmost  pinnacle 
(Fig.  31).  The  entire  mass  of  the  tower  is  thus  broken  up  by  deep 
indentations  and  appears  to  be  weightless.  The  upward  urge,  thus 


570 


ART 


emphasised,  though  restless  in  movement,  seems  to  lend  to  the  entire 
monument  a  striking  quality  of  aspiring  verticalism.  The  ascent, 
though  broken  up  and  dissolved  in  separate  volumes  and  masses,  is 
not  without  a  rhythm  of  its  own,  as  every  lineament  is  principally 
governed  by  the  fundamental  scheme  laid  down  in  the  plan  and 
elevational  aspect  of  the  entire  monument. 

The  different  adjuncts  of  the  sanctum  have  their  separate  super¬ 
structures,  graded  in  height  towards  the  main  tower  (Text  Fig.  6). 
The  antardla  has  the  usual  gable  roof,  exquisitely  rich  in  treatment. 
The  mandapa  and  the  ardha-mandapa  are  each  roofed  by  a  trabeate 
dome  with  similar  supplementary  superstructures  clustering  around 
and  subordinated  to  it  in  the  same  way  as  are  the  anga-sikharas  to 
the  main  sikhara .  The  main  superstructure  in  each  is  crowned  by 
the  amalaka  and  the  kalasa.  The  progressive  and  repeated  ascent 
and  descent  of  the  different  superstructures  converging  on  the  pin¬ 
nacle  of  the  sikhara ,  as  seen  in  the  lateral  view,  produce  a  remarkable 
ensemble  which  is  not  visible,  however,  in  the  front  where  the  several 
roofs  seem  “to  coincide  in  one  comprehensive  outline.”45  Thus 
every  lineament,  ho wT ever  varied  in  treatment  and  articulation,  is 
summed  up  in  a  final  unity. 

The  interior  of  this  temple  complex,  because  of  the  variety  and 
multiplicity  of  its  details,  is  no  less  impressive.  The  entrance,  which 
is  on  the  east,  is  approached  by  a  steep  flight  of  steps,  imposing  in 
its  dignity.  The  exquisitely  carved  doorway  shows  a  foliated  form 
of  strut  attached  to  the  bottom  of  the  lintel,  a  pleasing  motif  repeat¬ 
ed  also  in  the  ornamental  doorway  to  the  sanctum  cella.  The  frontal 
doorway  leads  to  a  passage  expanding  into  the  rectangular  ardha- 
mandapa  and  next  to  the  square  mandapa  hall,  each  a  hypostyle  with 
open  sides.  The  transepts  on  either  side  of  the  mandapa  extend 
around  the  sanctum  and  connect  with  the  boldly  projecting  balcony 
windows.  The  disposition  of  the  interior  complex  is  replete  with 
notable  features,  functional  and  at  the  same  time  highly  decorative. 
The  ceilings  of  the  different  superstructures  are  no  doubt  made  up 
of  oversailing  courses  of  masonry.  The  limitations  of  this  ele¬ 
mentary  structural  procedure  necessitated  the  reduction  of  spans  by 
underpinning,  and  it  is  this  necessary  function  which  the  pillars 
effectively  serve.  We  may  take,  for  instance,  the  roof  of  the  manda¬ 
pa  hall.  The  four  central  pillars  support  a  frame  of  architraves.  The 
square,  thus  formed,  is  transformed  into  an  octagon  and  next  the 
ceiling  goes  up  in  overlapping  concentric  courses  until  at  the  top 
it  is  closed  by  a  single  disc.  A  pendant  projects  downwards  from 
this  apex  which  is  just  below  the  pinnacle  on  the  summit.  Smaller 
trabeated  domes  cluster  around  the  central  dome,  just  a  reflex  in 
the  interior  of  the  arrangement  of  the  supplementary  superstruc- 


571 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

tures  around  the  main  one.  This  simple  arrangement  has  been  given 
a  magnificently  ornamental  treatment  and  the  almost  bewildering 
wealth  of  decoration  defies  description.  The  floors  of  the  different 
components  of  the  structure  are  not  on  one  level  and  in  their  dis¬ 
position  one  may  also  recognise  the  same  ideas  of  vertical  ascent  of 
the  monument  as  seen  in  the  exterior.  The  ardha-maridapa  leads 
up  to  a  raised  dais  in  the  centre  of  the  manfapa  from  which  the 
antardla  is,  again,  on  a  higher  level,  and  finally  another  series  of 
steps  leads  up  to  the  garbha-griha.  Not  only  in  the  solid  masses  of 
the  superstructure,  but  also  in  the  disposition  of  the  hollow  parts, 
the  same  aspiration  for  verticalism  is  equally  apparent,  the  former 
leading  up  to  the  pinnacle  of  the  sikhara,  the  latter  to  the  holiest  of 
the  holies,  the  garbha-griha. 

The  Kandarya  Mahadeo  at  Khajuraho  represents  the  finality  of 
the  Central  Indian  architectural  movement — a  consummation  of  a 
fruitful  evolutionary  process — and  is  at  once  brilliant  in  its  concep¬ 
tion  and  the  most  imposing  in  its  perfect  finish  and  grace.  Central 
India  affords  many  other  temples  of  this  type,  but  none  can  equal 
it  in  its  flawless  proportions,  the  orderly  and  harmonious  disposition 
of  its  various  parts  *  its  sculptured  grace  pulsating  with  vibrant,  yet 
restrained,  energy,  or  in  the  pleasing  ensemble  of  the  various  linea¬ 
ments  of  the  superstructure  with  the  aspiring  spire  of  the  vimdna 
dominating  and  controlling  the  entire  scheme.  Exuberant  in  de¬ 
tails,  architectural  as  well  as  sculptural,  that  may  appear  to  be 
seemingly  restless,  there  is  no  sign  of  disorderliness  in  the  entire 
monument,  and  all  have  been  drawn  up  in  the  bold  sweep  of  the 
rhythmically  compact  sikhara.  It  fully  deserves  the  high  encomium 
lavished  upon  it  by  critics  of  art  in  modern  times.46 

The  Ghantai  temple  (Fig.  33)  at  Khajuraho,  as  it  now  stands,  ap¬ 
pears  to  be  of  an  entirely  different  character.  It  is  now  in  an  ex¬ 
tremely  fragmentary  state  and  a  few  pillars  that  remain  represent 
but  a  mere  shell  of  what  was  apparently  a  great  conception.  The 
pillars  are  arranged  on  a  moulded  plinth  in  two  squares  set  apart 
from  each  other,  the  frontal  one  evidently  constituting  the  portico, 
and  the  rear,  the  mandapa.  The  antardla  and  the  garbha-griha, 
which  apparently  stood  behind,  have  now  disappeared,  and  it  is  the 
absence  of  these  two  elements  and  of  the  enclosing  walls  and  super¬ 
structures  that  lends  a  singular  appearance  to  the  monument.  The 
pillars  now  stand  alone,  and  in  the  beauty  of  their  form  and  propor¬ 
tions  and  the  chasteness  of  their  ornamentation  they  evince  almost 
a  classic  dignity. 

A  few  of  the  temples  representing  exceptional  types  in  Central 
India  should  also  be  discussed  in  this  connection  for  completing  the 


572 


ART 


account  of  the  architectural  movement  in  this  region  during  the 
mediaeval  period.  The  two  four-faced  square  temples  at  Khajuraho47 
present  unusual  appearance  when  compared  to  the  temples  at  the 
site  already  described.  They  are  the  temples  of  Brahma  and  of  Myi- 
tang  Mahadeo  (Mrityunjaya  Mahadeva),  the  former  on  the  east  bank 
of  Khajur  Sagar  and  the  other  situated  close  to  the  Ramachandra  or 
Chaturbhuja  temple.  Each  of  them  (Text  Figs.  7  and  8)  repre¬ 
sents  a  shrine,  square  on  the  inside  and  cruciform  outside,  the  pro¬ 
jection  in  the  centre  of  each  of  the  four  walls  being  provided  with  an 
opening.  The  opening  on  the  east  forms  the  main  entrance  with  a 
flight  of  stairs  in  front.  In  the  temple  of  Brahma  the  other  three 
openings  are  closed  by  stone  lattices  of  simple  but  different  patterns, 
but  in  the  Mritang  Mahadeo  all  the  four  openings  are  left  clear,  the 
eastern  one  serving  as  a  vestibule  leading  to  the  interior  of  the  sanc¬ 
tum  from  the  open  portico  hall,  provided  in  front,  and  the  other 
three  as  open  balconies.  The  roof  is  pyramidal,  formed  of  overlap¬ 
ping  courses  in  gradually  receding  tiers,  almost  similar  in  form  and 
construction  as  the  superstructures  of  the  marydapa  halls.  The  type 
is  nothing  new  as  it  represents  the  regular  form  of  a  mandapa  hall  in 
different  parts  of  India.  The  idea  of  a  sanctum  with  the  four 
sides  open  is,  however,  novel  during  this  period,  and  not  a  little 
interest  attaches  to  these  temples  because  the  sanctum  in  each  case 
is  roofed  over  by  a  pyramidal  superstructure,  and  not  by  a  curvi¬ 
linear  sikhara  which  is  the  usual  rule.  In  the  Bhaskaresvara  temple 
at  Bhuvanesvara  we  have  an  Orissan  parallel  of  this  kind  of  shrine. 

In  Central  India,  apart  from  the  square  temples  and  different 
manifestations  of  them,  we  are  also  familiar  with  temples  of  circu¬ 
lar  shape  and  plan.  Two  representative  examples  of  this  group  may 
be  mentioned  here,  one  at  Gurgi  Masaun  (twelve  miles  east  of  Rewa 
town) ,  and  the  other  at  Chandrehe,  also  in  the  old  Rewa  State  (Text 
Fig.  9).  The  former  is  in  a  dilapidated  condition,  most  of  the 
sikhara  having  gone,  but  the  latter  (Fig.  32)  is  found  to  be  in  an 
excellent  state  of  preservation.  Both  belong  to  the  same  conception 
and  were  approximately  of  the  same  period.  There  is  a  possibility, 
again,  that  the  two  were  erected  by  one  and  the  same  person,  the 
abbot  Prasantasiva  of  the  Mattamayura  sect  of  the  Saivas,  about  the 
middle  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.48  Each  of  the  temples  has  a  sanc¬ 
tum,  circular  both  inside  and  out,  with  an  antarala  and  an  open 
mavdapa  projecting  from  the  front. 

Apart  from  the  circular  plan  of  the  sanctum,  which  is  certainly 
a  novel  feature,  these  two  temples  are  closely  related  to  the  Central 
Indian  architectural  movement  in  the  compositional  arrangement 
of  the  different  components  as  well  as  in  the  essential  features  of 
their  elevation  and  scheme  of  decoration. 


573 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Reference  may  be  made  in  this  connection  to  a  few  brick  tem¬ 
ples  in  Uttar  Pradesh  which  offer  certain  interesting  analogies 
to  the  circular  temples  at  Chandrehe  and  Gurgi  lVlasaun.  Mention 
should  first  be  made  of  a  temple  at  Parauli  in  the  Kanpur  District49 
which  presents  us  with  a  circular  plan  of  the  garbha-griha  internal¬ 
ly,  though  externally  it  is  a  polygon  of  sixteen  sides  with  three  of 
the  sides  cut  off  possibly  to  form  the  entrance  facade.  Other  tem¬ 
ples  of  such  external  shape  and  appearance  are  also  found  at 
Kurari  in  the  Fatehpur  District,50  where,  however,  the  interior  of 
th£  garbha-griha  is  of  a  square  plan.  As  usual  in  brick  architecture, 
each  of  the  temples  is  covered  by  a  double  dome  constructed  on  the 
corbel  principle.  Because  of  the  clear  definition  of  the  different 
faces  and  deep-cut  traceries  covering  the  entire  surface  from  the 
base  to  the  summit,  the  effect  and  appearance  of  each  of  the  temples 
are  decidedly  good,  and  it  is  a  pity  that  none  of  them  is  sufficiently 
preserved  to  enable  us  to  form  a  complete  idea  of  this  type  of  monu¬ 
ments  which  indicate,  no  doubt,  a  new  direction  in  the  development 
of  the  North  Indian  temple  style.  Another  temple  of  an  external 
circular  shape,  though  square  internally,  is  found  at  Tinduli  in  the 
Fatehpur  District.51  The  temple  has  also  an  appearance  and  effect 
not  unlike  those  of  the  group  mentioned  above.  In  this  predilection 
for  a  circular  plan,  whether  in  the  exterior  or  in  the  interior,  or  in 
both  as  in  the  case  of  the  temples  at  Chandrehe  and  Gurgi  Masaun, 
Central  India  and  the  Gangetic  region  may  be  found  to  have  inter¬ 
esting  links  with  each  other. 

Mention  should  also  be  made  here  of  a  few  other  temples  in 
Central  India  built  on  the  principle  of  circles  so  far  as  the  exteriors 
are  concerned.  At  Arang  in  the  Raipur  District52  there  is  a  dilapi¬ 
dated  temple  of  the  name  of  Bhand  Dewal  which,  except  for  its  plan, 
offers  a  general  resemblance  to  the  temples  of  the  Central  Indian 
type.  What  is  interesting  is  that  though  the  sanctum  is  square 
internally,  externally  the  plan  is  based  on  that  of  a  circle,  and  not 
on  that  of  a  square  which  is  the  usual  rule.  The  circumference  of 
the  circle  has,  however,  straight  faces  on  the  principal  directions, 
that  to  the  front  having  been  occupied  by  the  usual  frontal  compo¬ 
nents  of  the  temple  complex.  The  arcs  intermediate  between  the 
straight  faces  are  each  cut  up  into  three  right-angled  indentations, 
the  spaces  between  these  indentations  being  again  straight-faced  on 
the  periphery  of  an  inner  circle  running  along  the  recessed  points 
of  the  right-angled  indentations.  The  plan  is,  no  doubt,  a  novel  one 
and  has  almost  the  shape  of  a  star  if  the  principal  straight 
faces  are  ignored.  Another  modification  of  this  principle  may,  again, 
be  recognised  in  the  brick  temple  of  Savarl-Narayana  (Seori- 
narayana)  near  Kharod,53  in  the  Bilaspur  District.  In  this  temple 


574 


ART 


the  intermediate  arcs  of  the  circle  between  the  straight  faces  are 
each  cut  up  into  five  regular  right-angled  indentations  at  the  back 
and  into  two  in  front,  the  remaining  portion  of  the  circle  in  front 
having  been  occupied  by  the  frontal  adjuncts  of  the  manfapa  and 
the  portico,  now  entirely  gone.  But  for  the  straight  faces  the  plan 
is  obtained  on  the  principle  of  a  rotating  square  round  a  central 
axis.  In  principle  both  the  temples  belong  to  the  same  conception 
and  may  be  said  to  be  of  rare  occurrence  in  Central  India,  but 
characteristic  of  the  temples  of  the  Dakhan.  A  temple  at  Rahilya, 
near  Mahoba,  and  the  Nilakantesvara  temple  at  Udayapura,  in  the 
old  Gwalior  State,  each  exhibits  a  plan  like  that  of  the  Savari-Nara- 
yana  and  indicates  a  wider  distribution  for  such  a  type  of  temples. 
Indeed,  such  a  conception  appears  to  be  an  extension  in  Central 
India  from  regions  lying  further  in  the  south-west. 

To  complete  the  account  of  unusual  types  of  Central  Indian 
temples  reference  should  be  made  to  the  peripteral  shrines  dedicat¬ 
ed  to  the  worship  of  the  Chauhshat  Yoginis  associated  with  the  cult 
of  Sakti.  Such  temples  are  usually  characteristic  of  Central 
Indian  territories,  though  one  or  two  examples  may  be  found  far 
beyond  the  geographical  limits  of  Central  India.  Generally,  such  a 
temple  takes  the  shape  of  an  open  circular  court  enclosed  by  a  peri¬ 
pheral  colonnade  with  chapels  enshrining  the  images  of  the  sixty- 
four  Yoginis  and  occasionally  of  some  accessory  divinities  as  well, 
and  a  principal  shrine, — sometimes  accommodated  in  the  centre  of 
the  peripheral  chapels,  sometimes  in  the  centre  of  the  open  court — , 
being  occupied  by  the  image  of  an  aspect  of  &akti.  The  Chauhshat 
Yogini  temple  at  Bheraghat,54  near  Jabalpur,  is  116  feet  in  internal 
diameter  with  eighty-one  peripheral  chapels  together  with  a  central 
shrine  containing  an  image  of  Uma-Mahesvara.  This  temple  might 
have  belonged  to  the  ninth  or  tenth  century  A.D.,  though  the  possi¬ 
bility  of  a  much  earlier  date  for  the  shrine  cannot  be  entirely  ruled 
out.  The  Chauhshat  Yogini  temple  at  Mitauli,  near  Padhauli,55 
may  be  ascribed  to  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  It  is  120  feet  in  dia¬ 
meter,  has  sixty-five  peripheral  chapels  and  a  circular  central  shrine 
with  a  mandapa  in  front.  Circular  Yogini  temples  are  also  found 
at  Ranipur  Jharial  (Text  Fig.  10)  in  the  old  Patna  State,66  at  Dudahi 
in  the  Lalitpur  District,67  and  in  the  old  Kalahandl  State.58  All  of 
them  seem  to  belong  to  the  early  mediaeval  period.  The  type  seems 
to  have  extended  as  far  south  as  Coimbatore  where  it  is  represented 
by  a  solitary  example  reproducing  its  essential  elements.  The  Chauh¬ 
shat  Yogini  temple  at  Khajuraho69  is  rectangular  in  plan — an  excep¬ 
tional  design  in  this  kind  of  temples  (Text  Fig.  11).  The  central 
quadrangle  measures  102  feet  by  59£  feet,  and  is  surrounded  by 
sixty-four  peripheral  chapels,  all  around,  and  one  larger  in  the  back 

575 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

wall,  no  doubt  representing  the  main  shrine.  Each  of  these  is  sur¬ 
mounted  by  a  small  sikhara,  essentially  of  Nagara  design,  though 
crowned  by  more  than  one  amalaka  in  the  characteristic  Central 
Indian  fashion.  The  Khajuraho  temple  seems  to  have  belonged  to 
a  date  slightly  later  than  that  of  the  Bheraghat  one.  Coomara- 
swamy60  has  made  the  following  interesting  observation  regarding 
the  association  of  temples  of  this  design.  “It  may  be  remarked  that 
early  examples  of  similar  plans,  based  no  doubt  on  still  earlier  Indian 
prototypes,  can  be  recognised  in  the  case  of  more  than  one  Gandha- 
ran  monastery  shrine,  e.g.  Jamalgarhi  and  Takht-i-Bahi,  and  so  far 
as  the  rectangular  type  is  concerned,  can  be  paralleled  in  the  cloister¬ 
ed  court  of  the  Kashmiri  shrines,  and  those  of  some  Jaina  temples  at 
Girnar  and  Sravana  Belgola  ( betta  type)  and  of  the  Chalukya 
Kesava  temple  in  Maisur”. 

C.  Raj  pu  tana 

It  is  in  Rajputana  that  we  have  the  earliest  remains  of  a  struc¬ 
tural  shrine,  the  circular  temple  at  Bairat,  in  Jaipur,  that  goes  back 
to  the  third  century  B.C.  Fragments  of  an  amalaka,  the  crowning 
member  of  a  sikhara  temple,  unearthed  at  Nagarl,  near  Chitor,  and 
datable  in  the  fifth  century  A.D.,61  testify  to  the  existence  of  the 
sikhara  temple  in  Rajputana  as  early  as  the  Gupta  period.  This 
part  of  the  country  thus  seems  to  have  been  familiar  with  the  early 
evolution  of  the  Nagara  temple  style  from  its  genesis  in  the  archaic 
sikhara  temples  of  the  Gupta  and  the  post-Gupta  phases.  But  older 
temples  of  this  evolutionary  phase  have  all  disappeared,  and  the 
earliest  extant  temple  of  this  order  in  Rajputana  may  be  dated  in 
the  eighth  century  A.D.  when  the  Nagara  temple  had  already  emerg¬ 
ed  in  its  distinctive  shape  and  characteristics. 

The  straggling  village  of  Osia,  32  miles  to  the  north-west  of 
Jodhpur,  seems  once  to  have  been  a  flourishing  settlement,  and  con¬ 
tains  about  a  dozen  and  a  half  old  temples  of  both  Brahmanical  and 
Jain  affiliations.62  These  temples,  now  in  a  sadly  neglected  state, 
represent  two  phases  of  building  activity,  one  early  and  the  other 
late.  The  former,  datable  in  the  eighth-ninth  centuries  A.D., 
is  represented  by  about  a  dozen  temples  revealing  a  stage  in  the 
evolution  of  the  Nagara  style  in  which  the  regional  characteristics 
are  yet  to  appear.  The  later  phase  is  illustrated  by  nearly  half  a 
dozen  examples  in  which  the  regional  characteristics  are  manifest; 
such  regional  characteristics,  however,  hardly  represent  any  new 
trend,  but  illustrate  an  almost  parallel  application  of  the  tendencies 
with  which  we  are  already  familiar  in  Central  India. 

In  form  and  appearance  the  temples  of  the  early  series  are  alike 
to  one  another.  Temple  No.  1  (Fig.  34) ,  dedicated  to  god  Hari-Hara, 


576 


ART 


is  a  characteristic  example  of  the  group.  It  is  of  the  panchayatana 
class,  each  of  .  the  shrines,  including  the  main  one,  being  pancharatha 
in  plan  and  provided  with  a  shallow  projecting  portico  in  front.  The 
bada  is  divided  into  three  vertical  segments,  and  the  sikhara, 
gradually  inclining  inwards  with  an  unbroken  contour,  is  topped  by 
an  dmalaka. 

Temples  essentially  of  the  same  style  may  also  be  found  at 
Jhalrapatan,  Ambam  and  Buchkala,  all  in  Rajputana.  One  of  the 
temples  at  the  last  place  bears  an  inscription,  dated  in  Vikrama 
Samvat  872  (A.D.  815),  which  refers  itself  to  the  reign  of  the  Gurjara 
Pratihara  king,  Nagabhata  II.  An  inscription  in  the  Jain  Mahavlra 
temple  at  Osia  speaks  of  the  shrine  as  existing  in  the  time  of  Vatsa- 
raja,  father  of  Nagabhata  II,  though  the  temple  itself,  as  it  now 
stands,  must  have  been  of  a  considerably  later  date.  Vatsaraja 
flourished  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighth  century  A.D.,  and  these 
two  inscriptions  may  furnish  an  idea  regarding  the  approximate  age 
of  the  temples  of  the  early  series  in  Rajputana.  In  plan,  in  shape 
and  in  appearance  these  early  Rajputana  temples  resemble  the 
temples  of  the  N  agar  a  order  in  other  parts  of  India  of  approximately 
the  same  period. 

In  spite  of  the  smallness  of  size,  each  of  the  temples  at  Osia, 
Dr.  Kramrisch63  rightly  observes,  “is  a  model  of  clarity  in  the  dis¬ 
position  and  proportion  of  its  architectural  theme.”  The  elegant 
proportions  of  the  different  sections  and  their  chaste  ornamentations, 
together  with  the  graceful  and  unbroken  contour  of  the  tower,  con¬ 
tribute  to  make  the  group  one  of  the  most  attractive  among  the  early 
N  cigar  a  temples.  Further,  the  panchayatana  temples  at  Osia,  be¬ 
cause  of  their  exquisite  setting  and  orderly  disposition  of  the  central 
and  the  accessory  shrines,  form  impressive  compositions.  Thus  the 
early  series  of  temples  at  Osia,  in  spite  of  their  damaged  state,  re¬ 
mains*  as  one  of  the  most  significant  among  the  entire  class  of 
IS!  agar  a  temples. 

Two  temples  of  the  early  series  at  Osia  (Nos.  2  and  7)  show  a 
distinct  advance  in  the  composition  in  the  addition  of  a  mandapa 
which  precedes  the  principal  shrine.  The  mandapa  consists  of  an 
open  pillared  hall  provided  with  sloping  kakshasanas  at  the  two 
sides  and  a  projecting  portico  in  front.  Unfortunately,  temple 
No.  2  is  much  damaged,  but  in  the  skilful  disposition  of  its  different 
parts  and  adjuncts  and  in  its  profuse,  yet  refined,  embellishment  it 
ranks  as  one  of  the  most  pleasing  creations  of  the  builders’  art  in 
Rajputana.  Temple  No.  7  at  Osia  (Fig.  35),  dedicated  to  Surya,  is  also 
an  equally  elegant  production  and  is  perhaps  the  finest  monument  in 
the  entire  series.  Like  temples  Nos.  1  and  2  it  is  also  of  the  panchdya- 

577 


S.  E.— 37 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

tana  class,  and  what  is  interesting  is  that  the  attendant  shrines  seem 
to  have  been  connected  by  a  cloister,  parts  of  which  still  remain.  In 
this  arrangement  we  have  possibly  the  nucleus  of  the  subsequent 
cloistered  composition  that  is  particularly  characteristic  of  the  Jain 
temples  of  this  region. 

Among  the  early  series  of  temples  at  Osia  there  may  also  be 
recognised  examples  which  belong  to  conceptions  different  from  the 
Ndgara.  The  bhadra  or  the  pidha  temple,  so  intimately  associated 
as  the  mandapa  of  the  rekha  sanctum  in  the  temples  of  the  Ndgara 
design,  appears  at  Osia  as  an  individual  conception  in  this  early 
phase.  In  the  much  damaged  temple  No.  3  at  Osia  we  have  apparent¬ 
ly  a  conception  of  the  rectangular  temple  with  a  wagon-vaulted 
superstructure,  as  we  have  in  the  Vaital  deul  at  Bhuvanesvara,  the 
Navadurga  temple  at  Yagesvara  (Almora  District)  and  the  Telika 
mandir  at  Gwalior. 

This  early  series  of  the  temples  at  Osia,  though  fundamentally 
resembling  the  contemporary  Ndgara  temples  in  other  parts  of 
India,  possesses  greater  affinities  with  those  of  Central  India.  The 
mahapishta  supporting  the  temple  is  characteristic  of  such  monu¬ 
ments  both  in  Rajputana  and  Central  India;  but  it  is  usually  absent 
in  Orissa  which  was  another  important  centre  of  the  early  Ndgara 
temples.  The  shallow  pillared  porticos  of  the  Osia  temples  have 
their  parallels  in  the  antaralas  of  the  Central  Indian  temples  of  early 
date.  With  the  introduction  of  the  mandapa,  inclined  kakshasanas 
seem  to  have  been  characteristic  of  such  a  hall  both  in  Rajputana 
and  in  Central  India.  The  development  of  the  early  design  of  the 
Ndgara  temple  respectively  in  Rajputana  and  Central  India  is  also, 
to  a  certain  extent,  parallel.  The  distinctive  type  of  a  mediaeval 
Rajputana  temple,  therefore,  differs  very  little  from  a  typical  Cen¬ 
tral  Indian  one.  A  clustered  arrangement  of  anga-sikharas  round  the 
body  of  the  main  sikhara  is  a  characteristic  of  the  typical  Rajputana 
temple  as  well  as  of  the  Central  Indian. 

But  a  Rajputana  temple,  in  spite  of  its  close  affinity  to  a  Central 
Indian,  lacks  many  of  the  distinctive  features  of  the  Central  Indian 
temple  type,  such  as  extension  of  the  pagas  beyond  the  top  of  the 
gandi,  a  number  of  amalakas  as  the  crowning  element  of  the  sikhara , 
and  division  of  the  bdda  into  more  than  three  segments  ( angas ) — 
pdbhdga,  janaha  and  baran<jla.  A  typical  Orissan  temple  is  charac¬ 
terised  by  a  five-fold  division  of  the  bdd,a,  while  a  full-fledged  Central 
Indian  temple  has  as  many  as  seven  such  segments  in  the  same 
section.  A  three-fold  division  of  the  bada  is  characteristic  of  the 
early  Ndgara  temple  and  Rajputana  retains  it  to  the  last.  In  this 


578 


ART 


respect  and  in  certain  other  features,  to  be  noticed  later,  the  temple¬ 
building  activity  in  Rajputana  seems  to  have  been  allied  to  that  of 
Gujarat  and  Western  India. 

In  the  later  series  of  the  temples  at  Osia  one  may  recognise 
significant  stages  in  the  development  of  the  characteristic  type  of 
the  Rajput  temple.  Three  temples  of  this  group  deserve  special  men¬ 
tion,  namely  the  Jain  temple  of  Mahavlra,63a  and  the  two  Brahmani- 
cal  temples  dedicated  respectively  to  Sachiya  Mata  and  Pipla  Devi. 
The  anga-sikharas  in  these  temples,  though  on  a  lesser  scale  than 
those  of  the  Central  Indian  temples,  are  as  emphatic  in  expression, 
and  become  characteristic  of  the  developed  type  of  the  Rajputana 
temple.  Though  not  far  removed  from  the  typical  Central  Indian 
temple,  at  least  in  respect  of  its  fundamental  design  and  composition, 
the  form  and  disposition  of  the  pillars  and  of  the  torana  in  front 
add  distinctive  notes  that  are  found  only  in  Rajputana  and  Gujarat. 
In  the  form  of  the  plinth  and  of  its  decorative  scheme  the  movements 
respectively  in  Rajputana  and  Gujarat  also  appear  to  be  related  to 
each  other.  The  projecting  eaves  shading  the  bcida  and  its  niches 
are  also  characteristic  of  the  temples  of  these  two  regions.  Another 
feature  found  in  the  temple  of  Sachiya  Mata  is  the  octagonal  dispo¬ 
sition  of  the  pillars  in  the  centre  of  the  mandapa  hall  supporting  the 
shallow  dome.  This  is  first  met  with  in  structures  dating  from  the 
eleventh  century,  and  in  a  developed  form  in  the  mandapa  of  the 
temple  of  Pipla  Devi  with  its  orderly  arrangement  of  more  than  30 
richly  carved  pillars  supporting  the  superstructure.  This  arrange¬ 
ment  of  the  mandapa  became  characteristic  of  the  Rajput  temples  of 
the  developed  type  and  may  be  seen  in  its  most  bewildering  variety 
in  the  Jain  temples  of  Mount  Abu. 

The  Nilakanthesvara  temple  at  Kekind  and  the  Somesvara  at 
Kiradu,  both  in  Jodhpur,  seem  to  represent  fundamentally  the  same 
design-  and  form  as  those  of  the  later  series  of  the  Osia  temples. 
Kiradu  has  a  number  of  temples,  all  severely  damaged.  Among 
these  the  Somesvara64  is  perhaps  the  most  exuberant  in  design  and 
decorative  scheme.  Unfortunately,  only  the  sanctum  with  a  part  of 
its  tower  remains  along  with  the  shell  of  what  had  once  been  a 
magnificent  pillared  mandapa.e5 

Kumbharia  in  southern  Rajputana66  has,  again,  a  number  of 
Jain  temples  which  are  noteworthy  as  anticipating  further  develop¬ 
ment  that  became  characteristic  of  the  Jain  temple  complexes  of  this 
region.  The  temple  of  Neminatha  (Fig.  36),  for  example,  is  not  funda¬ 
mentally  different  from  the  characteristic  type  of  the  Rajput  temples, 
described  above,  except  that  it  is  situated  within  a  quadrangular 
court.  But  the  double-araalafcas  crowning  the  anga-sikharas  as  well 


579 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


as  the  main  sikhara  are  rare  in  their  appearance  in  a  temple  of  this 
region.  Such  a  feature  is  distinctively  Central  Indian  in  character, 
but  is  also  met  with,  perhaps  as  aberrations,  outside  the  limits  of 
that  territory.  The  Parsvanatha  temple  at  Kumbharia  is  also  identi¬ 
cal  in  form  and  design,  and  both  the  structures  probably  belong  to 
about  the  eleventh  century  A.D. 

The  mandapa  of  the  Neminatha  temple  and  that  of  the  Parsva¬ 
natha  (Fig.  37)  introduce  certain  interesting  features.  The  super¬ 
structure  in  each  case  with  its  tiers  of  rooflets  and  amalakas  is  closely 
analogous  to  that  of  the  Nilakantha  Mahadeva  temple  at  Sunak  in 
Gujarat.  The  disposition  of  the  interior  is,  again,  highly  instruc¬ 
tive.  The  arrangement  in  either  case  seems  to  be  identical.  The 
manfapa  of  the  Parsvanatha  temple  is,  however,  more  masterfully 
disposed  with  its  central  complement  of  elegant  pillars  with  capitals, 
all  worked  in  good  taste,  supporting  the  shallow  central  dome,  the 
richly  carved  pillars  with  ornamental  arches  on  the  flanks,  and  the 
surrounding  cloister  with  cells  of  images  approached  by  smaller 
doorways  which  effectively  repeat  the  pattern  of  the  larger  entrance 
leading  to  the  sanctum.  As  Kramrisch67  rightly  observes:  “The 
Mandapa  of  the  Parsvanatha  temple  in  Kumbharia  puts  to  unique  use 
the  white  Makrana  marble  of  Rajasthan.  The  gleaming  spaciousness 
of  the  hall,  within  the  internal  cloister  of  cells — evolved  particularly 
in  Jaina  temples — is  without  equal”. 

An  advancement  of  the  above  design  may  be  recognised  in  the 
celebrated  group  of  Jain  temple-complexes  at  Dilwara,  Mount  Abu.63 
The  group  consists  of  four  principal  temples,  and  their  accessory 
structures,  each  enclosed  within  a  quadrangular  court.  Among  these, 
two,  built  respectively  by  Vimala  and  Tejahpala  and  known  as 
Vimala  Vasahi  and  Luna  Vasahi  (though  sometimes  called  after 
their  builders),  are  conspicuously  noteworthy  for  the  exuberance  of 
ornamental  detail  minutely  wrought  in  a  manner  that  remains  un¬ 
surpassed  even  in  India  which  was  justly  famous  for  such  kind  of 
work. 

The  first  temple  is  dedicated  to  Adinatha  or  Rishabhanatha,  the 
first  Tirthahkara.  It  stands  within  a  quadrangular  court,  approached 
on  the  east  through  halls,  axially  placed,  one  rectangular  and  the 
other  square  (Text  Fig.  12).  As  it  now  stands,  the  complex  consists  of 
the  sanctum,  placed  near  the  western  end  of  the  court  and  preceded  in 
front  by  mandapa  and  a  portico,  the  three  surrounded  by  a  colon¬ 
naded  cloister  (Fig.  39)  of  image-cellas  aligned  round  the  enclosing 
wall.  In  Jain  terminology  these  components  are  known  respectively 
as  mulagahlidro,  gu4ha-may$apa»  sabha-mandapa  and  devakulikd.  All 
these  adjuncts,  however,  do  not  seem  to  have  been  of  the  same  period. 


580 


ART 


The  sanetuary  itself,  built  in  black  stone,  appears  to  be  earlier  than 
the  halls  and  colonnaded  cloister  which  are  in  white  marble.  The 
sanctuary  is  surmounted  by  a  tower  which,  however,  is  too  low  to 
have  any  architectural  effect.  The  halls  in  front  were  erected  in 
Vikrama  Samvat  1088  (A.D.  1031)  by  Vimala,  an  officer  of  the  Chau- 
lukya  king  Bhlma  I.  The  colonnaded  cloister,  again,  seems  to  have 
been  later  than  the  halls  by  about  a  century. 

The  second  temple,  the  Luna  Vasahi,  is  dedicated  to  Neminatha, 
the  twenty-second  Tirthankara,  and  stands  to  the  north-east  of  the 
Adinatha  temple.  Generally  it  follows  the  plan  of  the  latter.  Like 
the  latter,  again,  the  sanctuary  in  black  stone  appears  to  have  been 
earlier  than  other  members  of  the  complex  which  are  in  white 
marble.  The  front  halls  (Fig.  38)  were  put  up  in  Vikrama  Samvat 
1287  (A.D.  1230)  by  the  banker  Tejahpala,  brother  of  Vastupala,  who 
built  the  triple-shrined  Jain  temple  at  Girnar  in  Kathiawar. 

The  setting  of  these  temples  on  the  rugged  scarp  of  the  hill  at 
a  height  of  more  than  4000  feet  is,  no  doubt,  the  most  picturesque. 
Externally,  the  temples  are  perfectly  plain  and  without  any  archi¬ 
tectural  effect,  the  insignificant  spires  peeping,  as  it  vrere,  over  the 
enclosure  walls,  and  having  nothing  to  commend  them  to  the  atten¬ 
tion  of  the  visitor.  A  totally  different  effect,  however,  awaits  him  in 
the  interior  (cf.  Figs.  39-41)  which,  in  each  case,  resolves  itself  into 
an  orderly  grouping  of  richly  carved  pillars  of  the  portico  and  the 
mandapa  in  front  of  the  shrine  and  of  the  colonnaded  cloister  around. 
A  splendid  display  of  sculptors’  skill  is  spread  over  the  interior  in  the 
minutely  carved,  almost  fretted  and  traceried,  decoration  of  the 
pillars,  ceilings,  doorways  and  cloistered  cells.  To  quote  Cousens,69 
“the  crisp,  thin,  translucent,  shell-like  treatment  of  the  marble  sur¬ 
passes  anything  seen  elsewhere,  and  some  of  the  designs  are  veritable 
dreams  of  beauty”.  Ordinary  chiselling  would  hardly  achieve  such  a 
delicacy  of  carving,  and  there  is  a  tradition  that  much  of  it  was 
produced  by  scraping  the  marble  away,  the  payment  to  the  sculptors 
being  made  by  the  weight  of  marble  dust  so  removed. 

Amongst  this  exquisite  array  of  delicate  carving  the  domed  halls 
in  both  the  temples  arrest  the  admiration  of  the  visitors  with  an 
almost  bewildering  awe.  In  each  of  the  halls  the  central  feature 
is  the  octagonal  nave  supporting  the  shallow  trabeate  dome  over  a 
ring  of  the  eight  pillars  with  light  cusped  ornamental  arches  in  bet¬ 
ween.  On  the  octagonal  frame  of  architraves  over  the  arcade  of 
pillars  a  small  bracket  at  each  angle  introduces  the  circle  of  the 
dome  which  rises  in  concentric  rings  till  the  apex  is  reached.  The 
carving  of  the  pillars  is  delicate  as  well  as  the  most  intricate.  In 


581 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

the  Vimala  Vasa  hi  they  are  all  of  a  uniform  pattern  resembling  those 
of  the  Surya  temple  at  Modhera  in  Gujarat  and  fundamentally  differ 
very  little  from  those  in  the  Kumbharia  temples.  In  the  Luna 
Vasahi,  however,  the  pillars  exhibit  varieties,  particularly  in  the 
introduction  of  fanciful  motifs.  In  this  later  hall  much  of  the  vigour 
of  earlier  work  has  been  lost  and  the  bewildering  maze  of  carvings, 
faultless  though  in  execution,  fails  to  evoke  the  same  aesthetic  re¬ 
action  that  one  experiences  in  that  of  Vimala  Vasahi. 

The  exuberance  of  all  this  sculptural  magnificence  reaches  its 
climax  in  the  treatment  of  the  vaulted  ceilings  of  the  halls.  IMo 
description  is  adequate  to  convey  a  correct  impression  of  the  care¬ 
fully  wrought  infinite  detail  that  meets  the  eye,  layer  upon  layer, 
till  the  superbly  designed  apex  is  reached.  Each  of  the  ceilings  is 
built  of  concentric  rings,  every  one  of  which  carries  a  beautiful  motif, 
delicately  carved,  while  athwart  the  lower  rings  is  placed  a  series 
of  sixteen  brackets  with  representations  of  Vidyadevls,  or  goddesses 
of  learning  of  the  Jain  pantheon,  each  contained  within  its  own 
aureole.  At  the  apex  the  dome  culminates  in  a  pendant  of  exqui¬ 
site  beauty  hanging  like  a  stalactite  from  the  centre.  In  Tejahpala’s 
hall  the  pendant  hangs  down  in  a  series  of  gradually  diminishing 
rings  and  is  carved  in  a  fashion  rivalling  the  fineness  and  delicacy 
of  filigree  work  in  metal  (Fig.  41). 

In  spite,  however,  of  the  splendid  wealth  of  intricate  ornamen¬ 
tation,  executed  with  a  perfection  seldom  achieved  by  human  en¬ 
deavour,  architecturally  none  of  the  halls  can  be  declared  to  be  free 
from  flaw.  The  multiplicity  of  infinite  plastic  detail,  repeated  in¬ 
numerable  times,  obscures,  to  a  large  extent,  the  structural  proper¬ 
ties  in  respect  of  which,  again,  the  fundamental  rules  of  architectural 
composition  seem  to  have  been  ignored.  Even  an  admiring  visitor 
cannot  fail  to  perceive  a  certain  disregard  of  the  laws  of  proportions 
in  the  disposition  of  the  different  components  of  the  interior.  This 
is  particularly  noticeable  in  the  rather  stunted  heights  of  the  domes 
which  are  set  too  squat  to  fit  in  with  their  diameters.  The  ceilings 
of  the  bays  of  the  transepts,  particularly  in  Tejahpala’s  temple,  are 
too  low  and  the  unnecessarily  heavy  architraves,  the  “antethesis  of 
the  fairy  lightness  of  the  sculpture  and  gossamer  tracery”,70  ob¬ 
struct  the  view  of  more  than  one  of  them  at  a  time,  thereby  prevent¬ 
ing  a  general  vision  of  the  whole.  There  is,  no  doubt,  a  certain 
beauty  in  the  delicately  carved  exuberant  ornamentation  of  the  halls; 
but  even  this  beauty,  endless  as  it  seems,  leaves  the  visitor  with 
a  sense  of  tiresome  surfeit,  and  there  are  very  few  structural  merits 
to  compensate  for  this  defect. 


582 


ART 


D.  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar 

The  history  of  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar  is  intimately  linked  up 
from  rather  early  times,  and  it  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  the 
development  of  the  N agar  a  temple  in  these  regions  is,  to  a  very 
great  extent,  identical,  and,  as  already  indicated,  closely  allied  to 
that  in  Rajputana.  A  geographical  proximity  of  all  these  regions 
and,  to  a  certain  extent,  political  circumstances  might  have  been 
responsible  for  such  striking  affinities.  Moreover,  the  construction 
of  these  monuments  may  be  traced  to  a  hereditary  class  of  temple- 
builders,  known  in  Western  India  as  the  Salats,  and  the  common 
characteristics  that  are  noted  in  the  temple-building  activity  in  these 
regions,  bear  an  impress  of  their  traditional  knowledge  and  skill. 

Before  describing  the  development  of  the  Nagara  temple  in  these 
regions  it  is  necessary  to  describe  a  few  temples  in  Kathiawar  which 
represent  conceptions  that  are  apparently  different  from  that  of  the 
Nagara  temple  style. 

At  Gop  in  the  Barda  hills  in  Kathiawar  there  is  a  temple  (Fig.  43) 
of  a  rather  unusual  shape  that  has  been  described  by  Cousens71  as  a 
“stranger”  in  this  region.  It  is  considered  to  be  the  oldest  structural 
temple  in  Kathiawar.  The  monument  seems  to  have  been  supported 
on  a  basement  of  two  terraces,  the  upper,  slightly  reduced  in  dimen¬ 
sions  than  the  lower,  possibly  serving  as  a  pradakshina-patha  or 
ambulatory  round  the  sanctum.  The  terraces,  each  relieved  hori¬ 
zontally  at  the  bottom,  and  also  perhaps  at  the  top,  by  courses  of 
mouldings  and  vertically  along  the  sides  by  ornamental  niches  ori¬ 
ginally  containing  sculptures,  are,  however,  heavily  damaged.  The 
perpendicular  walls  of  the  sanctum  are  severely  plain  except  for  a 
line  of  grooves  on  each  side  near  the  top.  A  few  of  the  grooves 
still  contain  fragments  of  wood,72  perhaps  remains  of  wooden  beams 
supporting  a  roof  around  the  sanctum  and  covering  the  upper  terrace. 
In  that  case  the  roof  as  well  as  the  walls  enclosing  the  second  terrace 
seem  originally  to  have  been  of  wooden  construction  and  have  natur¬ 
ally  disappeared  in  course  of  time.73 

The  walls  of  the  sanctum  end  at  the  top  in  two  shallow  cornices 
over  which  rises  the  roof  in  two  stepped  courses,  ultimately  crowned 
by  a  graceful  domical  finial.  The  lower  of  the  two  stepped  courses 
is  relieved  on  each  side  by  two  chaitya  arches  and  the  upper  by  one. 
The  chaitya  arches  are  bold  in  design  and  elegant  in  execution,  and 
project  each  in  the  form  of  a  dormer.  Originally  they  contained 
sculptures,  a  few  of  which  still  remain  in  situ. 

As  it  now  stands,  the  temple  at  Gop  presents  a  rather  unusual 
design  and  it  is  difficult  to  make  any  definite  statement  regarding  its 


583 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


antecedents  and  affiliations.  Cousens74  finds  certain  striking  resem¬ 
blances  between  this  temple  and  the  early  Kashmirian  monuments, 
particularly  the  Martand,  in  two  important  respects,  namely  the 
stepped-out  pyramidal  roof  with  chaitya  arches  in  the  courses,  and 
in  the  trefoil  arches  seen  around  the  lower  terraced  basement. 
According  to  him  the  type  was  introduced  in  this  region  from 
Kashmir  by  the  Sun-worshipping  ancestors  of  the  Mers.  This  view  of 
Cousens,  since  accepted  by  archaeologists  including  Coomaraswamy75 
and  Percy  Brown,76  suffers,  however,  from  two  important  flaws. 
The  history  of  the  ancestors  of  the  Mers  is  not  yet  fully  clear  and 
it  is  not  definitely  known  that  they  originally  hailed  from  Kashmir. 
Secondly  none  of  the  Kashmir  temples  of  the  type  with  which  simi¬ 
larities  are  suggested  can  be  dated  earlier  than  the  eighth  century 
A.D.,  whereas  the  Gop  temple  is  admittedly  two  centuries  older.77 
The  absence  in  Kashmir  of  any  example  of  the  type  of  a  date  earlier 
to  that  of  Gop  stands  at  present  in  the  way  of  the  acceptance  of  the 
hypothesis  of  Kashmirian  origin  of  the  Gop  temple.  Moreover,  when 
closely  examined,  the  Kashmirian  analogy  seems  also  to  rest  on  a 
weak  foundation.  The  roof  is,  no  doubt,  stepped  as  in  the  Kashmiri¬ 
an  temples,  but  the  graceful  domical  finiai  above,  instead  of  the 
harsh  angular  point  at  the  top  like  that  in  the  Kashmirian  temple, 
indicates  for  the  monument  at  Gop  a  conception  other  than  that  of 
the  Kashmirian.  The  boldly  projecting  chaitya  arches  are  unlike 
the  angular  pedimental  arches  seen  on  the  roof  of  the  Kashmirian 
temple,  while  it  is  difficult  to  class  the  arches  around  the  basement 
terrace  of  the  Gop  temple  with  the  distinct  trefoils  of  Kashmir.  All 
these  would  suggest  that  the  conception  of  the  Gop  temple  was  dis¬ 
tinct  from  that  of  the  Kashmirian. 

On  the  evidence  of  the  shape  of  the  basement  arches  in  the  Gop 
temples  Sankalia78  hesitatingly  suggests  a  Gandharan  influence 
through  Sindh.  But  this  view  also  cannot  be  pressed  strongly  as 
the  fundamental  elements  of  the  design  and  composition  of  the  Gop 
temple  have  hardly  any  parallels  in  the  Gandharan  monuments.  In 
our  opinion  the  two  major  features  in  the  composition  of  the  Gop 
temple,  followed  also  in  several  other  monuments  of  the  region 
evidently  of  this  class,  are  the  situation  of  the  sanctum  within  a 
covered  ambulatory  and  the  stepped  arrangement  of  the  roof.  Of 
the  first  a  parallel  may  be  recognised  in  the  plan  of  what  has  been 
designated  as  the  storeyed  type  of  Gupta  temples.  On  this  analogy 
the  stepped  arrangement  of  the  roof  in  the  Gop  temple  may,  perhaps, 
be  considered  as  but  a  slightly  different  expression  of  the  storeyed 
conception  of  the  superstructure  in  the  Gupta  temple.  The  bold  and 
emphatic  steps  in  the  roof  of  the  temple  at  Gop  resemble,  though  in 
a  less  pronounced  manner,  the  storeys  in  receding  stages,  charac- 


584 


ART 


teristic  of  the  composition  of  the  roof  in  the  Gupta  temple  and  lend 
a  plausibility  to  the  suggestion  made  above.  The  appearance  of 
chaitya  arches  as  gables  on  the  roof  is  very  old  and  may  be  traced 
back  to  the  days  of  Bharhut.  There  is  no  necessity,  hence,  to  draw 
upon  the  doubtful  Kashmirian  analogy  on  this  score.  Cousens79  has 
further  noticed  certain  analogous  features  in  the  temple  at  Gop  and 
in  what  he  describes  as  “early  Dravidian  temples”  at  Aihole  and 
Pattadakal;  but  he  regards  them  as  “purely  accidental”.  To  our 
mind,  however,  such  analogies  are  of  greater  import  with  regard  to 
the  affiliations  of  the  Gop  temple,  particularly  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  an  almost  identical  plan  also  characterises  the  early  temples  of 
Deccan.  Here  also  among  the  different  shapes  of  the  superstructures 
we  have  both  the  storeyed  as  well  as  the  stepped  arrangement.  Such 
temples  are  approximately  contemporary  to  the  temple  at  Gop,  and 
both  may  be  considered  to  be  but  slightly  different  expressions  of 
the  same  conception. 

In  Kathiawar  other  temples  of  the  same  class  as  that  of  Gop  are 
found  at  Than  (old  Jain  temple),80  Visvavada,81  Harshadmata 
(Fig.  45),  Pindara  (Fig.  42),  Villesvara,82  and  a  few  other  places. 
In  these  temples  the  plan  is  usually  that  of  a  sanctum  within  a 
covered  ambulatory,  and  the  stepped  arrangement  of  the  super¬ 
structure  is  also  recognised  to  be  one  of  their  distinctive  character¬ 
istics.  In  these  respects,  though  chronologically  later,  they  may  be 
regarded  as  clear  analogues  of  the  temple  at  Gop. 

The  above  temples  of  the  Gop  class,  when  closely  examined, 
may  enable  us  to  determine  the  progress  of  the  style.  The  develop¬ 
ment  is  noticed  in  the  progressive  increase  of  the  number  of  stages, 
in  the  gradual  reduction  of  the  heights  of  the  steps,  in  more  harmo¬ 
nious  proportions  between  the  lower  and  upper  elements  of  the 
structure  and  in  a  general  refinement  of  the  contours.  The  temple 
of  Siva  at  Villesvara83  represents,  perhaps,  the  latest  development 
of  the  type  (Text  Figs.  13  and  14).  It  is  also  the  most  perfectly  pre¬ 
served  temple  of  the  group  and  hence  enables  us  to  understand  the 
composition  and  design  of  the  type  in  a  more  convincing  manner. 
The  sanctum  is  situated  within  a  covered  ambulatory  and  is  sur¬ 
mounted  by  a  pyramidal  tower  of  stepped  stages  in  receding  tiers, 
each  stage  on  each  face  being  relieved  by  ornamental  chaitya  arches, 
gradually  diminishing  in  number  from  six  in  the  lowermost  course 
to  one  in  the  uppermost.  Each  corner  at  each  stage  is  further 
ornamented  with  decorative  finials.  The  ambulatory  is  enclosed  by 
walls  of  stone  relieved  on  the  exterior  by  shallow  pilasters  that  end 
in  cornices.  A  flat  roof  of  stone  covers  this  ambulatory.  From  the 
increased  number  of  stepped  stages — the  largest  among  the  temples 


585 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  the  group — the  refined  pyramidal  contour,  and  the  shape  and  de¬ 
sign  of  the  ornamental  arches  and  finials,  the  temple  may  be  consider¬ 
ed  to  be  the  latest,  at  least  in  point  of  style,  among  the  temples  of 
the  Gop  type.  The  pilasters  on  the  exterior  walls  of  the  ambulatory 
resemble  in  a  general  way  the  pillars  in  the  Elephanta  cave,  and  it 
would  not  be  unreasonable,  perhaps,  to  refer  it  to  the  same  period 
as  that  of  Elephanta. 

Among  the  temples  of  the  Gop  type  in  Kathiawar  a  rectangular 
design  of  the  sanctum  may  be  recognised  in  the  so-called  Varaha 
temple  at  Kadvar.84  Another  such  rectangular  temple  with  a  dis¬ 
tinctly  stepped  arrangement  of  the  superstructure  is  found  at  Kalsar. 
Here  the  rectangular  sanctum  is  preceded  by  a  portico,  also  of  rec¬ 
tangular  design  (Fig.  44).  The  superstructure  in  each  consists  of 
a  few  stepped  courses,  relieved  by  chcdtya  arches. 

Scholars  are  inclined  to  class  the  Sun  temple  at  Sutrapada85 
as  a  temple  of  the  Gop  type.  Of  course,  the  plan  of  the  sanctum 
with  a  covered  ambulatory  has  a  general  resemblance  with  that 
characteristic  of  the  temples  of  the  Gop  group.  But  the  stepped-out 
pyramidal  arrangement  of  the  superstructure,  with  an  emphasis  on 
the  horizontal  lines,  as  we  see  in  the  monuments  of  the  Gop  class, 
is  entirely  lacking  here.  Rather,  the  tower  with  the  vertical  facets 
on  each  face,  dmalaka  quoins  at  regular  intervals  and  the  heavy 
amalaka-sili l,  topped  by  a  smaller  one,  as  the  crowning  member  re¬ 
produces  the  prominent  characteristics  of  a  Ndgara  sikhara  (Text 
Fig.  15),  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  here  we  have  an  early 
sikhara  temple  denoting  a  stage  in  the  evolution  of  the  Ndgara 
style  in  the  region.  The  plan  of  an  inner  sanctum  within  a 
covered  ambulatory  and  the  succession  of  chaitya  ornaments  on 
each  face  of  the  sikhara  might  have  been  responsible  for  such  an 
erroneous  classification.  The  latter  ornament  is  a  distinctive  charac¬ 
teristic  of  the  early  Ndgara  temples  while  such  a  plan  is  also  noticed 
in  a  few  temples  of  the  Deccan,  each  having  a  prominent  Ndgara 
sikhara  over  the  sanctum.  From  these  considerations  the  Sutrapada 
temple  should  properly  be  classed  with  temples  of  the  Ndgara  style, 
rather  than  with  those  of  the  type  at  Gop.  Similar  is  the  case  with 
the  temple  at  Pasthar,  classed  by  Sankalia86  with  the  monuments 
of  the  Gop  type.  Here  also  an  archaic  sikhara  of  a  low  height  sur¬ 
mounts  the  sanctum.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  noted  that  adja¬ 
cent  to  the  Siva  temple  at  Villesvara,  described  above,  there  is  an 
example  of  a  sikhara  temple,  described  by  Cousens87  as  represent¬ 
ing  “a  very  early  and  rudimentary  stage  of  the  Northern  style”. 
This  indicates  the  possibility  of  the  co-existence,  at  a  very  early 
stage  of  architectural  activity  in  this  area,  of  the  temples  of  the 


586 


ART 


Nagara  style  with  those  of  the  Gop  type.  The  plan  of  an  enclosed 
sanctum  within  a  covered  ambulatory,  seen  in  several  early  temples 
of  the  Nagara  form  in  this  area,  might  have  been  inspired  by  this  fact 
of  simultaneous  co-existence. 

The  characteristic  regional  expression  of  the  Nagara  temple 
style  in  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar  is  usually  designated  as  the  Solanki 
after  the  Chalukya  or  Solanki  rulers  of  Anahillapataka.  Many 
of  the  Chaulukya  kings  v/ere  great  patrons  of  the  building  art,  and 
the  prolific  and  magnificent  architectural  activity  during  their  regime 
was,  in  a  large  measure,  due  to  their  active  and  enlightened 
patronage.  Their  ministers  and  governors  were  also  zealous  patrons 
of  arts  and  culture.  By  its  geographical  position  Gujarat  was  the 
hub  of  international  commerce  of  those  days,  and  merchant  princes, 
like  the  brothers  Vastupala  and  Tejahpaia,  vied  with  one  another 
in  encouraging  the  arts  in  the  most  exuberant  manner  possible.  The 
common  people  also  shared  in  such  activities  by  raising  up  substan¬ 
tial  funds  by  a  system  of  recognised  imposts  for  the  gods.  It  appears 
that  the  entire  community  was  identified  with  the  artistic  move¬ 
ments  of  the  day,  and  the  result  was  a  brilliant  upheaval  of  every 
form  of  art,  particular!}'  of  architecture  in  which  the  religious  zeal 
and  devotion  of  the  people  found  the  most  emphatic  expression.  The 
whole  area  was  studded  over  with  monuments,  distinctive  in  design 
and  the  most  luxuriant  in  execution.  The  majority  of  the  temples 
of  this  brilliant  phase  is,  however,  in  ruins,  while  many  have  been 
almost  completely  obliterated.  Time  and  man  have  wrought  havoc 
turning  the  once  smiling  and  gleaming  monuments  to  a  skeleton  of 
their  former*  glory,  or  into  totally  shapeless  ruins. 

Monuments  of  the  early  Nagara  form,  prior  to  the  emergence  of 
the  characteristic  Solanki  type,  are  very  few  in  Gujarat  and  Kathia¬ 
war.  Among  the  few  that  remain,  some  had  been  classed  otherwise, 
while  with  regard  to  the  others  their  true  imports  had  not  been 
always  recognised.  It  is  because  of  this  that  the  characteristic  type 
of  the  Solanki  temple  has  sometimes  been  regarded  as  an  individual 
growth  in  this  region,  a  few  scholars  even  suggesting  an  evolution 
of  the  Solanki  temple  from  those  of  the  Gop  type.  Architectonically 
however,  though  not  geographically,  the  two  groups  stand  far  apart 
and  represent  two  distinctly  different  conceptions.  In  the  funda¬ 
mentals  of  design  and  form  there  is  hardly  a  common  link  between 
the  two.  The  prominent  features  of  the  Solanki  temple  belong  to  the 
Nagara  conception,  and  in  it  we  have  a  regional  expression  of  the 
Nagara  temple  style.  The  Solanki  temple  type  is  related,  at  least 
in  some  measure,  as  a  parallel  movement  to  the  other  regional  mani¬ 
festations  of  the  Nagara  style ,  so  widely  distributed  over  different 
parts  of  India. 


587 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


A  few  stray  and  isolated  examples  of  the  early  Ndgara  temple 
still  remain  in  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar.  In  respect  of  form  and  design 
the  oldest  Ndgara  temple  in  this  area  may  be  recognised  in  a  dilapi¬ 
dated  shrine  at  Rhoda  (Gujarat).  From  its  simple  design  and  chaste 
ornamentation  (Fig.  46)  it  seems  to  be  nearer  to  the  Gupta  sikhara 
temple  and  apparently  belongs  to  a  date  not  later  than  the  seventh 
century  A.D.  The  small  shrine88  by  the  side  of  the  Siva  temple  at 
Villesvara  (Kathiawar)  and  the  Surya  temple  at  Sutrapada  (Kathia¬ 
war)89  belong  architectonically  to  an  identical  conception. 

A  few  other  temples  in  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar  help  us  to  trace 
the  progress  of  the  Ndgara  temple  from  the  simple  design  of  the 
temples  of  the  Rhoda  group.  A  small  shrine  (Fig.  47)  at  Pashthar 
(Kathiawar),  evidently  of  the  early  Ndgara  form  of  triratha  shape, 
presents  two  curious  features,  viz.  the  division  of  the  rdhd-paga  into 
two  vertical  halves  by  a  deep  depression  in  the  middle  along  its 
height  and  the  appearance  of  sectional  dmalakas  on  the  central  paga 
at  regular  intervals  corresponding  to  those  of  the  dmalaka  quoins. 
In  contrast  to  the  rich  scheme  of  the  sikhara  above,  the  cube  of  the 
sanctum  below,  unrelieved  by  any  horizontal  moulding  or  by  any 
vertical  ratha  projection,  has  a  bald  and  severe  appearance.  This 
may  indicate  that  originally  it  was  not  meant  to  be  seen  from  out¬ 
side,  the  sanctum  being  enclosed  within  a  covered  ambulatory, 
perhaps  of  wood,  that  has  been  swept  away.  The  above-mention¬ 
ed  shrine  beside  the  Villesvara  temple  and  the  small  temple  (Fig. 
49)  adjacent  to  the  Navalakha  at  Ghumli  (Kathiawar),  slightly 
advanced  in  design  because  of  its  pancharatha  conception,  also 
appear  from  their  bare  walls  to  have  been  provided  each  with  an 
ambulatory  of  wood.  The  Surya  temple  at  Sutrapada,  already 
discussed,  has  the  sanctum  enclosed  within  a  covered  ambulatory 
of  stone,  and  it  appears  that  like  the  temples  of  the  Gop  class  the 
plan  of  a  sanctum  within  an  enclosed  ambulatory  was  also  follow¬ 
ed  in  the  early  Ndgara  monuments  of  Kathiawar.  It  is  from  this 
composition  that  one  may  trace  the  evolution  of  the  Sandhara 
prasada  in  several  of  the  subsequent  regional  manifestations  of  the 
Ndgara  style. 

A  pancharatha  plan  of  the  sanctum  is  a  natural  development 
from  the  triratha,  and  several  temples  of  this  plan,  architectonically 
posterior  to  the  triratha  group,  may  also  be  found  in  Gujarat  as  well 
as  in  Kathiawar.  An  elegant  example  of  the  pancharatha  group  may 
be  seen  in  a  small  shrine  at  Sandera  (Gujarat).90  Exquisite  in  pro¬ 
portions  and  with  a  graceful  array  of  fretted  ornamentation  of 
chaitya  arches  the  temple  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  most 
notable  monuments  of  the  early  Ndgara  form  in  this  region,  as  effec- 


588 


ART 


tive  in  design  and  sensitive  in  treatment  as  the  celebrated  Mukte- 
svara  at  Bhuvanesvara  (Orissa).  Two  small  temples  (Text  Fig.  16) 
at  Miani  (Kathiawar),91  dedicated  respectively  to  Ganapati  and 
IVlahadeva,  each  of  the  pancharatha  plan  and  preceded  by  a  pillared 
portico  in  front,  are  as  elegant  in  design  and  decorative  conception 
as  tiie  one  at  Sandera.  The  small  shrine  at  Ghumli  (Kathiawar) 
might  have  been  as  effective,  except  for  the  bare  appearance  of 
the  wails.  The  temple  of  Ranik  Devi  (Fig. 48)  at  Wadhwan  (Kathia¬ 
war)32  is  also  essentially  of  the  same  conception  as  above.  It  seems 
to  be  slightly  later  in  date  in  view  of  the  high  plinth  consisting  of 
more  than  three  courses  of  mouldings,  the  division  of  the  bada 
into  five  segments  by  a  simple  shallow  band — an  apology  for  the 
bdndhand — around  its  middle  and  a  rather  attenuated  form  of  the 
sikharn ,93  In  Orissa  and  Central  India  the  increase  in  the  number 
of  rat  has  in  the  plan  is,  in  a  certain  measure,  related  to  the  division 
of  the  bddci  along  the  vertical  axis.  With  the  pancharatha  plan 
Orissa  develops  a  pahchahga  bdda,  and  to  this  the  Orissan  builders 
adhere  to  in  spite  of  the  development  occasionally  of  the  saptaratka 
and  navaratha  plans.  The  characteristic  type  of  a  Central  Indian 
temple  is  saptaratha  in  plan,  and  correspondingly  the  Central  In¬ 
dian  architects  develop  a  saptdhga  bada.  But  in  other  regions  of 
the  Ndgara  style  the  bada  of  three  segments,  distinctive  of  the 
early  Ndgara  form,  is  rigidly  maintained.  Rajputana,  Gujarat, 
Kathiawar,  Kbandesh,  etc.,  in  spite  of  the  manifestations  of  regional 
characteristics,  all  adhere  to  the  three-fold  division  of  the  bada, 
and  the  stray  and  not  too  emphatic  occurrence  of  a  fivefold  division, 
as  seen  in  the  Ranik  Devi  temple  and  in  one  or  two  others  as  well, 
may  be  regarded  as  an  aberration  in  this  area. 

A  battered  shrine,  known  as  Muni  Bhava's  temple,  near  Than 
(Kathiawar),94  shows  definite  characteristics  of  the  early  Ndgara 
temple;  but  already  a  development  of  the  design  may  be  recognised 
in  the  provision  of  a  pillared  mandapa  in  front  to  which  a  distinctly 
local  character  is  given  by  the  arrangement  of  kakshasanas.  An- 
interesting  feature  of  this  temple  is  again  seen  in  the  full-length 
figures  of  griffins  or  rampant  lions,  repeated  in  the  vertical  facets 
of  the  walls,  a  motif  that  is  perhaps  unique  in  this  area. 

Cousens  is  of  opinion  that  the  old  ruined  shrine  of  the  god 
Trinetresvara  which  once  stood  at  Tarnetar,95  about  six  miles  north¬ 
west  of  Than  (Kathiawar),  was  older  than  Muni  Bhava’s  temple. 
The  Tarnetar  shrine  consisted  of  a  sanctum  with  a  mandapa  in  front. 
As  is  apparent  from  the  photograph36  that  alone  survives,  the 
sikhara  exhibits  an  arrangement  of  anga-sikharas  in  clusters  around 


589 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


-  its  body,  a  motif  that  is  evidently  late  in  appearance.  This  feature 
is  a  distinctive  characteristic  of  the  Solahki  temple,  as  of  several 
other  regional  expressions  of  the  Nagara  style.  The  awkward 
manner  in  which  the  roof  of  the  mandapa  is  sought  to  be  joined  to 
the  sikhara  indicates  a  certain  lack  of  experience  on  the  part  of 
the  builders  with  the  elaborate  design  of  the  Solahki  temple,  then 
just  in  process  of  formation.  The  now  vanished  temple  at  Tarnetar, 
therefore,  probably  represented  an  important  stage  in  the  transition 
from  the  early  Nagara  form  of  temple  to  that  of  Solahki.  It  is  a 
pity  that  no  monument  now  survives  to  enable  us  to  understand 
this  transition  better. 

Like  other  regional  expressions  of  the  Nagara  style,  the  typical 
Solahki  temple  of  Gujarat  and  Kathiawar  appears  to  have  received 
its  complete  form  by  the  close  of  the  tenth  or  the  beginning  of  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.  The  type,  so  formed,  is  in  a  large  measure, 
analogous  to  the  fully  developed  Rajput  temple,  and  the  architec¬ 
tural  development  in  these  regions  seems  to  have  been  parallel  and 
simultaneous,  at  least  in  the  later  stages  of  the  development  of 
the  Nagara  temple.  The  affinities,  which  are  not  few,  have  already 
been  indicated  and  need  not  be  repeated  here. 

The  general  scheme  of  a  Solahki  temple  differs  very  little  from 
that  of  any  other  regional  expression  of  the  Nagara  temple.  Funda¬ 
mentally  the  composition  consists  of  the  sanctum  and  the  pillared 
hall  or  mandapa  (giidha-mandapa  as  it  is  known  in  this  area),  com¬ 
bined  usually  in  axial  length.  The  exterior  walls  are  broken  up 
by  vertical  chases,  projected  and  recessed  alternately,  which  are 
carried  up  into  the  elevation  producing  effective  contrasts  of  light; 
and  shade.  The  chases  are  obtained  usually  by  a  system  of  ratha 
projections,  as  in  the  temples  of  the  Nagara  conception,  or  occa¬ 
sionally  in  the  more  developed  group  by  the  intricate  process  of 
rotating  a  square  round  a  central  axis— r-a  process  that  may  be  re¬ 
cognised  to  be  a  different  application  of  the  same  idea  that  was 
responsible  for  the  introduction  of  the  system  of  addition  of  ratha 
projections  on  the  exterior  walls  of  the  temples  of  early  Nagara 
form.  Occasionally,  again,  in  the  larger  conceptions  a  detached  hall, 
sabha-mandapa,  and  a  Jcirti-torana  are  added  in  front  of  each.  Some¬ 
times  a  sacred  reservoir  with  flagged  steps  forms  an  important  ele¬ 
ment  of  the  temple  complex,  but  this  is  seen  only  in  the  more 
important  groups.  A  few  of  the  larger  temples  seem  to  have  the 
mandapa  halls  disposed  in  more  than  one  storey,  but  the  examples 
themselves  are  too  damaged  to  allow  any  clear  understanding  of 
the  arrangements. 

In  elevation  the  scheme  of  the  Solahki  temple  reproduces  tne 
same  fundamental  divisions  along  the  vertical  axis  as  in  other  re- 


590 


ART 


gionai  types  of  the  N agar a  temple.  The  temple  rises  from  a  high 
socle  (pifha  or  mahdpishta  as  it  is  variously  termed),  above  which 
is  the  wall  surface  up  to  the  entablature  (called  mandovara  in 
Gujarat  and  bdda  in  Orissa).  The  entablature  serves  as  a  transition 
to  the  next  division,  the  superstructure  along  with  its  crowning 
elements.  The  socle  consists  of  a  series  of  mouldings,  sometimes 
plain,  usually  ornamented  with  repetitive  motifs  in  an  order  speci¬ 
fically  fixed  by  tradition.  The  wall  surface  has  a  threefold  divi¬ 
sion,  corresponding  to  those  of  the  early  Ndgara  temples  and  termed 
respectively  in  Orissa  as  the  pabhaga  (plinth),  the  jdhgha  (wall  face) 
and  the  baranda  (transition).  No  further  subdivision  of  this  section, 
as  seen  in  Orissa  and  Central  India,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Solahki 
temple,  a  feature  shared  also  by  the  Rajput  temple.  The  first  of  these, 
the  pabhaga ,  not  always  emphatic  in  expression,  consists  of  a  series 
of  mouldings,  and  the  second,  the  jdngha,  shows  a  grouping  of 
sculptures  in  the  vertical  chases.  The  last,  the  baranda ,  in  the 
Solahki  temple,  as  in  the  characteristic  Rajput  type,  usually  con¬ 
sists  of  a  cornice  or  double  cornice,  extending  in  the  form  of  a  slop-*' 
ing  eave  ( chdjjci )  in  the  frontal  parts.  Above  this  rises  the  super¬ 
structure,  the  tall  curvilinear  sikhara  surmounting  the  sanctum 
cella  and  a  low  pyramidal  roof,  composed  of  diminishing  horizontal 
courses,  covering  the  mandapa  hall.  In  the  characteristic  type  of 
the  Solahki  temple  the  sikhara  over  the  sanctum  has  clusters  of 
anga-sikharas  round  its  body,  each  a  replica  of  the  main  tower. 
As  already  noted,  these  anga-sikharas  in  the  Rajput  and  Solahki 
types  of  structures,  though  less  exuberant  than  the  Central  Indian, 
are  equally,  if  not  more,  emphatic  in  expression,  each  having  its 
own  volume  and  retaining  the  four-square  shape  of  the  main  struc¬ 
ture.  The  roof  of  the  mandapa  also  reproduces  a  similar  motif  in 
the  repetitions  of  rootlets  in  tiers  all  around. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  interior  the  Solahki  temple  displays 
notable  features.  The  mandapa  hall  is  definitely  peristylar  in 
character,  and  richly  carved  pillars  constitute  an  essential  element 
in  its  composition.  As  in  the  elevation  of  the  temple  outside,  the 
pillars  are  also  divided  into  three  principal  sections,  a  moulded 
base,  an  elegantly  carved  shaft  further  subdivided  into  decorative 
horizontal  zones,  and  the  top,  referred  to  by  some  scholars  as  “an 
attic  portion”,  consisting  of  the  capital  with  its  entablature  and 
other  elements.  In  the  earlier  of  the  temples  the  pillars  are  arrang¬ 
ed  along  the  sides  of  the  mandapa  hall,  while  in  the  later  ones  they 
are  grouped  octagonally  in  the  centre  of  the  hall  thus  dividing  it 
into  a  central  nave  and  lateral  aisles,  the  latter  sometimes  having 
additional  complements  of  pillars.  In  the  more  ornate  examples 
light  foliated  struts,  simulating  flying  ornamental  arches,  are  thrown 


591 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


across  the  nave  pillars  and  they  form  a  very  elegant  motif  rich  in 
treatment.  The  square  hall  projects  on  the  outside,  the  projections 
being  left  open;  that  to  the  front  is  meant  for  entrance;  while  those 
on  the  two  sides  usually  accommodate  windows  and  alongside 
kakshasanas  with  leaning  parapets.  Sometimes,  though  rarely, 
the  latter  form  additional  porticos.  The  dome  is  supported  on  an 
octagonal  frame  of  architraves  over  the  pillars  and  rises  in  over¬ 
sailing  concentric  courses,  each  course  richly  carved,  terminating 
at  the  apex  in  a  pendant  of  exquisite  beauty.  Every  element  of  the 
composition  has  been  masterfully  conceived  and  beautifully  treated, 
so  that  the  interior  is  as  rich  and  effective  as  the  external  design 
of  the  temple.  In  external  design  the  Solanki  temple  has  its  com¬ 
peers  in  other  zones  of  the  N  agar  a  style;  but  in  interior  arrange¬ 
ment  the  Solanki  temple,  or  its  parallel,  the  Rajput,  is  without 
any  equal. 

The  above  preliminary  discussion  of  the  distinctive  character¬ 
istics  of  the  Solanki  temple  renders  it  unnecessary  to  describe  in  de¬ 
tail  the  individual  monuments.  The  temple  of  Nilakantha  Mahadeva 
(Fig.  50)  at  Sunak  (Gujarat),  happily  a  complete  specimen  so  rare  in 
this  area,  is  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  notable  monuments  of  this 
class.  It  consists  of  the  sanctum  and  its  mandapa ,  axially  joined,  and 
preceded  by  an  open  portico  in  front.  Externally  the  roof  of  the  man¬ 
dapa  is  surrounded  by  tiers  of  rootlets,  each  with  amalaka  and  kalasa 
finial,  the  top  of  the  dome,  raising  up  its  head  over  the  design.  Like¬ 
wise  the  sikhara  over  the  sanctum,  one  of  the  most  graceful  in  out¬ 
line,  is  surrounded  by  tiers  of  anga-sikharas,  one  interesting  feature 
in  each  case  being  the  occurrence  of  double  amalaka ,  a  feature  that 
is  also  seen  prominently  on  the  top  of  the  main  sikhara.  At  the 
sides  of  the  mandapa  there  are  inclined  kakshasanas ,  most  effective 
in  their  spacing  and  disposition, while  every  surface,  whether  on  the 
walls  or  on  the  pillars,  is  richly  carved  in  the  most  elegant  manner 
(Text  Fig.  17).  In  respect  of  design  and  plastic  adornment  it  has  been 
aptly  described  as  a  “gem  of  its  kind”  by  a  competent  authority.97  A 
copper-plate  inscription  of  Karna  of  Vikrama  Samvat  1148  (A.D.  1091) 
found  at  Sunak,  as  interpreted  by  Sankalia,98  records  a  grant  of 
lands  for  the  maintenance  of  a  tank  (vapi),  made  at  Sunaka  (Sunak) 
for  the  god  Mahadeva.  This  presupposes  the  existence  at  Sunak  of  a 
temple  of  Mahadeva,  which  can  be  no  other  than  the  present  temple, 
in  the  closing  years  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  Stylistically,  how¬ 
ever,  the  construction  of  the  temple  has  to  be  referred  to  a  date  ap¬ 
proximately  a  century  earlier.  Clear  parallels  of  the  Mahadeva  temple 
at  Sunak  may  be  found  in  the  Jain  temples  at  Kumbharia  (South 
Rajputana),  usually  referred  to  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  In  the 
latter  an  advancement  of  the  interior  design  is  recognised  in  the 


592 


ART 


octagonal  grouping  of  the  pillars  supporting  the  dome,  an  arrange¬ 
ment  that  is  yet  to  come  in  the  Gujarat  temple.  The  Sun  temple  at 
Modhera  (Gujarat),  more  elaborate  in  design  and  enrichment,  also 
displays  a  grouping  of  the  pillars  supporting  the  dome  in  an  octagon. 
This  temple  cannot  be  later  than  A.D.  1026,  and  the  Sunak  temple, 
in  which  this  characteristic  design  is  yet  to  be  reached,  may  belong 
to  a  date  slightly  earlier,  perhaps  to  the  close  of  the  tenth  century 
A.D. 

Several  other  temples  of  approximately  the  same  date  and 
essentially  identical  in  conception  are  found  in  Gujarat  as  well 
as  in  Kathiawar.  Only  the  more  important  ones  may  briefly 
be  mentioned  here.  The  present  temple  of  Limboji  Mata  at  Delmal 
(Gujarat),  though  occupying  the  site  of  an  older  structure,  seems  to 
be  of  comparatively  recent  date.  But  the  two  subsidiary  shrines, 
situated  on  the  south-west  and  south-east  corners  of  the  court  and 
dedicated  respectively  to  LakshmI-Narayana  and  Surya,  “are  genuine 
examples  of  good  old  work  and  are  exceedingly  neat  and  complete 
little  structures— chaste  in  design  and  ornament”.99  These  subsi¬ 
diary  shrines,  essentially  of  the  same  style  as  that  at  Sunak,  may 
furnish  an  idea  of  the  date  of  the  original  temple  of  Limboji  Mata 
which  once  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  court.  The  larger  of  the  two 
shrines  at  Sandera  (Gujarat)100  is  also  an  elegant  piece  of  work 
identical  in  plan  and  detail  with  that  at  Sunak,  though  smaller  in 
dimensions.  The  Nilakanfha  Mahadeva  temple  at  Miani  (Kathia¬ 
war)  101  may  also,  from  its  style,  belong  to  the  same  group.  The  tem¬ 
ple  of  Hingloji  Mata  at  Khandorna  (Fig.  52)  and  that  of  Jaisalnatha 
Mahadeva  at  Asoda  (Fig.  53),  both  in  the  former  Baroda  State,  belong 
also  to  this  conception,  the  latter  being  an  eminent  example  of  this 
class.  The  triple-shrined  temple  at  Kasara  (Gujarat),  now  in  ruins, 
is  apparently  an  interesting  conception  (Text  Fig.  18).  Round  a 
central  mandapa  hall  with  a  ^porch,  now  gone,  on  the  east,  are 
arranged  three  shrines,  each  with  a  Solahki  type  of  sikhara ,  the 
western,  -  facing  the  porch,  being  dedicated  to  6iva,  the  northern 
to  Vishnu  and  the  southern  to  Brahma.102  The  shrines  as  well 
as  the  mandapa  are  now  found  in  a  battered  state;  but  when 
entire,  each  was  a  notable  production  and  the  effect  of  the 
whole  was  one  of  impressive  grandeur.  The  triple-shrined  temple 
at  Parbadi  (Kathiawar) 103  with  its  central  mandapa,  now  gone,  is 
essentially  of  the  same  style  as  the  one  at  Kasara  and  may  belong 
to  the  same  date.  Another  triple-shrined  temple,  but  of  a  later  date 
and  dedicated  to  Jain  worship,  is  found  at  Girnar  (Kathiawar).104 
Besides,  several  other  remains,  such  as  at  Kanoda  (Gujarat),105 
Gorad  (Gujarat),106  Chaubari  (Kathiawar),107  etc.  also  appear, 
from  the  style  of  the  fragments  preserved,  to  be  affiliated  to 

598 


S.  F..— 38 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  Sunak  group.  As  compared  to  the  Sun  temple  at  Moqlhera,  the 
temples  of  the  Sunak  group  have,  on  the  whole,  an  older  appearance, 
and  have  to  be  referred  to  a  period  earlier  than  that  of  Mo^hera, 
preferably  towards  the  close  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.  The  fairly 
large  number  of  monuments  of  this  epoch  suggests  a  brisk  archi¬ 
tectural  activity  even  during  the  early  Solankl  regime. 

In  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  the  Solankl  temple  reaches  its 
supreme  expression,  and  among  the  many  monuments  that  were 
raised  there  were  several  notable  productions,  though  unfortunately 
all  of  them  are  more  or  less  dilapidated.  Among  these,  the  Sun 
temple  at  Modhera  (Gujarat)108  is  the  most  imposing  even  in  its 
ruin  (Fig.  54).  Much  of  the  character  of  this  temple  complex  lies 
in  its  elaborate  setting,  all  elements  of  the  scheme  being  harmo¬ 
niously  related  to  one  another  in  an  organic  architectural  entity  of 
the  most  impressive  grandeur.  The  entire  scheme  is  raised  on  a 
paved  terrace  and  resolves  itself  into  three  principal  components  (Text 
Fig.  19).  On  the  east,  to  which  the  temple  faces,  is  situated  a 
large  rectangular  reservoir  (the  sacred  kunda )  with  flagged  flights 
of  steps  on  each  side  interspaced  by  small  shrines  (Fig.  57).  Ad¬ 
mirable  in  lay-out  and  arrangement,  this  kunda  is  itself  a  noble 
production.  At  the  head  of  the  steps  on  the  western  side  stand 
two  richly  carved  pillars  of  the  kirti-torana  or  ornamental  arch¬ 
way,  behind  which  is  seen  the  open  pillared  hall  of  cruciform 
shape,  the  sabha-mandapa  as  it  is  known  in  Gujarat.  This  hall, 
aptly  described  as  “a  magnificent  pile  of  pillared  splendour,”109 
is  placed  diagonally  with  the  axial  line  of  the  next  component 
that  consists  of  the  sanctum  and  its  adjoined  mandapa  as  one  unit. 
All  these  components  are  skilfully  adjusted  to  one  another  in  a 
manner  that  results  in  the  production  of  an  effective  unity  out  of 
the  three  seemingly  separate  compositions. 

The  sabha-mandapa  (Fig.  56)  has  four  entrances  on  its  four 
faces  through  ornamental  cusped  archways  between  two  pillars. 
In  between  the  plan  is  broken  up  into  a  number  of  deep  vertical 
chases  at  regular  intervals.  Each  angle,  so  formed,  has  a  dwarf 
pillar,  and  the  entire  system  is  enclosed  by  a  low  wall  following 
closely  the  indentations  of  the  plan  all  around.  This  wall  is  sur¬ 
mounted  by  a  continuous  parapet  with  kakshasanas  arranged  all 
around.  In  the  upper  section  the  small  pillars  support  the  entabla¬ 
ture  of  the  roof,  in  the  lowest  stage  of  which  runs  a  continuous 
eave  (chajjd).  In  the  interior  the  pillars  are  arranged  in  two  rows 
in  the  form  of  a  cross,  the  central  complement  describing  a  regular 
octagon  for  support  of  the  dome  above.  Every  single  part  of  the 
design  is  exquisitely  carved,  and  in  spite  of  the  profuseness  of  the 


594 


ART 


ornament  covering  all  visible  surfaces,  both  inside  and  out,  there 
is  hardly  any  idea  of  exaggeration. 

The  sanctum  and  the  mandapa ,  essentially  of  the  same  con¬ 
ception  as  in  the  earlier  temples  of  the  Sunak  group,  each  displays 
notable  advances  in  design.  The  first,  enclosed  within  a  covered 
ambulatory,  is  of  the  sandbar  a  class,  while  the  second  exhibits  a 
central  complement  of  pillars  grouped  in  a  regular  octagon.  Over 
this  octagonal  nave  rises  the  dome  (Fig.  58),  the  ornamented  ceiling 
of  which  still  remains.  Fretted  ornamental  toranas  join  the  pillars 
and  relieve  the  harshness  of  the  four-square  scheme  at  the  top. 
A  shallow  vestibule  of  four  pillars  fronts  the  doorway  of  the  inner 
sanctum.  The  mandapa  and  the  ambulatory  of  the  sanctum  are 
each  lighted  by  window  openings  of  an  effective  design.  Externally 
(Fig.  55),  vertical  chases  are  formed  in  the  plan  by  ratha  projec¬ 
tions,  and  the  ornament  is  as  varied  and  rich,  both  internally  and 
externally,  as  in  the  case  of  the  sabhd-mandapa.  In  each  of  these 
elements  the  superstructures  have  collapsed.  A  low  pyramidal 
roof  no  doubt  surmounted  each  of  the  halls,  the  mandapa  and  the 
sabhd-mandapa,  while  a  typical  Solankl  sikhara  covered  the  sanc¬ 
tum.1093  Bereft  of  these  necessary  accompaniments  the  scheme 
now  appears  in  a  truncated  state.  But  the  structural  propriety 
of  the  different  parts  as  well  as  of  the  whole,  the  rich  and  varied 
ornament  that  matches  and  blends  beautifully  with  the  architec¬ 
tural  lineaments,  and  the  sense  of  organic  unity,  all  combine  to 
rank  it  among  the  supreme  creations  of  Indian  genius.  A  master 
mind  conceived  the  noble  scheme,  and  master  artists  carried  it  to 
perfection.  An  inscription  in  the  back  wall  of  the  sanctum  of  the 
Modhera  temple  bears  a  date,  Vikrama  Sarhvat  1083  (A.D.  1026), 
which  may  tentatively  be  taken  as  the  date  of  the  temple. 

Mention  may  be  made  of  two  other  monuments,  apparently 
also  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D.  One  is  the  Navalakha  temple 
at  Ghumli,110  and  the  other,  also  going  by  the  same  name,  at  Sejak- 
pur,111  both  in  Kathiawar  (Text  Figs.  20  and  21).  The  foliated 
plan  of  the  sanctum  of  the  Sejakpur  temple  is  obtained  on  the  prin¬ 
ciple  of  a  square  rotating  round  a  central  axis.  Richly  carved  and 
in  the  best  proportions  of  form  and  design  each  of  the  Navalakha 
temples,  when  in  its  original  state  complete  with  the  superstructures, 
represented  a  fine  conception  of  eleventh  century  Solankl  work. 
In  the  Ghumli  temple  the  sanctum  is  enclosed  within  an  ambula¬ 
tory  and  the  mandapa  is  disposed  in  two  storeys,  likely  parallels 
of  the  latter  being  found  in  the  larger  Sas  Bahu  temple  at  Gwalior 
and  in  the  ruins  of  the  Rudra  Mala  at  Siddhapur. 

The  Solankl  tradition  maintains  a  rich  and  prolific  output  in 
the  twelfth  century  A.D.  which  saw  two  eminent  royal  patrons  of 


595 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


building  art  in  Siddharaja  Jayasimha  and  Kumarapala.  With  the 
former  is  associated  the  completion  of  an  imposing  conception,  the 
Rudra  Mala  or  Rudra  Mahalaya,  at  Siddhapur  (Gujarat).1 12  Un¬ 
fortunately  it  is  now  completely  in  ruins,  but  a  picture  of  its  former 
splendour  seems  to  have  survived  in  a  Gujarati  ballad  which  speaks 
of  the  temple  as  covered  with  gold,  adorned  with  sixteen  hundred 
columns,  veiled  by  carved  screens  and  pierced  lattices,  festooned 
with  pearls,  inlaid  with  gems  over  the  doorways  and  glistening 
like  flames  with  rubies  and  diamonds.  Much  of  this  is,  no  doubt, 
exaggeration  full  of  rhetoric;  but  the  impressive  character  of  the 
conception  is  evidenced  by  the  scanty,  though  colossal,  remains. 
They  consist  of  groups  of  columns  of  the  pillared  mandapa,  which 
seems  to  have  been  in  more  than  one  storey,  and  had  three  entrance 
porticos  on  three  sides.  The  surviving  foundations  suggest  that 
the  conception  with  the  usual  appurtenances  occupied  a  space  nearly 
300  feet  by  230  feet.  In  front  there  stood  a  klrti-torana  of  which 
one  column  still  remains.  From  the  dimensions  the  Rudra  Mala 
seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  largest  architectural  conceptions  in 
this  area;  the  rich  character  of  its  design  is  fully  evident  in  the 
few  fragments  that  remain.  The  temple  that  once  stood  at  Vad- 
nagar  (Gujarat)113  might  have  been  larger  still,  as  appears  from 
the  size  of  the  surviving  richly  carved  klrti-torana  (Fig.  51).  The 
famous  shrine  of  Somanatha  at  Somanatha-pattana  (Kathiawar)114 
had  been  built  over  and  over  again  after  periodical  demolitions 
at  the  hands  of  the  Muslims.  The  shrine  seems  to  have  been  old. 
After  its  sack  by  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  Bhlma  I  appears  to  have  re¬ 
built  it.  Traces  of  this  rebuilding  can  still  be  seen  in  the  present 
ruin  which  dates  from  the  time  of  Kumarapala  in  the  latter  half 
of  the  twelfth  century  A.D.  (Text  Fig.  22).  It  is  much  of  the  same 
design  as  the  Rudra  Mala  without,  however,  the  storeyed  disposition 
of  the  mandapa  of  the  latter,  and  of  nearly  the  same  dimensions. 
The  sanctum  was  enclosed  within  an  ambulatory.  The  scuptural 
decoration  has  well  nigh  been  defaced,  but  enough  remains  to 
demonstrate  the  rich  character  of  the  design.  Near  by  stand  the 
remains  of  a  few  other  shrines,  of  which  that  of  Surya,115  almost 
entire,  has  still  an  imposing  effect.  The  tradition  represented  by 
the  twelfth  century  temples  seems  to  have  reached  a  baroque  phase 
foreshadowing  the  decline. 

In  spite  of  a  brisk  activity  in  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  much 
of  the  vigour  and  refinement  of  the  earlier  works  had  been  lost. 
The  majority  of  the  erections  are  of  Jain  affiliation  and  situated 
on  the  sacred  hills  of  Satruhjaya  and  Girnar  (Kathiawar),  the  emi¬ 
nent  patrons  of  this  faith  being  king  Kumarapala  in  the  twelfth 
century,  and  the  merchant  brothers,  Vastupala  and  Tejahpala,  in 


596 


ART 


the  thirteenth.  The  monuments  on  these  two  hills,  on  account  of 
constant  renovations,  have  lost  much  of  their  original  appearance, 
and  are  hardly  of  any  interest  architecturally.  The  triple-shrined 
temple  of  Vastupala  (Text  Fig.  23)  at  Girnar116  is,  however, 
interesting  as  illustrating  a  rare  conception.  The  imposing  pile  of 
the  Jain  temple  at  Taringa  (Gujarat),1 17  attributed  to  Kumarapala, 
in  spite  of  a  restoration  in  the  time  of  Akbar,  seems  to  have  retained 
its  original  form  and  design  to  a  very  great  extent.  But  the 
fineness  of  form  and  ornament  that  characterised  the  eleventh  cen¬ 
tury  Solanki  temple  had  already  declined.  Even  the  hall  of  Tejah- 
pala  at  Dilawara,  Mount  Abu  (Rajputana),  in  spite  of  its  being  a 
notable  creation  in  certain  respects,  fails  to  impress  from  the  archi¬ 
tectonic  point  of  view. 

E.  Deccan 

The  Nagara  temple  style,  it  has  already  been  observed,  extends 
beyond  its  canonical  limits  far  to  the  south.  Temples  of  the  Nagara 
conception  have  been  found  as  far  south  as  the  Krishna-Tungabhadra 
basin,  while  a  solitary  example,  the  temple  of  Ganapati  at  Hangal,118 
indicates  an  expansion  of  the  conception  even  far  into  the  interior 
of  the  Kannada  speaking  area.  The  Deccan  temples  of  the  Nagara 
conception  may  be  divided  into  two  well-defined  groups,  one  early 
and  the  other  late.  The  early  group  is  confined  to  Southern  Deccan 
in  the  Krishna-Tungabhadra  basin,  while  monuments  of  the  late  series 
are  found  scattered  over  the  western  part  of  the  upper  Deccan,  mainly 
in  the  region  of  Khandesh  and  its  neighbourhood.  In  the  history 
of  the  Nagara  temple  style  south  of  the  Vindhyas,  they  represent  two 
important  movements,  separated  from  each  other  in  time  and  space, 
as  well  as,  to  a  certain  extent,  in  respect  of  stylistic  progress. 

Temples  with  early  Nagara  form  of  the  sikhara  are  found  side 
by  side  with  the  Drdvixjia  at  Aihole,  Pattadakal,  Mahakutesvara  and 
Alampur,  all  situated  in  the  Krishna-Tungabhadra  basin.  This  re¬ 
gion  seems  to  have  been  a  sort  of  meeting  ground  of  the  two  well- 
marked  temple  styles,  the  Nagara  and  the  Drdvida,  and  it  is  from  a 
blending  of  the  elements  and  characteristics  of  the  two  that  one 
may  recognise  the  evolution  of  what  subsequently  came  to  be  known 
as  the  Chalukyan  style  which,  though  hybrid  in  its  origin,  later  on 
constituted  a  separate  and  well-defined  style  of  great  strength  and 
decorative  significance. 

Aihole  and  Pattadakal,  lying  close  to  each  other,  are  now  decay¬ 
ed  villages,  but  a  fairly  large  number  of  monuments  in  different 
stages  of  preservation  still  reflect  a  picture  of  their  ancient  pros¬ 
perity.  Aihole  in  the  Bijapur  District  has  particularly  been  described 
as  a  veritable  museum  of  early  structural  forms,  and  the  truth  of 


507 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


this  observation  is  amply  borne  out  by  nearly  seventy  temples, 
scattered  around  the  village,  which  represent  an  early  and  prolific 
phase  of  building  activity,  a  period  of  experiments,  so  to  say,  in  vari¬ 
ous  forms  and  designs.  In  this  medley  of  forms  the  Ndgara  concep¬ 
tion  is  prominent  in  a  number  of  monuments.  Temples  Nos.  9  (Text 
Fig.  24)  and  24  at  Aihole1 19  each  exhibits  a  sanctum,  triratha  in  plan, 
surmounted  by  a  dwarf  sikhara  of  early  Ndgara  design,  and  preced¬ 
ed  by  a  pillared  hall  in  front.  The  sikhara  in  each  case  reproduces 
the  fundamental  characteristics  of  the  early  Ndgara  towers,  as  seen 
in  other  parts  of  India,  and  the  movement  naturally  represents  one 
among  the  many  widely  distributed  early  activities  in  Ndgara  temple¬ 
building.  The  Ndgara  sikhara  seems  to  have  been  so  popular  in  this 
locality  that  temples  fundamentally  belonging  to  different  concep¬ 
tions,  such  as  the  Durga120  and  the  Huchchimalligudi121  at  Aihole, 
are  each  found  to  be  surmounted  by  a  tower  of  this  conception. 
There  is  a  striking  likeness  between  the  sikhara  of  the  Huchchimalli- 
gu<Ji  at  Aihole  and  that  of  the  Parasuramesvara  temple  at  Bhuvane- 
svara.  The  latter  is  usually  assigned  to  the  seventh  century  A.D. 
The  sikharas  of  temples  Nos.  9  and  24  at  Aihole  seem  to  be  more 
archaic  in  design  and  appearance.  The  structural  activities  at  Aihole 
appear  to  have  covered  approximately  a  period  of  two  hundred 
years,  from  the  middle  of  the  fifth  to  the  middle  of  the  seventh 
century  A.D.,  and  the  archaic  sikhara  temples  in  this  village  may 
probably  be  assigned  to  the  close  of  the  sixth  or  the  beginning  of 
the  seventh  century  A.D. 

The  architectural  activities,  inaugurated  in  so  promising  a  man¬ 
ner  at  Aihole,  were  continued  at  Pattadakal  that  stands  nearby.  In 
this  insignificant  village  in  the  Badami  District  one  may  still  find 
old  temples  crowded  among  the  mean  mud  houses  of  the  present 
day.  As  at  Aihole,  here,  too,  shrines  representing  both  the  concep¬ 
tions,  the  Ndgara  and  Drdvida,  are  found  side  by  side.  Of  the  for¬ 
mer  conception  there  are  at  least  five  examples  among  which  the 
Papanatha  appears  to  have  been  the  most  imposing  as  rivalling  in 
importance  the  other  grand  monument  at  the  site,  the  celebrated 
Virupaksha,122  a  magnificent  production  in  the  early  Drdvida  style. 
The  temples  of  Galaganatha,123  Kadsiddhesvara,124  Jambulihga125 
and  Kaslvisvanatha126  represent  each  a  sanctum,  triratha  in  plan, 
surmounted  by  a  low  Ndgara  sikhara  which  in  shape  and  design  re¬ 
semble  those  at  Aihole  and  contemporary  sikhara  temples  in  other 
parts  of  India.  In  the  early  sikhara  temples  of  the  Deccan  a  great 
divergence  seems  to  be  presented,  however,  by  the  crowning  ele¬ 
ments,  particularly  the  dmalaka  which  is  a  rather  insignificant 
member  in  comparison  with  those  on  their  northern  prototypes,  be¬ 
ing  much  too  attenuated  in  girth  to  fit  in  with  the  bisama  over  which 


598 


ART 


it  is  placed.  This  individual  treatment  of  the  amalaka  characterises 
these  sikharas  as  representing  a  Deccan€§€  version  of  the  early 
N agar  a  sikhara. 

In  the  temple  of  Papanatha 127  at  Pattadakal  (Fig.  60)  the  sanc¬ 
tum  is  enclosed  Within  a  covered  ambulatory  and  is  preceded  by  two 
axial  halls,  the  first  apparently  Occupying  the  position  of  the  vesti¬ 
bule  (antarala)  and  the  second  constituting  the  forward  assembly 
hall  (mandapa)  of  square  shape  with  an  open  portico  projected  in 
front  (Text  Fig.  25).  The  entire  composition  is  raised  over  a 
substantial  plinth  of  several  bold  string  courses.  All  around,  the 
walls  end  at  the  top  in  a  heavy  cornice  surmounted  further  by  orna¬ 
mental  pavilions.  The  roof  is  flat  with  the  sikhara  over  the  sanc¬ 
tum  shooting  high  up  at  the  eastern  end.  The  interior  is  lighted 
by  ornamental  grilles  set  between  pilasters,  while  the  ambulatory 
around  the  sanctum  has  boldly  projecting  windows,  one  on  each 
of  the  three  sides.  But  for  the  tower  which  is  definitely  of  Ndgara 
conception,  the  entire  composition  is  essentially  one  of  the  Drdvi^a 
and  has  a  general  likeness  to  that  of  the  Virupaksha  temple  that 
stands  close  by.  The  refined  contour  of  the  tower  of  the  Papa¬ 
natha  indicates  a  date  later  than  that  of  any  other  temple  of  sikhara 
conception  at  the  site.  It  may  be  assigned  either  towards  the  close 
of  the  seventh  or  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century  A.D. 

The  Sahgamesvara  temple  (Fig.  59)  at  Mahakutesvara,128  lying 
between  Badami  and  Pattadakal,  is  a  neat  little  specimen  of  the 
Ndgara  style.  It  consists  of  a  sanctum,  triratha  in  plan,  and  is  pre¬ 
ceded  by  an  open  pillared  portico  in  front.  A  collateral  shrine  on 
either  side  of  the  central  ratha  projection  anticipates  the  developed 
pancharatha  plan.  In  this  respect  the  Sahgamesvara  has  a  parallel 
in  the  Parasuramesvara  temple  at  Bhuvanesvara  and  may  be  coeval 
with  it  in  date. 

At  Alampur  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Tungabhadra  there  is  a 
group  of  six  temples,  all  situated  within  a  walled  enclosure.  In  de¬ 
sign  and  composition  all  the  temples  are  essentially  identical  and 
have  a  general  likeness  to  the  Papanatha  at  Pattadakal,  and  may  be 
dated  about  the  same  period  or  to  one  slightly  later.  The  best  pre¬ 
served  monument  of  the  Alampur  group  is  represented  by  what  is 
known  as  the  Visva-Brahma  temple  (Fig.  61). 129  Though  essentially 
of  the  same  class  as  the  Papanatha  at  Pattadakal,  the  different  ad¬ 
juncts  of  the  Visva-Brahma  temple  are  found  to  be  in  much  better 
proportions  leading  to  a  far  more  coherent  composition. 

With  very  few  exceptions,  the  above  early  monuments  of  South¬ 
ern  Deccan  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  belonged  wholly  to  the 
Ndgara  conception.  In  the  majority  of  these  temples,  particularly 


599 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  more  ambitious  productions,  the  essential  idea  that  governed  the 
composition  was  more  of  the  Dravida  extraction  than  of  the  N  agar  a, 
the  impact  of  the  latter  idea  being  however  emphatically  expressed 
in  each  case  by  the  sikhara  surmounting  the  sanctum.  Southern 
Deccan,  particularly  the  Krishna-Tungabhadra  basin  where  such 
monuments  are  concentrated,  furnished  a  fruitful  meeting  ground 
of  two  apparently  differing  conceptions  of  temples,  the  N  agar  a 
and  the  Dravida ,  and  it  is  from  an  admixture  of  the  characteristic 
elements  of  the  two  that  there  evolved  in  later  days  an  individual 
style  of  great  prolixity  and  richness. 

A  distinctive  expression  of  the  N  agar  a  temple  style  is  recognised 
in  the  upper  Deccan  or  Dakhan,  as  it  is  designated  by  Cousens,  rough¬ 
ly  in  the  territory  between  the  lower  reaches  of  the  Narmada  and 
the  upper  course  of  the  Godavari.  The  mediaeval  monuments  of 
this  region,130  situated  as  they  are  between  two  important  zones 
of  architectural  movements — the  Solanki  in  the  north  and  the 
Chalukyan  in  the  south — ,bear,  in  a  certain  measure,  evident  signs 
of  their  impacts.  Nevertheless,  they  have  certain  remarkable  indi¬ 
vidual  features  which  separate  them  from  either,  as  well  as  from 
other  regional  types  of  the  N  agar  a  temple  style.  These  rank  them 
as  a  separate  expression  of  no  mean  interest  and  significance. 

Perhaps  the  most  distinctive  characteristic  of  the  Dakhanese 
expression  of  the  Nagara  temple  style  is  to  be  noticed  in  the  design 
of  the  sikhara  which  is  markedly  different  from  that  of  any  other 
regional  type.  Here,  the  central  offset  on  each  face  of  the  body 
of  the  sanctum  cube  is  carried  up  and  continued  on  the  body  of  the 
sikhara  up  to  its  summit  as  an  unbroken  vertical  band  covered  all 
through  by  rich  tracery  of  cliaitya- window  motifs.  These  promi¬ 
nent  bands,  following  the  main  contours  of  the  sikhara  on  the  four 
sides,  act,  so  to  say,  as  spines  to  keep  the  latter  in  shape.  The 
segments  in  between  the  spines  are  filled  in  up  to  the  finial  by  hori¬ 
zontal  tiers  of  miniature  sikharas  diminishing  in  size  as  they  go  up. 
The  principle  governing  the  clustering  of  the  ahga-sikharas  round 
the  main  one,  an  inevitable  consequence  inherent  in  the  logical  pro¬ 
cess  of  the  evolution  of  the  Nagara  sikhara,  is,  no  doubt,  felt  also  in 
this  Dakhanese  expression;  but  here  we  have  a  new  interpretation 
of  the  theme  in  which  the  disturbing  effect  on  the  contours  is  effec¬ 
tively  held  in  check  by  the  strongly  pronounced  vertical  spines. 
The  latter,  with  their  emphatic  verticalism,  keep  the  ahga-sikharas 
subordinated  to  the  principal  design.  The  Orissan  builders,  while 
admitting  the  logic  of  the  ahga-sikharas,  also  reached  a  similar  solu¬ 
tion,  but  in  a  slightly  different  manner.  In  Orissa  as  well  as  in  the 


600 


ART 


Dakhan  the  unbroken  ascent  of  the  sikhara  seems  to  have  been  of 
greater  import,  and  each  region  evolved  a  scheme  in  which  the  anga- 
sikharas  received  a  treatment  whereby  they  lost  their  individuality 
and  became  transformed  into  mere  decorative  detail.  Kramrisch131 
is  inclined  to  call  this  type  of  sikhara  as  composite,  as  in  this  treat¬ 
ment  may  be  recognised  a  conscious  attempt  to  combine  both  the 
principles — that  of  the  single  and  unencumbered  sikhara  with  that 
of  one  with  smaller  replicas  clustered  around. 

The  temple  in  the  Dakhan  usually  consists  of  the  sanctum  and 
the  mandapa ,  sometimes  having  the  appearance  of  being  placed 
diagonically  to  each  other  on  account  of  the  great  diversity  in  the 
exterior  walls  which  practically  revel  in  “a  great  multiplicity  of 
angles”.132  The  mandapa  has  either  one  approach  in  the  front,  or 
three  in  the  front  and  at  the  two  sides,  each  such  approach  being 
through  a  projected  porch.  Sometimes  three  shrines  are  placed 
round  a  central  mandapa  having  a  projected  porch  in  front  to  com¬ 
plete  the  design.  The  angles  in  the  exterior  walls  are  obtained  either 
by  the  usual  system  of  ratha  projections,  or  on  the  principle  of  rotat¬ 
ing  a  square  round  a  central  axis  and  thereby  leading  to  a  foliated 
star-shaped  plan.  In  the  latter  case  the  central  buttress  on  each 
face  runs  parallel  with  the  square  plan  of  the  sanctum  in  the  interior 
and  carries  upward  the  prominent  vertical  band  that  serves  as  a 
spine  of  the  sikhara.  Like  the  buttresses  the  foliated  angles  in  bet¬ 
ween  are  carried  up  and  continued  on  the  sikhara.  These,  no  doubt, 
emphasise  strongly  the  vertical  tendency  of  the  entire  scheme,  and 
possibly  to  balance  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  to  counteract  this  em¬ 
phatic  upward  urge  a  close  series  of  horizontal  mouldings  is  laid 
across  the  composition  in  the  lower  cubical  section,  while  deep 
passages  between  the  tiers  of  the  ahga-sikharas  repeat  a  similar  hori¬ 
zontal  scheme  on  the  body  of  the  tower.  The  vertical  scheme,  as 
well  as  the  horizontal,  thus  seem  to  have  counterbalanced  each  other 
in  a  remarkably  effective  manner  which  allows  for  ever-changing 
chiaroscuro  effects  up  and  across  the  entire  composition.  It  has  to 
be  noted  in  this  connection  that  the  cubical  section,  corresponding 
to  the  ha^a,  like  that  in  the  early  Ndgara  temple,  is  divided  into 
three  main  segments. 

t* 

The  characteristic  Dakhanese  expression  of  the  Ndgara  temple 
style,  as  described  above,  appears  before  us  as  fully  formed.  Un¬ 
fortunately,  no  monuments  of  a  transitional  stage  have  yet  been 
found  to  explain  the  gradual  evolution  of  the  type.  Two  eminent 
expressions  of  the  type,  possibly  also  the  earliest  in  date,  have  been 
found  outside  the  confines  of  the  Dakhan  proper,  one  in  the  South 
and  the  other  in  the  North.  But  the  type  does  not  appear  to  have 


601 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

been  characteristic  of  any  of  these  regions,  where  they  appear  ap¬ 
parently  as  exceptional  occurrences.  The  mediaeval  temples  of  the 
Dakhan  invariably  bear  the  distinctive  features  of  this  characteristic 
type  which,  from  its  close  and  intimate  association  with  this  region, 
seems  to  have  been  its  particular  heritage. 

The  temple  of  Ambaranatha133  in  the  Thana  District  (Bombay), 
though  in  a  perilously  ruinous  condition,  seems  to  have  been  one 
of  the  most  outstanding  monuments  of  the  type  (Text  Fig.  26).  An 
inscription  on  the  architrave  over  the  northern  doorway  of  the 
may4apa,  records  its  erection  in  the  &aka  year  982  ( A.D.  1060)  during 
the  time  of  the  Silahara  chief  Mummuni  or  Maihvani.  The  sanctum 
and  the  mavn^apa,  seemingly  aligned  diagonally  along  the  axial  line, 
are  characterised  each  by  deep  and  bold  vertical  chases  as  well  as  by 
emphatic  horizontal  mouldings  in  the  plinth  and  transition  ( baranda ). 
The  treatment  of  the  exterior  walls  thus  provides  for  all  possible 
combinations  of  light  and  shade  up  and  across  the  composition.  A 
greater  part  of  the  sikhara  has  fallen  down  and  the  roof  of  the 
manfapa  is  also  in  a  battered  state.  In  the  sikhara  on  each  face  may 
be  seen  the  characteristically  Dakhanese  expression  of  successive 
tiers  of  anga-Hkharas  in  between  the  vertical  spines  on  the  central 
faces,  the  rich  and  continuous  traceried  ornamentation  of  the  latter 
being  in  juxtaposition  to  the  rugged  appearance  of  the  segments  oc¬ 
cupied  by  the  anga-sikharas.  In  spite  of  the  great  diversity,  a  skil¬ 
ful  treatment  of  the  different  elements  has  resulted  in  a  unified 
design  full  of  animation  and  vivacity. 

Balsane  in  Khandesh  has  a  group  of  nine  temples,  all  more  or 
less  battered,  though  no  less  interesting.  Of  these,  No.  1  (Fig.  62), 
a  triple-shrined  temple,134  seems  to  have  been  an  outstanding  pro¬ 
duction  (Text  Figs.  27  and  28)  Of  the  same  design  as  that  of  the 
Ambaranatha,  except  for  its  triple-shrined  composition,  this  temple 
at  Balsane  exhibits  the  prominent  characteristics  of  the  Dakhanese 
type  in  a  more  developed  and  crystallised  state.  No.  4  at  Balsane1315 
consists  of  the  sanctum  and  its  manfapa,  disposed  in  the  charac¬ 
teristic  fashion,  and  is  notable  for  the  foliated  star-shaped  plan.  The 
temple  of  Mahesvara  at  Patna  (Khandesh)136  is  also  similar  in  com¬ 
position,  but  the  plan  is  further  elaborated  and  shows  five  foliations 
in  between  the  central  bands  (Text  Fig.  29).  In  this  respect,  at 
least,  it  resembles  the  Nllakanthesvara  temple  at  Udayapura,  per¬ 
haps  the  finest  monument  of  the  Dakhanese  expression.  The 
Galtesvara  temple  (Fig.  65)  at  Sarnal  (Kaira  District),  though  in  a 
mutilated  state,  also  represents  an  eminent  conception. 

One  of  the  best  preserved  monuments  of  the  Dakhanese  series 
may  be  seen  in  the  temple  of  Gondesvara  (Fig.  64)  at  Sinnar,137 


602 


ART 


about  20  miles  to  the  south  of  Nasik.  It  represents  a  panchdyatana 
group,  the  principal  sanctuary  with  the  four  subsidiary  shrines  at  the 
corners  being  situated  on  a  raised  terrace  (Text  Fig.  30).  Besides, 
in  front  of  the  principal  shrine,  dedicated  to  the  god  Siva,  stands 
a  small  pavilion  for  Nandi,  the  mount  of  the  god.  In  design  and  in 
treatment  each  of  the  subsidiary  shrines,  with  the  plain  unencum¬ 
bered  sikhara,  is  nearer  to  the  Ndgara  form.  But  the  principal 
temple  with  its  characteristic  appurtenances  represents  the  Dakha- 
nese  form  in  a  mature  state.  There  is,  however,  a  falling  off  in  the 
quality  of  sculpture  and  a  general  stiffness  of  outline,  on  which 
account  the  monument  has  been  assigned  to  a  period  later  than  that 
of  the  supreme  efflorescence  of  the  type  in  the  latter  half  of  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.  The  Mankesvara  temple  at  Jhogda138 
(Nasik  District)  and  the  Amritesvara  temple  (Fig.  66)  at  Batan- 
wad.i139  (Ahmadnagar  District)  also  belong  to  this  later  phase  which 
foreshadows  a  decline.  Many  other  old  shrines  are  scattered  through 
the  Dakhan,  but  gradually  there  is  a  progressive  tendency  towards 
heaviness  and  clumsiness  which  are  very  clearly  visible  in  what  are 
known  in  this  region  as  the  HemadpantI  temples. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  finest  monument  of  the 
Dakhanese  expression  of  the  Ndgara  temple  style  is  situated  far  to 
the  north  of  the  Dakhan  proper.  At  Udayapura  in  the  old  Gwalior 
State  stands  the  venerable  pile  of  the  Nllakanthesvara  temple140 
built  by  the  Paramara  king  Udayaditya,  and  hence  also  known  as  the 
Udayesvara  (Fig.  67).  It  is  in  a  perfect  state  of  preservation,  and  in 
it  may  be  observed  the  supreme  excellence  of  the  characteristic  Dak- 
hanese  version  of  the  Ndgara  temple,  described  above. 140a  On  a  high 
adhishthana  or  socle  rise  the  sanctum  and  its  mandapa,  the  former 
surmounted  by  a  sikhara  in  its  Dakhanese  expression  and  the  latter 
by  a  pyramidal  roof,  also  of  the  same  order.. 

On  the  exterior  the  sanctum  is  of  a  foliated  star-shaped  plan, 
the  points  of  the  star,  meaning  the  chases  between  the  central  bands 
on  the  four  faces,  being  obtained  on  the  principle  of  rotating  squares 
(Text  Fig.  31).  The  central  bands  themselves  remain  parallel  to  the 
square  of  the  garbha-griha.  The  bdda  or  the  cubical  section  has  a  pro¬ 
minent  plinth,  nearly  as  high  as  the  jdngha  above.  The  socle  as  well 
as  the  plinth  consists  each  of  a  series  of  bold  mouldings,  those  of  the 
former  spreading  towards  the  bottom  as  if  to  hold  the  ground  in  a 
firm  grip.  The  plinth  mouldings  rise  perpendicularly.  In  shape  as 
well  as  in  treatment  these  mouldings  have  a  general  likeness  to  those 
of  the  Khajuraho  temples.  But  with  these  the  affinity  with  the  typical 
Central  Indian  temple  ends,  and  the  design,  as  a  whole,  follows  what 
has  been  described  as  typically  Dakhanese. 140b  The  chases  in  the 
‘jdngha  are  in  the  shape  of  faceted  pilasters  as  in  the  Ambaranatha, 

603 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


and  being  angular,  because  of  the  star-shaped  plan,  every  one  ac¬ 
commodates  a  sculpture  on  each  of  its  two  sides.  The  chases  are 
terminated  by  capital  shape  mouldings  above  which  a  cornice,  with 
a  deep  recess  intervening,  serves  as  the  baranfta  or  transition  from 
the  cube  to  the  sikhara  (cf.  Fig.  63). 

The  sikhara  rises  with  a  slight  curvature,  the  unbroken  vertical 
spines,  in  continuation  of  the  central  band  below,  with  their  richly 
traceried  ornamentation  holding  it  in  shape.  The  vertical  as  well 
as  the  horizontal  themes,  as  seen  on  the  perpendicular  cube,  are 
repeated  on  the  sikhara  (Fig.  68).  The  former  finds  eloquent  ex¬ 
pression  in  the  firm  contours  of  the  spines  on  the  four  quarters  tran¬ 
scending  the  limits  of  the  bisama  and  in  the  arrays  of  anga-sikharas, 
in  continuation  of  the  chases  in  the  lower  section,  rising  in 
succession  towards  the  peak.  The  latter  theme  is  reproduced 
in  the  division  of  the  sub-quarters  of  the  anga-sikharas  into 
successive  tiers  by  deep  horizontal  passages  in  between.  The  princi¬ 
pal  scheme  of  the  composition  is,  hence,  “a  close  correspondence  of 
the  structure  and  superstructure”,  as  beautifully  expressed  by  Kram- 
risch,14 1  and  this  is  also  noticed  in  the  edges  of  the  bisama,  repeating 
the  five-pointed  star  in  each  of  the  sub-quarters,  and  in  the  rims  of  the 
amalaka-sild,  responding  “in  its  cusps  to  the  angles  of  the  star-shaped 
temple”.142  The  mandapa  roof,  pyramidal  in  shape,  is  composed 
likewise  of  miniature  repetitions  of  itself  in  successive  tiers  converg¬ 
ing  to  the  pinnacle.  The  mighty  gable  over  the  antarala ,  rising  again 
in  successive  levels,  serves  as  an  effective  bond  between  the  super¬ 
structures  over  the  sanctum  and  the  mandapa,  which  are  essentially 
of  two  divergent  shapes.  Every  part  is  meticulously  carved  in  the 
most  elegant  taste  and  the  result  is  a  texture  of  exquisite  delicacy 
and  variety  which,  instead  of  overshadowing  the  structure,  empha¬ 
sises  its  lineaments  in  the  most  effective  manner.  The  entire  monu¬ 
ment  represents  a  unified  design  vibrant,  so  to  say,  with  teeming 
detail.  The  temples  at  Arang  and  Rahilya  and  that  of  §avarI-Nara- 
yana  near  Kharod  (all  in  Central  India)  exhibit  each  certain  of  the 
characteristic  features  of  the  Dakhanese  temple  but  riot  in  so 
complete  a  degree  as  the  Nilakanthesvara  at  Udayapura  in  which 
one  may  recognise  a  supreme  manifestation  of  the  Dakhanese 
conception. 

F.  Sindhu-Ganga  Valleys 

It  is  to  be  presumed  that  the  Ndgara  temple,  as  the  prevailing 
style  in  Aryavarta  and  a  considerable  portion  of  the  South,  was  also 
known  in  the  regions  of  the  upper  belt  of  Northern  India,  parti¬ 
cularly  in  the  rich  riverine  plains  watered  by  the  Sindhu  and  the 
GangS-Yamuna  systems.  Unfortunately,  very  few  old  temples  now 

604 


ART 


survive.  The  plains  are  practically  denuded  of  monuments  that 
could  claim  a  certain  antiquity,  and  when  one  recalls  the  iconoclastic 
fury  of  the  Muslim  conquerors  from  which  this  wide  tract  of  terri¬ 
tory  repeatedly  suffered,  the  reason  for  the  extreme  scarcity  of  old 
architectural  specimens  would  be  patent  and  clear.  The  few  that 
survive  of  the  old  monuments  are  also  sadly  ruined.  A  few  dilapi¬ 
dated  monuments  in  brick  in  the  Uttar  Pradesh  are  found  to 
exhibit  the  characteristics  of  the  early  N agar  a  design,  except'  for 
their  preference  for  a  circular  shape.  They  have  already  been  men¬ 
tioned  in  connection  with  the  monuments  of  Central  India.  In  the 
north-west,  in  the  Himalayan  regions,  are  found  several  temples 
decidedly  of  early  Ndgara  conception,  while  in  the  east,  in  West 
Bengal  and  the  adjoining  region  of  Chotanagpur,  the  same  concep¬ 
tion  is  illustrated  by  a  few  monuments.  Very  few  examples, 
however,  remain  to  enable  us  to  trace  its  development  in  any 
of  these  regions.  The  few  extant  monuments  do  not  lead  us  beyond 
the  suggestion  that  this  vast  stretch  of  territory  was  familiar  with 
the  Ndgara  temple.  But  whether  there  was  any  sustained  and  orga¬ 
nised  activity  in  Ndgara  temple  building  in  any  of  these  areas  is  a 
question  that  still  awaits  a  satisfactory  answer.  At  any  rate,  there 
has  been  found  not  a  single  monument  in  any  of  these  areas  that 
might  correspond  to  the  magnificent  regional  manifestations  of  the 
Ndgara  style,  like  the  Orissan  or  the  Central  Indian,  the  Solanki  or 
the  Dakhanese. 

In  the  Himalayan  regions  the  earliest  specimen  of  the  Ndgara 
design  is  possibly  represented  by  a  series  of  monolithic  temples  at 
Masrur  (Kangra).143  These  temples,  which  are  cut  out  of  the  rock 
and  reproduce  the  characteristics  of  the  early  Ndgara  temple,  may 
belong  to  the  eighth  century  A.D.  At  Baijnath  (Kangra)144  there 
is  also  a  group  of  structural  temples  of  about  the  ninth  century  A.D,, 
alike  in  form  and  design  to  those  of  Orissa  of  approximately  the 
same  date.  Among  these,  one  is  interesting  for  its  flat-roofed 
mandapa  which  has  a  rekha  sikhara  embedded  at  each  of  its  four 
corners,  just  as  we  find  in  the  mandapa  of  the  Vaital  deul  at  Bhuvane- 
svara  (Orissa).  At  Chamba145  there  are,  again,  several  temples  of 
early  Ndgara  form  in  which  an  advancement  of  the  design  is  noticed 
in  the  pancharatha  plan  which  characterises  each  one  of  them.  In 
the  larger  temples  the  bdda  is  divided  into  five  segments  along  the 
vertical  axis,  also  representing  an  advancement  over  the  early  form, 
and  this  feature  connects  them  with  the  development  of  the  Ndgara 
style  as  found  in  Orissa,  while  a  shallow  string-course  round  the 
amalaka-sild  is  a  feature  which  is  particularly  Rajput  in  occurrence. 
Further,  an  impact  of  the  hill  tradition  is  recognised  in  a  few  of 
the  Chamba  temples  in  the  two  superimposed  parasols,  one  over  the 


605 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


gandi  and  the  other  over  the  amalaka,  each  resting  on  a  framework 
of  wood  and  covered  by  thin  slabs  of  slate.  In  the  hills  such  a  con¬ 
trivance  is  possibly  a  necessary  feature,  being  eminently  suitable 
foi  draining  off  the  snow,  and  is  to  be  found  also  in  the  temples  of 
Kedaranatha  and  Vadarmatha  in  the  snowy  heights  of  the  Himalayas. 
In  the  temple  of  Mahadeva  (Fig.  69)  at  Bajaura  (Kulu)146  we  have 
a  neat  little  temple  of  the  tenth  century  Ndgara  design.  It  is  rich 
in  carved  ornamentations  and  is  notable  for  the  three  side  chapels 
projected  from  the  body  of  the  sanctum,  one  on  each  of  the  free 
sides,  containing  fine  relief  sculptures  of  Ganesa,  Vishnu  and  Durga. 
All  the  temples,  described  above,  are  essentially  of  early  Ndgara 
form  and  design  and  hardly  any  distinctive  feature  that  might  have 
been  due  to  local  inspiration  is  noticeable  in  any  of  them. 

In  Eastern  India  also  the  Ndgara  temple  seems  to  have  been 
widely  known.  The  monuments  that  are  now  extant  are,  however, 
confined  to  West  Bengal  and  the  adjoining  Chotanagpur  region. 
In  the  latter  area  such  temples  are  mostly  found  at  Telkupi,  Plara, 
Boram,  Dulmi,  etc.  in  the  Manbhum  District.  That  the  Ndgara  temple 
was  also  the  prevailing  form  in  different  parts  of  Bengal  may  be 
inferred  from  several  votive  temples  in  miniature  of  this  design 
found  respectively  in  Northern  and  Eastern  Bengal.147  Certain  sculp¬ 
tures  from  Bihar148  also  reproduce  the  form  of  the  Ndgara  temple 
in  relief,  thereby  indicating  its  prevalence  in  the  region  of  Magadha. 

Of  the  extant  temples  referred  to  above,  a  few  can  be  assigned 
to  the  period  under  review,  and  whether  lying  in  West  Bengal  or  in 
the  adjoining  district  of  Manbhum,  they  are  found  to  have  many 
things  in  common.  Apparently  they  represent  one  architectural 
movement.  The  Manbhum  temples  are  small  and  unpretentious  and 
it  is  in  the  temples  of  West  Bengal  that  the  movement  can  be  studied 
more  profitably. 

The  earliest  of  the  temples  of  the  Ndgara  design  in  Eastern 
India  appears  to  be  temple  No.  IV  (Fig.  70)  at  Barakar  (Burdwan 
District,  West  Bengal).149  It  consists  of  a  sanctum,  the  mandapa  in 
front  being  a  recent  addition  not  included,  in  all  probability,  in  the 
original  scheme.  The  sanctum  is  triratha  in  plan  with  a  subsidiary 
niche  on  either  side  of  the  central  buttress  which  anticipates  the 
pancharatha.  The  central  ratha  on  each  face  is  occupied  by  a  niche 
capped  by  a  superstructure  of  tiered  stages  which  is  terminated  by 
the  cornice  at  the  bottom  of  the  gandi.  The  supplementary  niches 
have  similar  superstructures  which  are,  however,  smaller  in  height. 
Otherwise,  the  walls  remain  quite  plain.  The  gandi  rises  with  a 
slight  ingress  and  is  capped  by  a  spheroid  amalaka-sild.  The  raha 
and  the  konaka  pagas  are  emphasised.  Instead  of  the  interlaced 


606 


ART 


chaitya- window  patterns,  the  usual  decorative  motif  on  the  gawjii  in 
the  early  Nagara  temples,  the  surface  is  covered  by  relief  panels, 
illustrative  of  various  legends,  and  animal  and  human  motifs. 

In  the  triratha  plan,  a  cube  of  three  segments,  a  pabhdga  or 
plinth  of  three  mouldings,  and  the  plain  form  of  the  sikhara  unen¬ 
cumbered  by  anga-sikharas,  the  temple  No.  IV  at  Barakar  reproduces 
the  prominent  characteristics  of  the  early  Nagara  temple  and  fur¬ 
nishes  a  general  resemblance  with  the  Parasuramesvara  at  Bhuvane- 
svara.  At  the  same  time  there  are  several  features  in  it  which 
are  equally  distinctive.  In  relation  to  the  dimensions  of  the  sanc¬ 
tum,  the  sikhara  in  the  Barakar  temple  is  not  as  low  and  stunted 
as  that  in  the  Parasuramesvara.  The  mouldings  of  the  pabhdga 
exhibit  shallow  rectangular  offsets  that  are  not  to  be  found  in  the 
Orissa n  temples.  The  relief  panels  on  the  body  of  the  gandi  intro¬ 
duce  a  new  scheme  in  the  ornamentation  of  the  sikhara  of  the 
Nagara  temple.  The  bhumi-dmalakas  are  rounded  in  section,  and 
these  as  well  as  the  dmalaka-sila  surmounting  the  gandi  have  inden¬ 
tations  resembling  fluted  cusps.  In  this  treatment  of  the  dmalakas  as 
well  as  in  the  offset  panels  on  the  mouldings  of  the  pabhdga ,  the  tem¬ 
ple  No.  IV  at  Barakar  appears  to  have  parallels,  not  in  Orissan  tem¬ 
ples,  but  in  temples  of  Western  India,  particularly  in  Gujarat.  Two 
other  interesting  features  which  seem  to  connect  this  temple  with 
those  of  the  west  may  also  be  referred  to.  The  raha-paga  on  each  face 
is  divided  into  two  vertical  halves  by  a  recessed  line  along  its  cen¬ 
tre.  Again,  in  the  upper  stages  of  gandi,  the  raha-paga  is  furnished 
with  sectional  dmalakas.  Both  these  features  appear  in  the  temple  at 
Pashthar  (Kathiawar),  described  above.  These  clear  affinities  of 
this  temple  with  those  of  the  distant  west  are  difficult  to  explain 
in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge.  Moreover,  its  link  with  the 
typical  Orissan  temple  is  furnished  by  the  bold  and  emphatic  mini¬ 
ature  sikhara  shown  on  the  rahd-paga  on  the  front  face.  The  temple 
No.  IV  at  Barakar,  as  it  now  stands,  offers  many  problems  of  which 
no  satisfactory  solution  is  possible  at  present.  Its  date,  hence,  also 
seems  to  be  a  problematic  one.  From  the  general  architectonic  form, 
however,  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been  much  later  in  date  than 
that  of  the  Parasuramesvara. 

The  brick  temple  (Fig.  71)  at  Sat  Deuliya  (Burdwan  District, 
West  Bengal),150  also  of  the  Nagara  conception,  is  again  interesting 
in  certain  respects.  The  ratha  plan  and  the  curvilinear  tower  repro¬ 
ducing  in  its  pagas  the  ratha  shape  of  the  sanctum  cube  evidently 
connect  it  with  the  Nagara  conception  of  temple.  The  interlaced 
patterns  of  a  variation  of  the  chaitya- window  motif  on  the  pagas  and 
the  unbroken  and  emphatic  contours  of  the  latter  are  likewise  distinc- 


607 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


tive  characteristics  of  the  early  Nagara  temple-  The  apparent  division 
of  the  bdda  into  five  vertical  segments  connects  it  with  the  Orissam 
development  of  the  Nagara  design.  At  the  top  the  bdda  ends  in 
several  courses  of  inverted  offsets  forming  a  projected  cornice  over 
which  the  gandi  is  placed.  The  top  of  the  sikhara  has  tumbled  down 
and  the  surface  has  an  extremely  battered  appearance.  In  contrast 
to  the  sikhara  with  its  rich  traceried  ornamentations  with  ridge-like 
terminations  on  the  edges  of  the  yagas,  the  body  of  the  sanctum  cube 
appears  rather  plain  except  for  the  ratha  facets.  The  projected  cor¬ 
nice  with  the  remains  of  a  continuous  recess  below,  coupled  with  the 
plain  appearance  of  the  bdda,  may  suggest  that  the  sanctum  was 
originally  enclosed  by  an  ambulatory  which  has  now  vanished.  What 
is  interesting  is  the  absence  of  bhumi-amalakas  demarcating  the 
stages  of  the  gandi,  and  also  probably  of  the  usual  dmalaka-sila  as  the 
crowning  member  of  the  sikhara.  The  absence  of  such  features  from 
the  scheme  of  the  sikhara  constitutes  definite  departure  from  the  usual 
Nagara  design  of  the  temple.  Whatever  the  explanation  of  such  curi¬ 
ous  features,  the  affiliation  of  the  temple  fundamentally  to  the  Nagara 
design  is  clear  and  explicit  as  noted  above,  and  from  its  general 
shape,  refined  contours  and  decorative  scheme  it  appears  to  be  dated 
about  the  tenth  century  A.D. 

One  of  the  finest  monuments  of  the  Nagara  design  in  this  part 
of  India  is  represented  by  the  Siddhesvara  temple  (Fig.  72)  at  Bahu- 
lara  (Bankura  District,  West  Bengal).151  It  is  made  of  brick  and  is 
situated  on  a  low  mound,  being  originally  surrounded  by  eight  small 
subsidiary  shrines  and  enclosed  by  a  compound  wall,  all  of  which 
are  now  in  ruins.  The  temple  is  of  the  single-celled  type,  and  the 
sanctum  is  approached  by  a  vestibule  in  the  thickness  of  the  front  wall 
with  a  triangular  corbelled  arch  opening.  It  rests  on  a  plinth  which 
consists  of  several  courses  of  elaborate  mouldings  and  is  of  the  ratha 
plan.  The  bdda  or  the  sanctum  cube  is  divided  into  five  segments 
by  three  horizontal  bands  forming  the  bdndhand  and  dividing  the 
jdngha  into  two  halves.  Besides  the  division  of  the  plan  into  rathas 
the  plainness  of  the  walls  is  relieved  by  niches,  those  on  the  central 
rathas  being  capped  by  miniature  sikharas.  Several  courses  of  pro¬ 
jected  mouldings  separate  the  bdda  from  the  gandi.  The  latter  has 
a  chaste  and  refined  contour,  the  corners  as  well  as  the  edges  of  the 
yagas  being  rounded  off.  The  whole  surface  of  the  gandi  is  covered 
with  intricate  traceries  of  the  chaitya- window  patterns,  scroll-work 
and  other  designs.  Of  the  last  the  most  interesting  are  the  tiers  of 
miniature  sikharas  in  the  lower  stages  of  the  rahd-yagas.  This  is 
a  new  interpretation  of  the  logical  theme  of  anga-sikharas  on  the 
body  of  the  main  sikhara,  not  met  with  so  far;  but  it  seems  to  have 
been  characteristic  of  the  Nagara  temples  of  this  region  as  is  evident 


GOS 


ART 


from  the  temple  known  as  Jatar  deul  in  the  Sunderbuns.  The  top  of 
the  temple  has  tumbled  down  and  the  hand  of  time  has  been  heavy 
on  the  mouldings  and  decorative  patterns.  Yet,  considered  as  a 
whole,  this  brick  monument,  because  of  its  graceful  proportions, 
elegant  contours  and  chaste  style  of  decoration,  seems  to  con¬ 
stitute  one  of  the  outstanding  productions  of  Indian  temple  archi¬ 
tecture.  Coomaraswamy162  assigns  the  temple  to  the  tenth  century 
A.D.  Dikshit153  thinks  this  date  to  be  a  century  or  two  too  early. 
From  general  architectonic  shape  and  ornamental  style  a  date  in  the 
eleventh  century  A.D.  may  not  appear  to  be  unreasonable.  At 
Dehar  (Bankura  District,  West  Bengal)154  there  are  two  stone  tem¬ 
ples,  of  which  the  sikharas  have  gone.  The  treatment  of  the  cube 
of  the  bada  in  each  case  resembles  that  of  the  Siddhesvara  at  Bahu- 
lara,  and  all  the  three  may  be  regarded  as  belonging  to  the  same 
conception  and  to  approximately  the  same  period.  The  brick 
temple,  known  as  the  Jatar  deul  (Fig.  73),  in  the  Sunderbuns  (West 
Bengal),155  when  in  its  original  state,  seems  also  to  have  been  an  emi¬ 
nent  production  of  this  conception.  Modern  conservation  has  en¬ 
tirely  obliterated  its  orginal  shape  and  features,  but  originally,  as 
appears  from  an  earlier  photograph,  the  temple  had  considerable 
architectural  merits  and  closely  resembled  the  Siddhesvara  in  plan, 
elevation  and  decorative  treatment. 

From  a  study  of  the  temples  of  the  Ndgara  design  in  this  part 
of  India  it  appears  that  they  are  unmistakably  related  to  the  Oris- 
san  movement.  As  a  class  they  are  nearer  to  the  early  group  of 
Orissa  than  to  the  typically  Orissan,  though  the  link  with  the  latter 
cannot  be  entirely  ruled  out.  One  or  two,  as  noticed  above,  may, 
again,  be  found  to  have  significant  affinities  with  the  distant  western 
movement.  These  apart,  the  Bengali  temples  may  also  be  recognis¬ 
ed  to  have  certain  individual  features.  The  Bengali  architects  dis¬ 
played,  to  a  certain  extent,  a  better  sense  of  reserve  and  restraint 
than  their  contemporaries  in  other  parts  of  India.  They  exhibited 
a  more  refined  taste  in  the  choice  of  their  decorative  patterns  and 
their  balanced  adjustments.  The  Ndgara  temples  in  Bengal  may 
not  have  the  grandeur  of  the  massive  and  stupendous  stone  monu¬ 
ments  seen  in  other  parts  of  India;  but  they  are  surely  more  elegant 
and  graceful,  and  the  brick  specimens  in  particular  testify  to  a  fine 
and  mature  knowledge  of  the  Bengali  builders  in  the  science  and 
art  of  building. 

3.  Dravida  Style 

The  nucleus  of  the  Dravida  temple,  as  has  already  been  observ¬ 
ed  is  the  storeyed  form  of  the  Gupta  temple  and  the  rock-cut  rathas 
at  Mamallapuram  supply  an  interesting  stage  in  the  development  of 

609 


S.  E.*— 89 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

the  Dravitfu  style.  *  The  Fallavas  were  eminent  patrons  of  art  and 
architecture.  The  early  phase  of  the  Pallava  rule  in  the  south  is 
an  age  of  great  experiments  in  methods  and  forms.  The  ‘‘Cave 
style0  of  Mahendravarman  Vichitrachitta  was  continued  by  his  son 
and  successor  N arasirhha var man  Mahamalla,  but  the  latter  initiated 
a  new  turn  in  the  rock-cut  method  by  shaping  out  free-standing 
monolithic  rathas  from  granulitic  boulder-like  outcrops  in  imitation 
of  structural  forms.  Eight  such  rathas 156  are  still  found  at  Mamal- 
lapuram,  the  seaport  city  founded  by  him  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Palar  river,  32  miles  south  of  Madras. 

Every  one  of  the  rathas,  except  the  Draupadi,  exhibits  a  storey¬ 
ed  elevation  of  the  roof,  each  storey  being  terminated  by  a  convex 
roll  cornice  ornamented  with  chaitya- window  arches  {kudus  as  they 
are  called  in  this  part  of  the  country) ,  each  enclosing  a  human  head. 
The  walls  of  the  ground  storey  are  broken  up  by  pilasters  and  sculp¬ 
tured  niches,  while  the  upper  storeys  are  surrounded  by  small  pavi¬ 
lions  (paricharams).  In  spite  of  this  general  resemblance  there  may  be 
recognised  great  divergences  in  shape  and  form  which  are,  to  a  cer¬ 
tain  extent,  determined  by  the  shape  and  plan  of  the  sanctum  cellas. 
The  Nakula  and  Sahadeva  rathas  each  has  a  rectangular  plan  round¬ 
ed  at  one  end,  and  correspondingly  the  storeyed  roof  is  surmounted 
by  a  vault  with  an  apsidal  back.  This  form,  reproducing  the  design 
of  the  Buddhist  chaitya  halls,  gradually  went  out  of  fashion.  Among 
the  other  rathas  we  have  the  square  as  well  as  the  rectangular  plans. 
In  the  former  the  storeyed  roof  is  topped  by  a  domical  member,  the 
stupi  or  stupikd  as  it  is  called.  The  latter  has  an  elongated  barrel¬ 
shaped  vault,  with  gables  at  the  two  ends,  as  the  crowning  element 
of  the  roof.  In  these  two  forms  one  may  recognise  the  origin  of  the 
two  fundamental  components  of  the  Drdviia  temple,  the  vimana  re¬ 
presenting  the  sanctum  with  its  pyramidal  tower  and  the  gopuram 
or  the  immense  gateway  leading  to  the  temple  enclosure. 

Of  the  square  type  of  rathas,  which  furnished  the  starting  point 
for  the  Dravufa  vimana ,  the  Dharmaraja  is  the  most  imposing  as 
well  as  the  most  perfect  (cf.  Classical  Age,  Fig.  27).  It  consists  of 
a  square  ground  storey,  with  open  pillared  verandahs  all  around, 
which  upholds  a  pyramidal  tower  of  receding  storeys  ultimately 
capped  by  the  octagonal  stupikd.  Each  storey  is  demarcated  from 
the  other  by  a  convex  roll  cornice  with  chaitya-window  arches 
(ku&us),  and  the  upper  storeys  are  surrounded  by  small  pavilions 
( pahcharams ).  Though  the  sanctum,  seems  to  be  situated  on  the 
second  storey,  the  pillared  verandahs  round  the  ground  storey  have, 
more  or  less,  an  appearance  of  an  open  ambulatory.  It  is  not  difficult 
to  find  in  this  type  an  adaptation  of  the  earlier  storeyed  form  of  the 

610 


ART 


Gupta  temple  enriched  by  the  introduction  of  new  elements  in  the 
matter  of  detail,  apparently  of  local  origin.  The  stupika  or  the  crown¬ 
ing  member  is  evidently  a  derivation  from  those  of  the  miniature 
rock-cut  relief  shrines  at  Undavalli  (Guntur  District).  The  roll 
cornice  appears  in  the  caves  of  the  Mahendravarman  period  and  even 
earlier.  The  turretted  roofs  ( pancharams )  surrounding  each  upper 
storey  are,  no  doubt,  intended  to  fill  up  vacant  spaces  round  the 
horizontal  stages  so  as  to  conceal,  to  a  certain  extent,  the  storeyed 
elevation  and  to  lend  the  tower  a  pyramidal  shape.  The  Dharmaraja 
ratha  at  Mamallapuram  may,  in  these  respects,  be  clearly  recognised 
to  be  a  typical  example  in  which  the  distinctive  elements  of  the 
Dravida  vimana  may  be  said  to  have  emerged  and  attained  their 
characteristic  expression. 

Of  the  two  rectangular  rathas,  the  Ganesa  is  the  more  interest¬ 
ing.  With  its  storeyed  elevation  surmounted  by  a  barrel-shaped 
vault  with  a  gable  at  eitner  end  and  pointed  pinnacles  at  the  top,  it 
reproduces,  though  on  a  much  reduced  scale,  the  distinctive  form 
and  characteristics  of  the  immense  gopuram  or  entrace  gateway  to 
the  spacious  temple  enclosure.  The  rectangular  plan  is  eminently 
suitable  for  a  gateway  building  and  the  barrel-vaulted  roof  is 
certainly  the  most  effective  covering  for  a  building  of  this  plan. 
As  such  the  type  was  selected  as  a  convenient  prototype  for  the 
gateway  building,  and  the  fundamental  resemblance  between  the 
shape  and  form  of  the  simple  type  of  the  rectangular  rathas,  as  illus¬ 
trated  in  the  Ganesa,  and  those  of  the  monumental  gopurams  of  the 
later  days  leaves  no  doubt  regarding  their  evident  connection.  At 
Mamallapuram  the  rectangular  and  the  square  types  of  rathas  ap¬ 
pear  side  by  side,  each  as  an  independent  conception.  Their  associa^ 
tion  together  to  form  two  important  elements  of  the  Davida  temple 
complex  is  an  event  that  is  still  to  come. 

With  its  beginnings  in  two  distinct  types  of  the  Pallava  rock- 
cut  rathas  of  the  first  half  of  the  seventh  century  A.D.  the  Dravida 
style  of  temple  passes  through  a  long  process  of  evolution  and  ela¬ 
boration  under  different  dynasties  of  kings  who  came  to  be  politi¬ 
cally  supreme  in  the  south.  From  the  period  of  the  Pallava  rulers 
till  the  end  of  the  Vijayanagara  empire  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
and  even  later,  the  style  maintains  a  prolific  activity,  and  a  suc¬ 
cession  of  datable  monuments,  spread  over  the  southern  end  of  the 
peninsula,  supplies  definite  landmarks  in  the  development  of  the 
style.  Confined  within  a  comparatively  small  area  the  movement 
remains,  more  or  less,  compact  and  unilateral  in  spite  of  a  history 
of  approximately  a  thousand  years.  This  long  period  may  be  divi¬ 
ded  into  several  well-marked  phases.  Each  succeeding  phase  starts 


6ll 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


with  the  heritage  of  the  preceding  one,  leading  the  style,  along  with 
a  richer  elaboration  and  maturity,  to  its  ultimate  logical  fulfilment. 
In  fact,  there  is  no  real  break  in  the  continuity  of  the  tradition,  and 
the  strongly  marked  individualities,  constituting  the  distinctive 
characteristics  of  the  style,  remain  prominent  throughout. 

With  Narasimhavarman  II,  also  known  as  Rajasimha  Pallava 
(c.  A.D.  695-c.  722),  the  rock-cut  method  ceased  and  the  ratha  type 
was  replaced  by  structural  temples.  The  change  to  the  structural 
method  furnished  the  builders  with  greater  powers  and  freedom, 
and  the  results  of  this  change  are  noticeable  in  the  striking  advance 
that  was  made  in  the  building  art  even  within  a  generation.  To 
Rajasimha’s  reign  may  be  assigned  several  interesting  monuments 
of  which  three  seem  to  have  been  of  immense  importance  in  the 
development  of  the  style  as  a  whole.  The  earliest  of  these  stands 
at  Mamallapuram  and  is  now  known  as  the  “Shore”  temple  (Fig. 
74) 157  on  account  of  its  being  situated  on  a  point  of  land  that  juts 
out  into  the  sea.  A  formal  temple  scheme  is  found  to  be  already  in 
a  process  of  formation  as  the  temple  proper  is  placed  within  a 
quadrangular  court  enclosed  by  massive  walls.  The  principal  fea¬ 
ture  of  the  scheme  consists  of  two  shrines,  asymmetrically  attached 
to  each  other,  each  having  its  own  pyramidal  tower  complete  with 
a  domical  stupikd  and  a  pointed  finial.  The  one  to  the  east,  facing 
the  sea,  is  larger  in  dimensions  and  was  apparently  the  main  shrine 
dedicated  to  the  god  Siva.  The  western  one  was  consecrated  to 
the  worship  of  the  god  Vishnu.  The  towered  sanctuaries,  each  with 
a  storeyed  elevation  terminated  by  a  dome-shaped  stupikd  and 
with  roll  cornices  and  small  pavilions  at  each  stage,  clearly  reveal 
a  derivation  from  the  square  type  of  rathas  best  exemplified  by 
the  Dharmaraja.  Each  tower  has  gained  in  height  and  there  is 
a  lightness  and  soaring  quality  in  the  attenuated  and  elongated 
shape  of  each.  It  is  precisely  these  qualities  which  lend  “more 
rhythm  and  more  buoyancy”158  to  these  rather  loosely  knit  forms. 
A  greater  freedom,  inherent  in  the  structural  procedure,  was,  no 
doubt,  partly  responsible  for  these  qualities;  but  this  alone  could 
hardly  account  for  the  effect  produced  unless  a  new  aspiration 
had  been  there. 

This  aspiration  leads  to  the  unified  conception  of  a  temple 
scheme  in  which  all  the  appurtenances,  that  were  to  be  distinctive 
of  the  Dravida  style  of  temple,  are  clearly  expressed  and  harmo¬ 
niously  adjusted  to  one  another.  The  first  example  of  such  a  unified 
conception  may  be  seen  in  the  celebrated  Kailasanatha  temple,169 
built  by  Rajasimha  Pallava,  not  long  after  the  Shore  temple,  at 
Kanchipuram  (Conjeeveram),  the  capital  city  of  the  Pallava  kings 


612 


ART 


from  ancient  days.  This  temple  complex  (Fig.  75),  also  known  as 
the  Rajasimhesvara  after  its  royal  builder,  consists  of  the  sanctum 
with  a  pyramidal  tower  and  a  pillared  hall  or  mandate,  ( mantapam 
as  it  is  known  in  this  part  of  the  country)  with  a  flat  roof,  both 
situated  in  a  rectangular  court  enclosed  by  a  peristyle  composed  of 
a  series  of  cells  (Text  Fig.  32).  The  sanctuary  stands  near  the 
western  end  of  the  court  and  is  topped  by  a  pyramidal  tower  of 
storeyed  elevation  of  great  beauty  and  graceful  contours.  This 
constitutes  the  principal  feature  of  the  entire  scheme  and  is  ob¬ 
viously  a  development  from  the  monolithic  prototype  of  the  Dharma- 
raja  ratka.  In  the  pyramidal  tower  there  is  a  far  greater  harmony 
in  the  different  storeyed  stages  leading  to  a  more  effective  design 
of  this  kind  of  superstructure  (Text  Fig.  33).  “From  the  somewhat 
compressed  forms  of  the  monolithic  rcitlias  to  the  more  loosely-knit 
elements  of  the  Shore  temple,  we  now  arrive  at  a  further  effort 
to  present  the  siklnara  (sic-)  in  a  suitable  architectural  form,  well- 
proportioned,  substantial,  yet  at  the  same  time  rhythmic  in  its 
mass  and  elegant  in  its  outlines.”160  A  group  of  supplementary 
shrines,  each  repeating  on  a  smaller  scale  the  form  of  the  main 
shrine  and  attached  to  its  free  sides,  may  suggest,  again,  an  ad¬ 
vancement  of  the  design  of  the  vimdsaa.  There  are  doubts,  however, 
whether  these  components  were  included  in  the  original  scheme. 
The  peristyle  of  cells  with  its  range  of  cupolas  is  also  an  interesting 
feature  apparently  connected  with  the  future  development  of  the 
style. 

In  the  composition  of  the  Kaiiasanatha  at  Kahchlpuram  we 
have  the  first  example  of  the  unified  design  of  a  temple  complex 
with  many  adjuncts  that  are  to  characterise  the  full-fledged  Drdvida 
temple.  Apart  from  the  vimdna,  the  pillared  hall  or  mandapa,  an 
invariable  accompaniment  of  the  Drdvida  temple,  has  already  made 
its  appearance  and  is  placed  in  front  of  the  sanctum,  originally  as 
a  separate  building  but  later  on  joined  together  by  an  intermediate 
hall  forming  the  antarala.  The  sanctuary  and  the  mandapa  stand 
within  an  enclosed  court  to  which  access  is  now  obtained  by  two 
entrances  in  the  eastern  wall  on  two  sides  of  a  rectangular  building 
with  a  store3^ed  elevation  and  surmounted  by  a  barrel-shaped  vault 
This  building  now  serves  as  a  subsidiary  chapel.  From  its  position 
in  the  middle  of  the  eastern,  i.e.  the  front,  wall  axially  in  a  line  with 
the  mandapa  and  the  vim  ana,  it  is  not  difficult  to  find  in  this  building 
the  original  entrance  to  the  temple  enclosure.  The  shape  of  this 
structure,  eminently  suitable  for  a  gateway  building,  and  the  manner 
in  which  it  has  been  built  and  disposed,  leave  no  doubt  about  its 
original  function.  The  chapel,  in  which  form  we  now  see  it,  re¬ 
presents  obviously  a  later  deviation  from  the  original  plan.  Its  de- 


G13 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


rivation  from  the  rectangular  type  of  rathas,  like  the  Ganesa,  is 
also  clear  and  explicit.  With  all  the  appurtenances,  like  the  walled 
court,  the  gopuram,  the  pillared  mandapa  and  the  vimana,  all  com¬ 
plete  and  in  their  proper  positions,  the  Kailasanatha  at  Kahchipuram 
may  rightly  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  key  monuments  of  the  Drdvida 
style. 

The  Vaishnava  temple,  known  as  the  Vaikuntha  Perumal,161 
at  Kahchipuram  is  also  attributed  to  Rajasimha  Pallava  and  might 
have  been  begun  not  long  after  the  Kailasanatha.  Here  a  more 
developed  sense  of  composition  is  evident  in  all  the  elements  of  the 
temple  complex  being  combined  into  one  architectural  unit.  The 
temple  stands  within  a  court  which  is  approached  by  a  portico  in 
the  east  (Text  Fig.  34).  On  the  outside  the  walls  of  the  court  are 
relieved  by  pilasters  and  niches,  while  on  the  inside  runs  a  continu¬ 
ous  colonnaded  cloister  separated  from  the  central  complement,  the 
sanctum  and  its  attached  mandapa,  by  an  open  passage  for  cir- 
cumambulation.  The  mandapa  is  a  square  pillared  hall  having  an 
entrance  in  front  and  a  vestibule  behind  which  leads  to  the  sanctum 
cella.  The  sanctum  is  also  square  in  plan  and  has  a  pyramidal  tower 
of  four  storeys  capped  by  the  octagonal  dome  of  the  stupika  with 
a  finial  (Text  Figs.  35  and  36).  Each  storey  is  disposed  as  a  shrine, 
with  two  enclosed  ambulatories  in  the  lowest,  an  ambulatory  and 
an  open  balcony  in  the  second  and  an  open  bacony  in  the  third. 
Each  storey  is  separated  on  the  exterior  by  roll  cornices  surmounted 
by  parapets  with  ornamental  cupola  shapes  at  intervals,  while  the 
walls  of  the  lowest  are  relieved  by  sculptures  set  between  pilasters. 
In  the  disposition  of  the  different  elements  there  is  noticed  not 
only  a  sense  of  unity  but  also  an  economy  which  is  responsible  for 
much  of  the  architectural  character  of  the  monument.  The  Drdvida 
temple  style  is  already  in  the  process  of  crystallisation. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  eighth  century  A.D.  the  power  of  the 
Pallavas  began  to  decline  and  the  notable  advances,  made  during 
the  previous  phase,  seem  to  have  received  a  set-back.  Though  no 
ambitious  productions  were  taken  in  hand,  the  architectural  acti¬ 
vities  continued,  as  is  evidenced  by  a  number  of  monuments  erect¬ 
ed  during  this  later  Pallava  phase.  Of  these,  the  Muktesvara  and 
the  Matangesvara162  at  Kahchipuram  and  the  great  temple  at  Pana- 
malai163  are  essentially  of  the  same  mode  and  style  as  those  asso¬ 
ciated  with  the  name  of  Rajasimha  Pallava.  Certain  smaller  temples 
of  this  later  phase,  such  as  the  Vadamallisvara  at  Oragadam164  (near 
Chingleput),  the  Tiruttanesvara  at  Tiruttani165  and  the  Parasurames- 
vara  at  Gudimallam,166  reproduce  the  apsidal  form  of  the  Sahadeva 
ratha.  The  movement,  however,  remained,  to  a  certain  extent,  static, 
but  the  standard,  already  achieved,  was  maintained  unimpaired. 


614 


ART 


The  rich  heritage  of  the  Pallava  building  tradition  thus  passed  on 
to  the  Chojas  who  supplanted  the  Pallavas  as  the  dominant  power 
of  the  South. 

In  connection  with  the  development  of  the  Dravida  temple  in 
the  Pallava  period  it  would  be  useful  to  refer  to  a  few  productions 
of  the  style  outside  the  confines  of  the  Dravida  country  proper. 
One  of  the  most  significant  is  the  Virupaksha  temple  at  Pattada- 
kai'67  in  the  Chalukya  territory  (Text  Fig.  37).  The  temple  was 
built,  according  to  an  inscription,  for  LokamahadevI,  the  senior 
queen  of  the  Chalukya  king  Vikramaditya  II  (c.  A.D.  733-746) 
in  commemoration  of  his  having  thrice  conquered  the  Pallavas  of 
Kahchl.  There  is  a  strong  possibility  of  its  design  having  been 
inspired  by  that  of  the  Kailasanatha  temple  at  Kahchlpuram.  There 
are  epigraphic  records,  both  at  Pattadakal  as  well  as  in  the  Kailasana¬ 
tha  at  Kahchlpuram,  which,  read  together,  suggest  that  Vikra¬ 
maditya,  after  his  conquest  of  the  Pallava  capital,  was  much  im¬ 
pressed  by  the  latter  temple,  and  so  might  have  brought  builders 
from  the  south  for  his  own  architectural  undertakings.  The  Dravida 
temple,  in  its  fundamental  conception,  was  not  new  in  the  Chalukyan 
territory  and  there  are  two  significant  examples  of  earlier  dates, 
namely  the  Meguti  temple  at  Aihole,168  built  in  A.D.  634,  and  the 
Vijayesvara  or  Sangamesvara  at  Pattadakal,109  erected  by  king 
Vijayaditya  (A.D.  696-733),  father  of  Vikramaditya  II.  Some 
scholars  are,  therefore,  inclined  to  recognise  in  the  Virupaksha 
temple  a  natural  development  of  the  Dravida  conception  in  the 
Chalukyan  region.  But  the  Kailasanatha  temple  at  Kahchlpuram 
and  the  Virupaksha  at  Pattadakal  show  an  essential  identity  in  res¬ 
pect  of  the  plan  and  composition.  Such  an  identity  is  difficult  to 
explain  unless  there  had  been  a  closer  link  between  the  two.  There 
is  every  probability,  as  the  inscriptions  would  tend  to  suggest,  that 
the  former  was  the  prototype  of  the  latter. 

In  shape  and  form  and  in  matters  of  composition  the  Virupaksha 
at  Pattadakal  seems  to  be  a  duplicate  of  its  prototype  at  Kahchl¬ 
puram.  The  Vijayesvara  temple  at  Pattadakal  belonging  to  the 
previous  reign  was  also  of  Dravida  conception,  but  there  the 
different  elements  seem  to  be  cruder  in  setting.  In  the  Virupaksha 
a  greater  co-ordination  of  the  different  parts  and  their  refined  set¬ 
ting  and  execution  represent  a  distinct  advance  on  the  Vijayesvara, 
an  advance  that  was,  in  all  probability  due  to  its  contact  with  its 
southern  prototype.  The  Trailokyesvara  or  Mallikarjuna  temple 
(Fig.  76), 170  built  by  TrailokyamahadevI,  a  junior  queen  of  Vikrama¬ 
ditya  II,  stands  adjacent  to  the  Virupaksha  and  is  of  the  same  general 
plan  and  design  as  the  latter. 


615 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


In  the  Chalukyan  territory  several  temples  of  the  Dravida  con¬ 
ception  were  built  during  this  phase.  But  the  most  outstanding 
monument  of  this  conception  in  this  part  of  the  country,  and  perhaps 
a  unique  creation  of  Indian  architectural  art,  is  the  famous  Kailasa 
at  Ellora.171  An  entire  temple  complex  (Fig.  78),  completely  hewn 
out  of  the  living  rock,  as  it  is,  it  seems  to  have  been  a  fitting  sanctuary 
for  the  god  Siva  whose  favourite  abode  is  the  Kailasa  mountain.  It 
was  built  by  the  Rashtrakuta  kings  who  supplanted  the  Chalukyas 
in  the  sovereignty  of  the  Deccan.  Possibly  begun  during  the  time 
of  Dantidurga,  it  was  completed  by  Krishna  (c.  A.D.  758-773).  The 
scheme  resolves  itself  into  four  principal  elements  repeating  the 
fundamental  pattern  of  a  Dravida  temple  as  we  find  in  the  Kailasa- 
natha  temple  at  Kahchipuram  or  in  the  Virupaksha  at  Pattadakal. 
Seen  as  a  whole,  it  has  a  closer  alliance  with  the  latter  which,  it  is  not 
unlikely,  was  its  prototype.  The  differences  that  are  noticed  are,  in 
a  large  measure,  due  to  the  necessities  of  the  rock-hewn  technique. 

The  temple  itself  stands  within  a  rectangular  court  surrounded 
by  cloistered  cells  and  approached  in  front  by  a  double  storeyed 
gatehouse,  the  precursor  of  the  gopurams  of  later  days.  The  court 
measures  nearly  300  feet  by  200  feet.  The  Principal  component 
consists  of  the  vimana  and  the  mandapa,  the  two  occupying  an  area 
of  approximately  150  feet  by  100  feet.  This  unit  is  raised  over  a  lofty 
plinth,  nearly  25  feet  high,  which  forms,  so  to  say,  a  ground  storey. 
The  plinth  is  heavily  moulded  at  the  bottom  and  at  the  top,  the  inter¬ 
vening  space  being  occupied  by  a  frieze  of  boldly  carved  elephant 
(Fig.  77)  and  lion  caryatids  seemingly  supporting  the  massive  monu¬ 
ment.  Over  this  substantial  substructure  stand  the  vimana  (Fig.  79) 
and  the  mandapa,  the  latter  approached  by  grand  flights  of  steps  in 
the  front,  i.e.  the  western  side.  The  flat  roof  of  the  mandapa  is  sup¬ 
ported  on  sixteen  pillars  arranged  in  small  groups  of  four  each  at  the 
corners,  thus  dividing  the  hall  into  cruciform  aisles.  From  the 
mandapa  a  vestibule  leads  to  the  sanctum  cella,  the  tower  of  which 
rises  in  four  storeys  and  ultimately  ends  in  a  dome-shaped  stupika. 
From  the  level  of  the  court  to  the  apex  the  vimana  is  95  feet  in  height. 
Around  the  sanctum  cella  and  enclosing  the  ambulatory,  so  to  say, 
are  arranged  five  lesser  chapels,  each  repeating,  on  a  smaller  scale, 
the  principal  theme  standing  in  the  centre. 

In  front  of  this  unit  and  on  the  main  axis  is,  again,  a  detached 
flat-roofed  mandapa  for  the  bull  Nandi,  on  either  side  of  which 
stands  a  free-standing  column  ( dhvaja-stambha )  nearly  50  feet  high 
from  the  level  of  the  court,  bearing  at  the  apex  the  trisula  or  the 
sacred  emblem  of  the  god.  The  double  storeyed  gatehouse,  forming 
the  fagade  of  the  entire  composition,  is  itself  an  imposing  production, 
and  in  its  gable  roof  we  have  possibly,  like  that  of  the  Kailasanatha 


616 


ART 


at  Kanchlpuram,  the  germ  of  the  future  gopuram.  All  these  units, 
though  seemingly  detached,  are  connected  with  one  another  by 
bridges.  The  entire  scheme  seems  to  be  unified  by  an  organic  rhythm 
that  governs  the  disposition  and  proportions  of  each  unit. 

This  vast  temple  complex,  completely  hewn  out  of  the  rock 
with  all  its  elaborate  appurtenances,  strikes  the  beholder  with  a 
sense  of  wonder  and  awe  when  he  visualises  the  stupendous  task 
involved  in  such  a  process.  From  this  standpoint  it  is,  no  doubt,  a 
titanic  production  deserving  to  be  ranked  as  one  of  the  world’s  great¬ 
est  creations.  Because  of  the  disadvantages  of  the  rock-cut  technique 
the  monument  has  been  set  within  a  deep  pit,  but  those  responsible 
for  this  unique  conception  sought  to  compensate  for  this  defect  by 
raising  the  monument  on  an  enormously  high  podium.  Due  to  the 
technique  followed  the  monument  has  the  appearance  of  a  sculpture 
on  a  grand  scale  than  of  architecture.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
sculptor’s  art  is  the  supreme  fact  of  this  conception,  more  so  because 
of  the  superb  carvings  that  cover  all  the  free  surfaces  of  the  monu¬ 
ment.  At  the  same  time  it  is  the  genius  of  a  master  architect  that 
lends  unity  and  rhythm  to  the  entire  conception,  and  in  this  respect  it 
is  also  a  grand  piece  of  architecture.  The  unique  boldness  of  its  tech¬ 
nique  and  the  beauty  of  its  execution  have  made  it  widely  known, 
and  aptly  has  the  Kailasa  at  Ellora  been  described  as  “the  world’s 
greatest  rock  poem”.  Among  the  temples  of  the  Dravida  conception 
this  is  the  most  northerly  one.  Apart  from  its  singular  technique, 
in  the  vastness  of  its  scheme,  in  the  orderly  treatment  of  its  parts 
and  in  its  superbly  graceful  execution  it  is  also  one  of  the  most 
eminent  productions  of  Dravida  architecture. 

About  the  end  of  the  ninth  century  A.D.  the  Pallavas  had  to 
make  way  for  the  Cholas  who  became  the  dominant  powTer  in  the 
South.  During  the  regime  of  the  Cholas  the  Dravida  style  of  temple 
architecture  enters  a  brilliant  and  distinctive  phase.  The  produc¬ 
tions  of  the  early  phase  of  the  Chola  rule  are  usually  small,  yet  each 
represents  a  complete  formation  in  which  the  relation  with  the 
Pallava  tradition  remains  clear  and  unmistakable.  When  compared 
with  the  productions  of  the  last  days  of  the  Pallavas,  those  of  the 
early  Chola  phase  display  a  certain  freshness  of  spirit  that  may  indi¬ 
cate  a  revivifying  of  the  style  from  the  dormant  state  in  which  it 
had  fallen.  These  initial  attempts  represent  a  transition  from  the 
Pallava  to  the  Chola  development  of  the  Dravida  temple  style. 

Of  the  monuments  of  the  early  Chola  phase,  the  Vijayalaya 
Cholesvara  temple  at  Narttamalai172  is  interesting  for  its  circular 
shrine  chamber  enclosed  within  a  square  ambulatory.  The  erection 
of  this  temple  is  usually  attributed  to  Vijayalaya,  the  first  of  the 


617 


THE  STRUGGLE  P  OP  EMPIRE 

imperial  Cholas.  The  circular  shrine  is  rather  an  unusual  design 
in  this  class  of  temples,  but  the  pillared  mandapa,  the  storeyed  tower 
of  the  vimana  topped  by  the  stupikd,  and  the  diversification  of  the 
external  walls  by  pilasters  and  recesses  belong  evidently  to  the 
Pallava  tradition. 

The  initial  phase  of  the  Chola  development  of  the  Dravida  tem¬ 
ple  is  best  exemplified  in  the  Korahganatha  at  Srinivasanallur 173 
(Trichinopoiy  District).  It  possibly  belongs  to  the  reign  of  Paran- 
taka  I  (A.D.  907-953).  It  is  of  modest  proportions  and  consists  of 
the  sanctuary  and  its  attached  mandapa ,  the  two  covering  a  total 
length  of  50  feet.  The  conception  is  essentially  Pallava.  But  at 
the  same  time  a  more  rational  attitude  is  recognised  in  a  simplifica¬ 
tion  of  its  parts  that  emphasises  the  “value  of  plain  spaces  together 
with  due  sense  of  the  character  and  correct  location  of  the  archi¬ 
tectural  features  required  for  purposes  of  embellishment”.1 74  There 
have  also  been  significant  changes  in  the  design  and  form  of  the 
pillars.  The  wall  surfaces  are  divided  by  pilasters  into  niches,  each 
occupied  by  a  full-length  figure  sculpture  in  very  high  relief,  resem¬ 
bling  almost  a  statuary  in  the  round.  Another  interesting  and  dis¬ 
tinctive  feature,  unknown  in  the  previous  phase  but  a  characteristic 
element  in  the  decorative  scheme  of  a  Dravida  temple  of  the  subse¬ 
quent  periods,  is  the  string-course  with  a  row  of  griffin-heads  in  the 
stylobate.  Fundamentally  of  the  same  conception  as  the  Pallava 
temples,  the  Korahganatha  at  Srinivasanallur  heralds  also  a  new 
phase  in  the  development  of  the  Dravida  temple  style  under  the  great 
Cholas. 

The  Chola  power  reached  its  zenith  under  Rajaraja  the  Great 
(A.D.  985-1014)  and  his  son  Rajendra  Chola  (A.D.  1012-1044) , 175 
and  it  is  to  these  two  monarchs  that  we  owe  two  supreme  creations 
of  the  Dravida  temple  style.  Conscious  of  their  unrivalled  supre¬ 
macy  and  vast  resources,  these  two  monarchs  set  about  erecting  two 
stupendous  monuments  as  lithic  testimonies,  so  to  say,  to  their  reli¬ 
gious  devotion  and  dignified  majesty.  The  first  of  these  was  built 
at  Tanjore,  the  seat  of  Chola  sovereignty,  by  Rajaraja  the  Great, 
and  is  known  as  the  Brihadlsvara,  otherwise  called  Rajarajesvara 
after  its  royal  builder.  According  to  the  temple  records  the  con¬ 
struction  was  begun  some  time  about  A.D.  1003  and  completed 
in  A.D.  1010. 176  The  second  was  erected  about  A.D.  1025  by 
Rajendra  Chola  in  the  new  capital  city  of  Gahgaikondacholapuram 
which  this  monarch  founded  in  commemoration  of  his  extensive- 
conquests.  It  is  in  these  two  grand  and  lofty  temples  that  one  may 
visualise  the  mighty  resources  of  the  Chola  power  at  its  height. 

The  Brihadlsvara  temple  at  Tanjore177  stands  within  a  walled 


G]  8 


ART 


quadrangle,  500  feet  by  250  feet,  which  is  preceded  by  an  outer 
court,  250  feet  square  (Text  Fig.  38).  The  latter,  originally  intend¬ 
ed  for  minor  shrines  and  residential  appurtenances,  is  of  very  little 
architectural  interest.  The  present  gopuram  in  front,  i.c.  the  estern 
wall,  is  again,  a  much  later  erection.  A  second  gopuram,  situated 
axially  to  this  outer  gateway,  leads  to  the  principal  quadrangle  with 
a  colonnaded  cloister  all  around.  Near  the  back  end  of  this  court  rises 
majestically  the  great  vimana  (Fig.  80)  with  the  forward  comple¬ 
ments  of  the  temple  complex — a  large  mandapa,  a  pillared  portico 
and  a  Nandi  shrine — combined  axially  in  front.  All  these  structures 
are,  by  themselves,  sufficiently  important  productions,  functionally 
as  well  as  architecturally,  but  in  no  way  do  they  interfere  with  the 
effect  of  the  grand  and  massive  pile  of  the  vimana  towering  above 
everything  in  its  vicinity.  Together  they  cover  a  total  length  of  180 
feet,  while  the  pyramidal  vimana  rises  to  a  height  of  190  feet.  In 
dimensions  alone  the  Brihadlsvara  temple  at  Tanjore  is  one  of  the 
boldest  and  most  daring  conceptions  of  Drdvida  architecture.  No 
less  impressive  is  the  architectural  treatment  of  the  whole.  There 
is  a  clarity  in  the  disposition  of  its  parts,  each  organically  related  to 
the  other.  This,  coupled  with  a  correct  sense  of  decorative  scheme, 
leads  to  the  creation  of  a  superb  monument,  distinguished  alike  for 
its  rhythm,  poise  and  dignity. 

The  magnificent  pile  of  the  vimana,  which  constitutes  the  domi¬ 
nating  feature  of  the  entire  composition,  may  be  divided  into  three 
principal  sections,  namely  the  upright  cube  enclosing  the  sanctum 
cella  with  its -ambulatory,  the  lofty  and  massive  pyramidal  body 
ascending  in  thirteen  diminishing  zones,  and  the  crowning  element, 
the  graceful  dome-shaped  stupika  (Text  Fig.  39).  The  first  is  82  feet 
square  rising  to  a  height  of  50  feet  from  the  base.  Along  the  hori¬ 
zontal  section  this  huge  mass  is  broken  up  by  five  projecting  bays 
alternating  with  recesses,  and  this  theme,  continued  right  up  to  the 
top  of  the  pyramidal  tower,  emphasises  the  vertical  aspect  of  the 
conception.  Along  the  vertical  axis  the  wall  section  is  divided  into 
two  equal  stages  by  a  bold  and  heavy  cornice-like  moulding  that 
casts  a  deep  horizontal  shadow.  The  bays,  above  and  below,  are 
occupied  by  image-niches  with  the  sides  treated  like  pilasters  sepa¬ 
rated  by  deep  recesses.  The  pyramidal  section  of  the  vimana  is 
evidently  a  derivation  from  the  Pallava  prototype,  the  gradually 
diminishing  zones  in  its  composition  being  clearly  reminiscent  of 
the  storeyed  elevation  of  the  earlier  towers.  In  the  Tanjore  vimana , 
however,  the  horizontal  aspect  of  the  storeyed  stages  has  been  sup¬ 
pressed  for  the  sake  of  an  emphatic  vertical  contour.  The  shallow^ 
horizontal  lines  separating  the  zones,  intersecting  with  the  vertical 
ba3^s  of  the  lower  section  continued  on  the  tower,  create  a  beautiful 

619 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

architectural  pattern,  the  fundamental  idea  of  which  is  vertical  to 
all  intents  and  purposes.  In  this  massive  pyramidal  pile  there  is  a 
sense  of  strength  and  stability,  and  at  the  same  time  a  rhythmical 
quality  of  soaring  verticalism,  accentuated  further  by  the  dome¬ 
shaped  stupika  which,  poised  over  the  four-square  top  of  the  pyramid 
“like  a  light  but  substantial  globe”,178  by  its  contrast  and  with  flam¬ 
boyant  niches  at  the  sides,  appears  to  impart  an  effect  of  airy  light¬ 
ness  to  the  entire  composition.  “Unquestionably  the  finest  single 
creation  of  the  Dravidian  craftsmen”,  rightly  observes  Percy 
Brown,179  “the  Tanjore  vimana  is  a  touchstone  of  Indian  architec¬ 
ture  as  a  whole”. 

Within  the  precincts  of  the  Brihadlsvara  temple  stand  a  few 
other  structures,  all  subsequent  accretions  of  different  periods.  Of 
these,  the  temple  of  Subrahmanya  represents  an  exquisite  piece  of 
decorative  architecture,  richly  carved,  that  equally  attracts  the  ad¬ 
miration  of  the  visitor.  It  belongs  to  a  late  date,  about  the 
eighteenth  century  A.D. 

About  A.D.  1025  Rajendra  Chola  constructed  another  stupend¬ 
ous  monument  in  his  new  capital  city  of  Gangaikondacholapuram.180 
Built  within  a  quarter  of  a  century,  it  resembles  fundamentally  the 
great  conception  of  his  father.  Unfortunately,  it  has  suffered  much, 
and  not  a  little  of  its  spoliation  has  been  due  to  what  K.  A-  Nilakanta 
Sastri181  describes  as  “modern  predatory  engineering”.  It  now 
stands  amidst  the  mud  huts  of  the  desolate  village,  a  mere  stranded 
shell  of  its  former  prosperity. 

Like  its  predecessor,  the  great  temple  at  Gangaikondachola- 
puram  is  also  contained  within  an  immense  walled  quadrangle,  and 
the  remains  of  a  substantial  bastion  at  the  south-east  angle  would 
indicate  that  this  was  disposed  in  the  shape  of  a  fortress  enclosure. 
Much  of  the  surrounding  walls  has  now  disappeared.  Within  the 
court  the  principal  composition  occupies  a  rectangle,  about  340  feet 
by  100  feet,  with  its  long  axis  from  east  to  west,  and  consists  of  a 
large  mandapa,  175  feet  by  95  feet,  and  the  massive  vimdna,  100  feet 
square,  with  a  connecting  vestibule.  The  main  entrance  in  the 
middle  of  the  eastern  wall  of  the  mandapa  is  designed  as  an  impress¬ 
ive  portal,  while  two  subsidiary  entrances  are  provided  in  the 
northern  and  southern  walls  of  the  vestibule,  each  in  the  shape  of 
a  deeply  recessed  doorway  flanked  by  two  domineering  figures  of 
dvarapalas  on  the  two  sides.  The  mandapa  is  a  relatively  low  build¬ 
ing  with  a  flat  roof  supported  on  a  cluster  of  pillars,  more  than  150 
in  number,  arranged  in  colonnades  in  the  interior  of  the  hall.  In  this 
pillared  hall,  substantial  in  dimensions,  one  may  recognise  the 
nucleus  of  the  “thousand-columned  mandapas”  that  were  to  consti- 


620 


ART 


tute  a  distinctive  feature  of  the  Dravida  temple-complexes  of  the  sub¬ 
sequent  ages.  An  individual  appearance  is  imparted  to  the  interior 
by  the  division  of  the  platform  supporting  the  colonnades  along  its 
centre  by  a  wide  passage  at  the  ground  level,  with  a  similar  passage 
carried  round  the  entire  inner  circuit  of  the  hall.  The  vestibule 
connecting  the  two  principal  components,  the  flat-roofed  man^apa 
and  the  pyramidal  vimdna,  has  two  rows  of  massive  square  piers.  Its 
roof  rising  above  the  level  of  that  of  the  mandapa  contributes  an 
effective  ensemble  to  the  exterior  elevation  of  the  entire  composi¬ 
tion. 

The  vimdna,  though  larger  in  horizontal  dimension  than  the 
Tanjore  one,  is  only  160  feet  high.  The  treatment  of  the  lower  up¬ 
right  section  is  essentially  the  same  as  that  at  Tanjore.  But  in  the 
tapering  body  above,  which  consists  of  eight  diminishing  zones, 
the  introduction  of  curves,  in  place  of  the  strongly  pronounced 
straight  lines  in  the  previous  example,  adds  a  richer  note  to  the 
creation  of  Rajendra  Chola.  The  Chola  power  in  the  time  of  this 
monarch  had  reached  its  most  affluent  state,  and  this  is  reflected  in 
the  increased  richness  and  exuberance  of  this  later  structure.  As 
Percy  Brown182  aptly  comments:  “There  is  a  voluptuousness  in  the 
later  structure,  the  beauty  of  ripe  femininity,  in  contrast  to  the 
masculine  strength  of  the  earlier  type.  But  in  comparing  these 
two  architectural  productions  they  present  much  more  than  a  differ¬ 
ence  in  kind.  Stately  and  formal  as  an  epic  may  epitomise  the 
Tanjore  vimdna  while  the  later  example  has  all  the  sensuous  passion 
of  an  eastern  lyric,  but  it  seems  to  go  even  deeper  than  that.  Each 
is  the  final  and  absolute  vision  of  its  creator  made  manifest  through 
the  medium  of  structural  form,  the  one  symbolising  conscious  might 
the  other  sub-conscious  grace,  but  both  dictated  by  that  ‘divinity 
which  has  seized  the  soul’  ”. 

In  these  twTo  eminent  productions  of  the  two  greatest  monarchs 
of  the  Chola  dynasty  the  Dravida  temple  style  reaches  its  supreme 
expression.  In  the  mighty  sweep  of  the  Tanjore  vimdna  there  has 
been  achieved  a  complete  balance  between  stupendous  architectural 
mass  and  aspiring  verticality.  Here  the  form  dominates  the  composi¬ 
tion,  all  ornament,  however  exuberant,  being  subordinated  and  com¬ 
plementary  to  it.  At  Gahgaikondacholapuram  also  the  architectural 
form  remains  dominant  in  the  conception,  but  the  ornament  has 
grown  richer  and,  though  still  subservient  to  the  architectural 
lineaments,  predicts  a  restless  impatience  that  seems  destined  to 
overstep  its  limits  and  overflow  in  plentiful  growth. 

After  Rajendra  Chola  the  vigorous  days  of  the  expanding  power 
of  the  dynasty  were  over.  The  style  also  loses  much  of  its  force 


621 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


and  tends  to  become  more  and  more  ornate  and  florid.  After  the 
supreme  upheaval  it  enters  a  baroque  phase  in  which  the  activities, 
though  practically  undiminished,  were  concerned  with  productions 
of  no  more  than  ordinary  interest.  In  the  twelfth  century  A.D., 
the  Chola  power  was  on  the  decline  and  in  its  last  stage,  engaged  in 
a  life  and  death  struggle  with  the  rising  power  of  the  Pandyas  and 
refractory  feudatories.  This  led  to  the  collapse  of  the  dynasty  in 
the  second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  and  the  Pandyas  for 
a  time  gained  dominance  in  the  south.  During  this  Chola-Pandya 
phase  a  semblance  of  the  former  achievement  of  the  style  is  notice¬ 
able  in  two  productions,  the  Airavatesvara  at  Darasuram183  and 
the  Kampaharesvara  or  Tribhuvanesvara  at  Tribhuvanam,184  both 
in  the  Tanjore  District.  The  two  seem  to  have  been  close  to  each 
other  in  time  and  to  denote  a  revived  impetus  to  building  art.  But 
this  impetus  is  concerned,  not  so  much  with  the  production  of  any 
robust  architectural  form,  as  with  the  creation  of  an  effect  by  reite¬ 
ration  of  the  same  elements  and  by  increased  elegance  and  richness 
of  ornamental  detail.  The  temple-complex  grows  more  elaborate 
and  the  formal  scheme  of  the  vimana  and  the  mandapa  is  surround¬ 
ed  by  several  accessory  shrines  and  mandapas,  all  forming  a  com¬ 
pact  group  within  an  enclosure  or  a  number  of  concentric  enclo¬ 
sures,  each  approached  by  a  gopuram  or  gopurams.  The  Darasu¬ 
ram  temple  seems  originally  to  have  a  number  of  such  enclosures 
with  a  gopuram  for  each.  In  this  temple  one  of  the  mandapas, 
axially  in  front  of  the  principal  scheme,  is  designed  in  the  shape 
of  a  chariot  drawn  by  elephants.  During  this  phase,  and  parti¬ 
cularly  in  the  Pandya  period,  increased  importance  is  given  more 
and  more  to  the  temple  precincts  than  to  the  main  scheme,  with  the 
result  that  the  latter  dwindles  in  importance  in  relation  to  the 
former,  more  exuberant  in  design  and  execution.  The  gopuram 
comes  to  occupy  a  more  prominent  position  in  the  temple  scheme 
and  gradually  grows  to  imposing  size  and  dimensions,  until  with  its 
soaring  height  it  dwarfs  the  vimana  standing  in  the  midst  of  the 
enclosure.  The  tendencies,  noticed  in  the  Pandya  period,  find  their 
fullest  expression  in  the  Vijayanagara  epoch,  during  which  the 
exuberance  of  the  late  Chola  and  Pandya  phases  leads,  so  to  say. 
to  an  unrestricted  extravagance.185 

4.  Chalukyan  Style 

The  Vesara  style  of  Indian  temple  architecture,  according  to 
the  Silpa  texts,  was  prevalent  in  the  region  between  the  Vindhyas 
and  the  river  Krishna.  This  style,  it  has  already  been  observed,  has 
been  equated  by  some  scholars  with  what  is  known  to  the  archaeo¬ 
logists  as  the  Chalukyan  style  which  flourished  in  the  southern  parts 


622 


ART 


of  the  Bombay  State,  or,  more  precisely,  the  Kannada  country.  The 
style  seems  to  have  emerged  under  the  rule  of  the  Later  Chalukyas 
who  dominated  the  politics  of  the  Deccan  for  a  little  over  two  hun¬ 
dred  years  beginning  from  the  later  part  of  the  tenth  century  A.D. 
It  is  known  to  have  reached  its  ripest  expression  in  the  Mysore 
territory  under  the  Hoysalas  of  Dvarasamudra. 

The  Chalukyan  style  cannot,  however,  be  said  to  have  an  in¬ 
dependent  origin  of  its  own,  but  represents  “an  outgrowth  of  the 
earlier  Dra vidian  style,  so  modified  in  its  development  by  the  Wes¬ 
tern  temple-builders  as  to  have  attained  a  separate  style  in  their 
hands.”186  The  genesis  of  the  development  may  be  traced  back 
to  the  days  of  the  early  Chalukyan  kings  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 
centuries  A.D.  when,  at  Aihole  and  Pattadakal,  Dravida  as  well  as 
N  agar  a  temples  were  being  erected  side  by  side.  It  is  the  simulta¬ 
neous  co-existence  of  activities  in  Dravida  and  Ndgara  temple¬ 
building  that  provided  an  opportunity  for  a  certain  amount  of  ad¬ 
mixture  of  the  ideas  of  the  two.  The  result  is  a  development  that 
leads  to  the  emergence,  under  the  aegis  of  the  Later  Chalukyan 
rulers,  of  a  separate  and  individual  style  which  has  been  referred 
to  as  intermediate  between  the  Indo-Aryan  ( Ndgara )  and  the  Dravi- 
dian  ( Dravida )  and  described  as  a  mixed  or  hybrid  one.  But  in  the 
making  of  this  style  the  Ndgara  conception  played  a  relatively 
less  important  part.  It  is  the  Dravida  conception  that  forms  the 
nucleus  of  future  developments.  The  influences  of  the  Ndgara 
style  are  felt  in  the  occasional  introduction  of  a  few  motifs,  in  treat¬ 
ment  and  ornament,  which,  however,  do  but  little  change  the  form 
and  character  of  the  Chalukyan  temple  that  remain  fundamentally 
Dravidian. 

The  Chalukyan  temple,  like  the  Dravida,  consists  of  the  two 
principal  components,  viz.  the  vimana  and  the  mandapa,  with  some¬ 
times  an  additional  open  mandapa  in  front.  The  former  is  sur¬ 
mounted  by  a  pyramidal  tower  of  storeyed  elevation  with  a 
dome-shaped  crowning  member,  while  the  latter  are  covered 
by  flat  roofs  supported  on  pillars.  In  course  of  time  there  is  a  marked 
tendency  to  compress  heights  of  the  storeyed  stages  of  the  vimana. 
At  the  same  time  ornamental  niche  motifs,  repeated  one  above  the 
other  up  the  ascent  of  the  tower,  simulate  the  vertical  bands  of  the 
northern  spire.  In  this  is  felt,  no  doubt,  an  inspiration  from  the 
Ndgara  sikhara.  The  Chalukyan  temple  presents  further  an  essen¬ 
tial  divergence  from  the  Dravida  in  not  having  its  .cells  enclosed 
within  a  covered  ambulatory.187  The  mandapas,  again,  are  usually 
wider  in  dimensions  than  the  vimanas.  In  the  treatment  of  the 
exterior  walls  there  seems  to  have  been  a  blending,  again,  of  Ndgara 


623 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

and  Drdvida  ideas.  The  walls  are  broken  up  by  ratha  offsets  in  the 
characteristic  Nagara  fashion,  further  spaced  at  regular  intervals 
by  pilasters  in  accordance  with  the  usual  Drdvida  mode.  The  re¬ 
cesses,  thus  formed,  are  usually  filled  up  by  niches  with  super¬ 
structures  of  the  Nagara  or  of  the  Drdvida  style,  thus  producing 
a  refrain  of  great  artistic  beauty.  A  further  elaboration  is  noticed 
in  the  stellate  plan  based  on  the  system  of  rotating  squares.  In  the 
Chalukyan  territory  there  is  only  a  single  example  of  this  plan  in 
the  temple  of  Dodda  Basappa  at  Dambal.  In  the  Hoysala  temples  of 
Mysore  the  star-shaped  plan  becomes  the  usual  fashion.  A  few 
of  the  Chalukyan  temples  are  distinguished  for  their  multiple- 
shrined  compositions  in  which  two,  three  or  four  shrines  are  found 
arranged  around  a  central  mandapa  hall.  Such  a  composition  with 
its  multiple  towers  presents,  not  unoften,  an  extremely-  pleasing 
view,  and  in  this  respect  a  few  of  the  Hoysala  temples  constitute 
notable  and  impressive  productions.  Apart  from  architectural 
treatment,  the  Chalukyan  temple,  or  its  descendant  the  Hoysala,  is 
also  characterised  by  an  exuberant  plastic  ornament  covering  all 
the  external  surfaces  which  seem  to  have  a  richly  fretted  appearance, 
from  the  base  to  the  top.  In  the  interior  the  pillars  and  the  door¬ 
frames,  as  well  as  the  ceilings,  are  also  exuberantly  treated  in  the 
like  manner.  The  pillars  themselves  sometimes  bear  evident  traces 
of  being  turned  on  lathes.  All  ornaments,  whether  on  the  pillars, 
door-frames  or  ceilings,  have  usually  been  imparted  a  highly  lustrous 
polish  so  as  to  glow  in  the  dim  light  in  the  interior.  Considered  as 
a  whole,  the  Chalukyan  temple  represents  one  of  the  most  ornate  and 
florid  expressions  of  Indian  architecture. 

Of  this  style  there  are  innumerable  remains  wflthin  the  old 
Chalukyan  boundaries.  The  Hoysala  mode,  its  later  offshoot,  is  also 
represented  by  a  large  number  of  temples  in  the  Mysore  territory. 
Indeed,  there  is  hardly  any  village  in  either  of  these  regions  that 
does  not  contain  an  old  monument,  either  complete  or  mutilated, 
and  a  few  of  the  notable  centres  usually  have  more.  It  is  possible, 
therefore,  to  refer  only  to  a  few  significant  examples  which  help 
us  in  following  the  development  of  the  style.  The  emphasis  is  more 
on  stylistic  sequence  than  on  chronological  implications. 

At  Kukkanur  in  the  Hyderabad  State  there  is  a  number  of  old 
temples  of  which  the  Kallesvara188  is  important  as  marking  an  ad¬ 
vance  over  the  older  prototype  of  the  Drdvida  temple  towards  the 
direction  of  the  Chalukyan.  It  consists  of  the  vimdna  and  the 
mandapa  with  a  connecting  vestibule  between  the  two  and  a  pro¬ 
jecting  Nandi  porch  in  front  (Text  Figs.  40  and  41).  The  exterior 
walls  are  effectively  broken  up  by  slender  pilasters  at  regular  inter- 


624 


ART 

vals  with  occasional  insertion  of  a  shrine  or  an  identical  structural 
motif  in  the  recesses  so  formed.  The  introduction  of  structural 
motifs  in  place  of  figure  sculptures,  characteristic  of  this  part  of 
the  scheme  in  the  Dravida  temple,  represents  a  notable  modification 
in  the  scheme.  Further,  the  storeyed  stages  of  the  tower  are  reduced 
in  height,  and  the  domical  apex,  with  a  double  curve,  also  introduces 
a  significant  innovation.  Again,  a  gable-shaped  motif  in  the  middle 
of  each  storeyed  stage  on  each  face  indicates  the  beginning  of  that 
simulated  vertical  band  up  the  height  of  the  tower  which  is  so  dis¬ 
tinctive  of  the  later  Chalukyan  temples.  In  these  respects  the  Kalles- 
vara  at  Kukkanur,  though  retaining  a  distinct  Dravida  shape  and 
outline,  exhibits  a  leaning  towards  the  Chalukyan  form  that  is  soon 
to  emerge. 

The  next  notable  step  in  the  formation  of  the  Chalukyan  style 
is  supplied  by  the  Jain  temple  at  Lakkundi189  or  Lokkigundi,  as  it 
was  known  in  the  ancient  days,  situated  seven  miles  to  the  south¬ 
east  of  Gadag  in  the  Dharwar  District.  Coarse-grained  sandstone 
of  the  earlier  prototypes  is  replaced  in  this  temple  by  a  fine-grained 
black  chlorite  schist,  and  the  size  of  the  masonry  is  also  much 
reduced.  This  change,  continued  in  the  later  temples,  enabled  the 
artists  to  treat  the  surfaces  in  greater  detail  and  ornament,  and 
the  tendency  henceforth  is  towards  a  rich  and  florid  expression 
which  lends  such  a  distinctive  character  to  the  style.  “The  change 
in  the  material”,  Cousens190  observes,  “was  conducive  to  the  charge 
in  the  style”. 

The  Jain  temple  at  Lakkundi  (Text  Fig.  42)  seems  to  have 
been  the  earliest  among  a  number  of  old  monuments  at  the  place 
and  its  style  is  not  far  removed  from  that  of  the  Kallesvara  at  Kuk¬ 
kanur.  It  consists  of  the  vimdna,  an  intermediate  vestibule  and  a 
mandaipa  with  a  forward  open  pillared  hall,  all  axially  combined. 
The  treatment  of  the  exterior  surfaces  is  generally  of  the  same  man¬ 
ner  as  that  in  the  Kallesvara,  but  a  greater  ornamental  effect  has 
been  introduced  by  a  rich  motif  which  takes  the  shape  of  a  small 
pilaster  surmounted  by  a  turret  and  arched  over  by  a  cusped  scroll 
of  the  most  beautiful  character  rising  from  two  slender  pilasters 
at  the  flanks.  The  wide  projecting  eave,  with  a  straight-edged 
incline,  around  the  open  pillared  hall,  is  not  only  a  useful  feature 
but  also  a  notable  innovation  in  as  much  as  it  becomes  a  characteris¬ 
tic  feature  of  the  later  development  of  the  style. 

Of  this  formative  phase  there  are  many  other  examples  in  diffe¬ 
rent  parts  of  the  Chalukyan  territories.  The  Muktesvara  temple 
at  Chauddadampur191  on  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Dharwar 
District  is  a  neat  little  structure  that  indicates  a  further  advance 

625 

K.  E.— 40 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


in  %e  development  of  the  style  (Text  Fig.  43).  The  wide  eaves 
over  the  porches  are  now  double  curved  in  outline,  and  in  con¬ 
formity  with  this  a  smaller  eave  of  the  same  character  runs  around 
the  rest  of  the  building.  Such  eaves  henceforth  constitute  regular 
features  in  the  temple  scheme.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the 
pillared  porches  of  the  mandapa  are  enclosed  by  kakshasanas,  evi¬ 
dently  a  northern  feature.  The  ornaments  on  the  exterior  walls 
are  far  richer  and  bolder  and  a  greater  amount  of  surface  decora¬ 
tion  is  applied  to  the  mouldings  of  the  plinth.  The  tower  has  attained 
the  . typical  Chalukyan  form.  The  storeyed  stages,  now  considerably 
reduced,  are  fairly  obscured  by  the  exuberant  plastic  detail 
that  covers  the  surfaces.  The  niche-facets  in  the  middle  are 
fully  emphasised  and,  repeated  one  above  the  other,  simulate  more 
completely  the  vertical  band  that  characterises  the  northern 
sikhcira.  The  domical  crowning  member  “sits  closer  down  upon 
the  top”192  and  has  a  double  flexion  with  a  horizontal  band  in  the 
middle. 

Of  the  same  formative  phase  as  the  Muktesara  are  the  tem¬ 
ples  of  Siddhesvara  at  Haveri193  (Text  Fig.  44),  Somesvara  at 
Haralhalli ]  04  and  Siddharamesvara  at  Niralgi,195  all  in  the  Dharwar 
District.  Among  these  the  Somesvara  with  its  triple  towers  has  an 
impressive  appearance,  and  the  three,  along  with  the  Muktesvara  at 
Chauddadampur,  might  belong  to  the  close  of  the  eleventh  or  the 
beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D. 

In  the  twelfth  century  A.D.  the  style  reaches  its  maturity  and 
supreme  expression.  This  phase  is  illustrated  by  a  -  fairly  large 
number  of  temples  in  different  parts  of  the  Chalukya  country. 
One  of  the  most  significant  temples  that  illustrate  the  style  at  its 
best  is  that  of  Kasivisvesvara  at  Lakkundi,196  which  in  its  present 
shape  dates  from  the  latter  half  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D.  It  is 
a  double-shrined  temple,  the  second  shrine  facing  the  principal 
complex  axially  on  the  east  (Text  Fig.  45).  The  storeyed  arrange¬ 
ment  of  the  tower  is,  no  doubt,  there,  though  a  superabundance  of 
decorative  detail  almost  masks  the  horizontality  of  its  conception. 
Moreover,  in  the  centre  of  each  side  the  diminishing  repeats  of  tre¬ 
foil  niches  up  the  ascent  of  the  tower  emphasise  strongly  a  vertical 
urge  just  in  the  manner  of  the  prominent  vertical  bands  of  the 
northern  s ikhara.  From  the  base  to  the  top  the  entire  exterior  sur¬ 
face  is  encrusted  with  rich  ornamental  detail,  bold  in  design  and 
exuberant  in  expression.  The  deep  and  crisp  plinth  mouldings 
produce  a  sparkling  effect  of  light  and  shade.  On  the  walls  may  be 
seen  the  usual  motifs  characteristic  of  the  style,  but  treated  with 
a  sense  of  volume  and  depth  unknown  in  the  monuments  of  the 


626 


ART 


earlier  phase.  The  embellishment  of  the  tower,  rich  as  well  as  vari¬ 
ed,  is  far  more  delicate  and  refined,  while  the  decorative  treatment 
of  the  doorways  excels  anything  seen  up  till  now.  Each  doorway 
(Fig.  83)  is  a  perfect  example  of  delicate  and  intricate  chiselling, 
and  some  of  the  bands  are  so  undercut  as  to  resemble  fine  filigree 
or  lace  work.  The  temple  of  Kaslvisvesvara,  on  this  account,  has 
been  regarded  as  one  of  the  most  eminent  productions  of  decora¬ 
tive  architecture.  There  might  have  been  a  certain  idea  of  volup¬ 
tuousness  in  its  exuberant  ornamentation,  but  the  scheme,  as  a 
whole,  is  perfectly  balanced  so  as  to  express  the  style  at  the  zenith 
of  its  power. 

An  equally  effective  production,  expressive  of  the  high  water¬ 
mark  of  Chalukyan  style,  may  be  seen  in  the  temple  of  Mahadeva 
at  Ittagi197  in  the  Hyderabad  State,  built  in  A.D.  1112.  It  forms 
the  central  scheme  of  a  number  of  structures  raised  on  a  terraced 
platform,  and  is  the  only  one  now  in  a  fairly  tolerable  state  of 
preservation.  The  inscription  recording  its  erection  styles  the  tem¬ 
ple  as  clevdlaya-chakravarti  or  ‘the  chakravarti  among  temples’, 
and  this  title  seems  to  be  fully  deserved.  In  the  balanced  and 
harmonious  proportions  of  its  parts,  in  the  orderly  disposition  of  its 
exuberant  ornamentation,  all  elegantly  wrought,  the  Mahadeva 
temple  at  Ittagi  may  rank  as  one  of  the  best  examples  of  its  class. 
Cousens  describes  it  as  “probably  the  finest  temple  in  the  Kanarese 
districts  after  Halabid  in  Maisur”.  98 

The  Mahadeva  temple  at  Ittagi  is  larger  in  dimensions  than 
the  Kaslvisvesvara  at  Lakkundi  and  its  decoration  seems  to  be  even 
more  elaborate  than  that  of  the  latter.  It  consists  of  the  usual  com¬ 
plements  of  the  sanctum,  the  vestibule  and  the  mandapa,  together 
with  another  open  hypostyle  hall  in  front,  aligned  axially  from  west 
to  east  (Text  Fig.  46;  Fig.  81).  The  hypostyle  with  its  original  range 
of  sixty-eight  pillars199  of  varied  and  complicated  designs  is  itself  an 
imposing  conception.  A  central  complement  of  four  pillars  of  the 
most  bewildering  pattern  supports  a  coffered  ceiling,  the  triangular 
space  left  at  each  corner  being  worked  out  into  a  rich  fretwork  of 
convoluted  arabesque  of  the  most  spirited  workmanship.  A  small 
antarala  with  the  figure  of  the  bull  connects  this  hypostyle  with  the 
mandapa  which  is  of  the  usual  design  with  two  approach  porticos  on 
the  two  opposite  sides.  The  carving  of  the  doorway  is,  age mi,  « 
marvel  of  decorative  workmanship.  With  regard  to  the  ornamental 
work  on  the  pillars  and  door-frames  Meadows  Taylor200  says,  “no 
chased  work  in  silver  or  gold  could  possibly  be  finer”,  and  this  des¬ 
cription  is  fully  deserved.  The  exterior  walls  of  the  mandapa  as 
well  as  of  the  vimana  (Fig.  82)  carry  the  usual  decorative  scheme, 


627 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


bold  and  richly  wrought,  and  the  tower  above  is,  again,  a  rich  fret¬ 
work  of  sculptured  designs.  The  rich  and  elaborately  worked  trefoil 
repeats  successively  one  above  the  other,  the  soft  and  graceful  curves 
in  the  contours  and  the  breaking  up  of  the  prominent  roll  mould¬ 
ings  of  the  earlier  temples  by  deep  cusps  with  ornamental  repeats 
are  all  designed  to  accentuate  the  vertically  of  an  otherwise  horizon¬ 
tal  conception.  In  the  appearance  of  this  tower,  superbly  conceived 
and  delicately  wrought,  one  may  recognise  the  nearest  approach  to 
that  of  the  Hoysala  temple  which  represents  the  ripest  manifes¬ 
tation  of  Chalukyan  style. 

Among  the  many  temples  of  this  mature  phase  of  the  style  a 
few  other  monuments  deserve  special  mention.  One  is  the  temple 
of  Mallikarjuna  at  Kuruvatti201  in  the  district  of  Bellary  (Text 
Figs.  47  and  48).  It  consists  of  the  sanctum,  the  connecting  vestibule 
and  the  mandapa,  forming  a  compact  group,  together  with  a  large 
pavilion  for  Nandi,  which  is  a  separate  structure,  placed  axially  in 
front.  The  pillars  in  the  interior  of  the  mandapa  as  well  as  in  the 
portico  are  richly  patterned  in  the  usual  manner,  but  particularly 
interesting  are  the  boldly  carved  leaning  figure  brackets  on  the 
upper  parts  of  the  pillars  supporting  the  architraves  above.  Such 
flying  brackets  had  also  been  employed  in  other  temples,  but  they 
have  mostly  been  removed.  At  Gadag  (Dharwar  District)202  there 
is,  again,  an  important  group  of  temples,  mostly  in  a  mutilated  state. 
Of  these,  the  temple  of  Sarasvatl  is  interesting  as  showing  the  plan 
of  an  inner  sanctum  within  a  covered  ambulatory,  this  being  the 
only  occurrence  of  such  a  plan  among  the  Chalukyan  temples.  The 
temple  of  Somesvara  (Text  Fig.49;  Fig.  84)  is  also  an  interesting 
one.  In  the  division  of  its  wall  section  into  two  stages,  in  the  intro¬ 
duction  of  the  figure  sculpture  as  a  decorative  element  of  the  wall, 
and,  to  a  certain  extent,  also  in  the  treatment  of  the  plinth  mould¬ 
ings  it  supplies  definite  points  of  contact  between  the  Chalukyan 
temple  and  its  offshoot,  the  Hoysala. 

The  only  specimen  of  a  star-shaped  plan  within  the  Chalukya 
territory  is  the  temple  of  Dodda  Basappa  or  Dodda  Vasavanna 
(Fig.  85)  at  Dambal203  (Dharwar  District),  and  in  this  respect  it 
supplies  another  point  of  contact  with  the  Hoysala  temple,  in  which 
the  stellate  plan  is  the  usual  one.  The  principle  governing  the  stel¬ 
late  plan  has  been  discussed  more  than  once.  A  square  rotating 
round  a  central  axis  and  stopping  at  regular  intervals  in  course  of 
the  rotation  would  result  in  a  plan  of  foliated  points,  like  those  of 
star,  touching  the  periphery  of  a  circle  at  points  equidistant  from 
one  another.  This  plan,  wherever  found,  is  characteristic  of  the 
sanctum  only,  but  here  at  Dambal  not  only  the  sanctuary,  but  also 


ART 


its  attached  mandapa ,  is  star-shaped  in  plan.  The  former  is  designed 
by  the  square  stopping  at  six  equidistant  points  and  the  latter  at 
eight.  The  result  would  be  twenty-four  foliated  angles  in  the  plan 
of  the  sanctum  and  thirty-two  in  that  of  the  mandapa ,  the  two  giving 
an  outline,  as  Cousens  says,204  “of  a  serrated  8”  (Text  Fig.  50). 
But  because  of  the  junction  of  the  two  components  and  the  intro¬ 
duction  of  the  two  entrances  in  the  latter  on  the  south  and  the  east, 
the  former  has  only  nineteen  and  the  latter  only  twenty-one  foliated 
angles.  The  angles  of  the  plan,  carried  up  the  walls  and  continued 
on  the  tower,  result  in  a  sparkling  effect  of  light  and  shade  along 
with  an  accentuation  of  the  verticality  of  the  conception.  The  tem¬ 
ple  seems  to  have  been  the  furthest  from  the  Drdvida  conception 
wdiich  forms  the  starting  point  in  the  development  of  the  Chalukyan 
temple,  and  if  the  intermediate  stages  had  not  been  known,  it 
would  have  been  difficult  to  establish  its  link  with  the  prototype. 
The  storeyed  stages  have  now  been  transformed  into  mere  string¬ 
courses,  but  the  serrated  angles  effectively  break  up  the  horizontal 
conception  with  the  prominent  vertical  offsets  that  are  carried  right 
up  to  the  top  of  the  tower.  The  topmost  member  of  the  tower, 
now  much  compressed,  has  also  the  serrated  indentations,  in  con¬ 
formity  with  the  plan  of  the  lower  section,  and  looks  not  unlike 
the  ribbed  dmalaka-sild  of  the  northern  sikhara.  The  predomi¬ 
nantly  angular  scheme  may  likewise  be  recognised  in  the  treatment 
of  the  pillars  of  the  southern  portico.  The  date  of  the  temple  is 
uncertain,  but  from  its  style  it  may  be  placed  somewhere  about 
the  latter  half  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D.  In  the  Dodda  Basappa 
temple  at  Dambal  we  have  perhaps  an  extreme  manifestation  of 
the  Chalukyan  temple  which  already  seems  to  have  lost  its  early 
vigour  and  tends  to  become  insipid. 

The  Chalukyan  style  reaches  its  highest  development  and  the 
peak  of  plastic  ornamentation  in  the  Mysore  territory  under  the 
Hoysalas  of  Dvarasamudra.  There  are  nearly  eighty  temples  in  the 
Hoysala  mode  in  different  parts  of  this  territory,  and  their  link 
with  the  Chalukyan  temple  is  clear  and  obvious.  The  scheme  of 
the  Hoysala  temple  is,  on  the  whole,  similar  to  that  of  the  Chaluk¬ 
yan.  Multiple  shrines  grouped  round  a  central  mandapa  consti¬ 
tute  a  favourite  composition  in  the  Hoj^sala  modes  and  with  this 
the  Chalukyan  temple  is  also  familiar.  What  the  Hoysala  builders 
did  was  to  elaborate  the  design  to  the  extreme,  as  part  from  double 
and  triple-shrined  compositions  there  may  be  seen  also  quadruple 
and  even  quintuple-shrined  temples.  In  the  grouping  of  a  number 
of  shrines  in  a  single  composition  the  Hoysala  mode  cannot,  hence, 
be  said  to  be  distinct205  from  the  Chalukyan.  For  the  sanctuaries 
the  Hoysala  builders  usually  preferred  a  stellate  plan,  and  of  this 


629 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


the  Dodda  Basappa  temple  at  Dambal  in  the  Chalukyan  style  fur¬ 
nishes  a  notable  instance.  The  stellate  plan,  as  noted  above,  is  also 
met  with  occasionally  in  several  of  the  regional  expressions  of  the 
Nagara  temple  style.  The  typical  Hoysala  temple  usually  stands 
upon  a  high  and  wide  basement  with  its  sides  aligned  to  those  of 
the  building  it  supports.  The  wide  terrace  left  around  served  the 
purpose  of  an  outer  ambulatory,  there  being  none  in  the  interior. 

In  the  architectural  treatment  of  the  surfaces  the  Hoysala  tem¬ 
ple  presents,  no  doubt,  certain  divergences,  but  these  divergences 
result  not  so  much  from  the  practice  of  an  altogether  different  mode 
as  from  an  attempt  to  impart  a  greater  plastic  exuberance  to  the 
walls.  The  lofty  plinth,  sometimes  nine  or  ten  feet  in  height,  is 
divided  by  a  number  of  prominent  horizontal  bands  with  exquisite¬ 
ly  carved  designs,  animal  as  well  as  floral,  each  band  being  separated 
from  the  next  by  a  deep  recessed  shadow.  Friezes  of  elephants, 
horses,  grotesques,  birds,  narrative  panels,  etc.,  occasionally  alter¬ 
nating  with  floral  arabesques,  occupy  these  bands,  the  place  of  each 
being  defined  by  a  specific  convention.  The  beginnings  of  such  a 
treatment  of  the  plinth  may  be  recognised  in  a  few  of  the  eleventh 
century  Chalukyan  temples,  as  noted  above,  but  in  the  Hoysala 
temple  the  bands  have  increased  in  number  and  variety,  and  are 
characterised  by  an  amazing  plastic  exuberance,  the  like  of  which 
has  not  been  met  with  before. 

A  continuous  cornice  or  projecting  eave  around  the  entire  struc¬ 
ture  terminates  the  wall  section.  In  the  mandapa  this  section  is  in 
a  single  stage  and  is  occupied  by  kakshasanas  with  perforated  gril¬ 
les  above,  each  between  moulded  pillars  regularly  spaced.  In  the 
vimdna  the  wall  surface  is  divided  in  two  stages  by  a  lesser  cornice. 
The  upper  stage,  patterned  by  pilasters  and  mural  shrines,  follows 
a  conception  already  established  in  the  Chalukyan  temple.  The 
treatment  of  the  lower  one  signifies  a  notable  development.  This 
stage  is  occupied  by  a  continuous  frieze  of  sculptures,  representing 
divinities,  apsarasas ,  etc.,  each  under  a  foliated  canopy.  Each  is  an 
independent  element,  exquisitely  carved  with  a  minute  elaboration 
of  detail,  and  can  scarcely  be  regarded  as  an  architectural  piece.  In 
the  Hoysala  temple  the  vimdna  walls  supply  a  vast  sculptured  pano¬ 
rama  of  Hindu  mythology  in  all  its  manifold  details.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  such  a  treatment  of  the  vimdna  walls,  apart  from  the 
plastic  exuberance  which  is  typically  Hoysala,  seems  to  have  been 
anticipated  in  the  Somesvara  temple  at  Gadag  mentioned  above. 

The  tower  of  the  Hoysala  temple  is,  no  doubt,  derived,  in  the 
ultimate  analysis,  from  the  Dravida,  the  horizontal  tiers  of  mould¬ 
ings  diminishing  as  they  go  up,  being  clearly  reminiscent  of  the 


630 


ART 


storeyed  stages  of  the  latter.  At  the  apex  the  much  compressed 
parasol-shaped  member  may  also  be  recognised  to  have  its  proto¬ 
type  in  the  dome-shaped  stupika  of  the  Drdvida  vimdna.  At  the 
same  time  the  Chalukyan  tendency  of  emphasising  the  vertical 
aspect  is  equally  evident  in  the  chases  of  the  stellate  plan  below 
being  carried  up  and  leading  to  a  fluted  texture  of  no  mean  artistic 
beauty.  The  horizontal  and  the  vertical  systems  that  make  up  the 
tower  may  seem  to  have  balanced  each  other;  but  the  succession 
of  miniature  turret-like  motifs  on  each  fluted  chase  registers  an 
emphasis  on  a  vertical  tendency.  An  extreme  variegation  of  the 
principal  compositional  elements  by  numerous  facets,  string-cour¬ 
ses  and  the  like,  though  exquisite  as  specimens  of  applied  art,  even¬ 
tually  results  in  a  dissolution  of  every  purposeful  form  and  outline. 
Moreover,  compared  to  the  horizontal  dimensions  the  Hoysala  tem¬ 
ple  seems  to  have  a  much  too  low  elevation.  But  this  apparent 
defect  is,  to  a  certain  extent,  minimised  by  its  situation  within  an 
enclosed  court  which  prevents  its  contrast  with  larger  objects. 
Within  the  court  the  temple  has  the  appearance  of  a  richly  carved 
casket  in  sandal  wood  or  ivory,  and  in  works  of  this  kind  the  Mysore 
craftsmen  had  been  justly  famous  for  centuries  past. 

A  study  of  the  typical  features  of  the  Hoysala  temple  leaves 
no  doubt  as  to  its  being  an  offshoot  of  the  Chalukyan.  It  illustrates 
a  rich  and  exuberant  expression  of  those  tendencies  which  charac¬ 
terise  the  Chalukyan  movement.  Nevertheless,  the  Hoysala  temple 
fails  to  impress  the  visitor  architecturally.  The  general  idea  con¬ 
veyed  by  a  temple  of  the  Hoysala  mode  is  that  it  is  the  work,  not  of 
a  builder,  but  of  a  sculptor.  The  amount  of  decorative  work  and 
sculpture  distributed  over  the  surfaces  of  a  single  temple  is  enor¬ 
mous.  The  Hoysalesvara  temple  at  Halebid,  one  of  the  latest  in  the 
series,  will  sufficiently  illustrate  this.  Each  decorative  band  of  the 
plinth  extends  to  a  length  of  over  700  feet,  the  lowest  alone  having 
as  many  as  2,000  figures  of  elephants  in  various  attitudes  and  moods. 
And  to  realise  more  fully  the  enormity  of  the  task  involved  one 
has  to  note  that  there  are  nine  such  bands  constituting  the  plinth 
(cf.  Fig.  86).  In  the  lower  stage  of  the  vimdna  the  frieze  of  sculp¬ 
tures,  each  of  more  than  half  life-size  (cf.  Fig.  87),  occupies  a  length 
of  some  400  feet.  The  upper  stage  of  the  vimdna  walls,  the  cornices, 
and  the  mandapa  with  its  richly  patterned  pillars,  kakshasanas  and 
perforated  screens  are  likewise  covered  with  an  exuberant  incrusta¬ 
tion  of  plastic  detail.  Every  work  is  deeply  undercut  and  intricately 
chiselled  with  a  dexterity  that  seems  to  be  unrivalled.  Technical 
skill  apart,  one  wonders  when  he  realises,  perhaps  with  a  sense  of 
awe,  what  stupendous  labour  and  patience  have  been  expended  in 
the  production  of  a  single  monument.  It  is  not  without  a  sense  of 


631 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


appropriateness  that  the  Hoysala  temple  has  been  described  as 
“sculptors’  architecture”.  As  Percy  Brown206  says,  “these  Mysore 
temples  owe  their  character  more  to  the  sculptor  than  to  the  mason. 
Gone  is  the  structural  basis,  the  fundamental  framework  evolved 
through  the  experience  of  the  previous  workers  in  the  field,  and 
in  its  place  is  an  arrangement  of  manifold  planes,  projections  and 
courses  of  masonry,  each  intricately  carved  and  beautiful  in  itself, 
even  beautiful  in  aggregation,  but  not,  as  a  whole,  amounting  to  a 
work  of  significant  architecture  in  the  full  sense  of  the  word.” 

There  is  a  large  number  of  temples  in  the  Mysore  territory 
illustrating  this  sculptors’  architecture.  Many  of  the  more  im¬ 
portant  conceptions  are  without  any  superstructures,  which  were 
either  never  completed  or  have  fallen  down.  In  most  cases  it  is  the 
substructures,  i.e.  the  plinths  and  the  walls,  which  alone  remain 
These  with  their  amazing  display  of  sculptural  exuberance  enhance 
in  a  greater  measure  the  plastic  character  of  the  style.  The  most 
typical  and  well-known  examples  which  enable  one  to  have  a  com¬ 
plete  picture  of  the  style  are  the  Kesava  temples  at  Somnathpur,  the 
Chenna  Kesava  at  Belur  and  the  Hoysalesvara  at  Halebid. 

Of  these  the  first  was  erected  about  A.D.  1268  and  is  one  of  the 
latest  of  the  series,  but  it  is  still  in  a  perfect  state  and  illustrates  the 
Hoysala  mode  in  its  full  maturity.207  It  has  a  triple-shrined  composi¬ 
tion  and  is  situated  within  a  quadrangular  court  with  a  cloister  of 
cells  all  around.  The  temple  (Text  Fig.  51;  Fig.  88)  stands  on  a  high 
terrace  and,  with  three  shrines  arranged  on  three  sides  of  a  central 
mandapa  which  is  projected  in  front  as  an  open  hypostyle,  it 
assumes  the  shape  of  a  cross,  the  greatest  length  and  breadth 
respectively  being  87  and  83  feet.  Each  of  the  shrines  is  of  a  stellate 
plan,  the  wide  terrace  belovr  also  following  its  indentations.  Each 
of  the  shrines  is  surmounted  by  a  tower,  also  stellate  in  shape,  which 
rises  to  a  height  of  30  feet.  The  dimensions  of  the  building  are, 
no  doubt,  moderate,  but  all  parts  are  perfectly  balanced  in  their  pro¬ 
portions  and  completely  in  accord  with  one  another.  The  effect  of 
the  whole,  set  within  a  cloistered  court,  is  elegant  as  well  as  pleasing. 
The  fundamental  scheme  and  the  disposition  and  embellishment  of 
its  parts  are  in  the  characteristic  Hoysala  manner,  already  described. 

The  Chenna  Kesava  temple  at  Belur208  is  a  much  larger  con¬ 
ception.  Here  we  have  a  number  of  temples  and  other  accessory 
structures  enclosed  within  a  walled  court,  measuring  380  feet  by 
425  feet  and  approached  by  two  gateways  in  the  eastern  wall.  The 
principal  temple,  that  of  Chenna  Kesava,  dates  from  A.D.  1117  and 
is  situated  in  the  centre,  with  other  temples  and  structures  distri¬ 
buted  around  it  without  any  symmetrical  arrangement.  Nevertheless, 


632 


ART 


on  account  of  their  rich  embellishment  the  assemblage  on  the  whole 
looks  picturesque.  The  Chenna  Kesava  consists  of  a  sanctum 
of  stellate  plan  and  a  pillared  mandapa >  having  deeply  recessed 
sides,  with  a  connecting  vestibule  between  the  two,  the  whole  being 
raised  on  a  substantial  terrace  following  the  indentations  of  the 
complex  in  all  its  details  (Text  Fig.  52).  Both  inside  and  out 
there  is  a  rich  overlay  of  ornamental  detail;  but  with  the  tower  over 
the  sanctum  gone,  the  appearance  cannot  be  said  to  be  architectural¬ 
ly  much  impressive. 

The  Hoysalesvara  temple  at  Halebid209  has  been  regarded  as 
the  “highest  achievement  of  the  Chalukya-Hoysala  school  of  archi¬ 
tecture”.210  Halebid  or  Halebidu,  now  a  straggling  village  in  the 
Hassan  District  of  Mysore,  represents  the  site  of  the  ancient  city  of 
Dvarasamudra,  the  capital  seat  of  the  Hoysala  kingdom  for  nearly 
two  centuries.  The  ancient  city  is  marked  by  the  walls  that  once 
enclosed  it;  but  there  is  nothing  within,  except  the  remains  of  a 
number  of  temples,  Brahmanical  as  well  as  Jain,  which  now  consti¬ 
tute  the  only  records  of  its  former  splendour  and  intense  religious 
activity.  One  of  these  was  the  Kedaresvara  211  perhaps  the  ‘chapel 
royaT  of  the  Hoysala  kings.  A  drawing  of  the  temple,  made  in  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  A.D.  and  now  in  the  Mackenzie 
collection  (Librarjr  of  the  Commonwealth  Relations  Office,  London) 
shows  the  building  as  complete.  Fergusson212  described  it  as 
“a  gem  of  Indian  architecture”  and  had  deplored  the  state  of 
utter  neglect  which  left  it  a  prey  to  rank  vegetation  that  had  already 
begun  to  eat  into  its  core.  In  spite  of  his  warning  and  recommen¬ 
dation  for  protective  measures,  nothing  practically  was  done  to  save 
this  important  monument  of  antiquity. 

The  Hoysalesvara  (Fig.  89)  is  the  principal  temple  in  this  city 
of  ruins.  It  was,  no  doubt,  a  grand  conception,  but  much  of  its 
architectural  character  has  been  impaired  by  the  total  absence  of 
its  superstructure  which  had  probably  never  been  completed.  It  is 
usually  assigned  to  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D.  But  the 
style  of  its  elaborate  plastic  work  already  shows  a  certain  loss  of 
early  quality  and  vigour  marking  a  decline  in  the  tradition.  This 
might  indicate  a  rather  late  date  for  the  beginning  of  the  concep¬ 
tion  which  remained  incomplete,  the  work  having  probably  been 
stopped  with  the  fall  of  the  kingdom  in  the  early  years  of  the 
fourteenth  century  A.D. 

In  double-shrined  temples  it  is  the  usual  practice  to  place  the 
two  shrines  facing  each  other  with  the  mandapa  connecting  the  two. 
But  the  scheme  of  the  Hoysalesvara  consists  of  two  temples  of  the 
same  dimensions,  situated  side  by  side  and  joined  to  each  other  by 


683 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


their  adjoining  transepts  (Text  Fig.  53).  Cut  into  two  halves, 
each  would  be  a  complete  structure  with  a  sanctum  and  a 
pillared  mandapa  with  an  intermediate  vestibule  between  the  two 
and  a  detached  pillared  pavilion  in  front.  Each  sanctum  is  of  a 
stellate  plan  and  the  attached  mandapa  has  recessed  sides,  the  two 
being  skilfully  joined  by  a  substantial  buttress  on  either  side.  The 
entire  scheme  is  raised  over  a  wide  terrace  closely  following  the 
indentations  of  the  elaborate  plan  above.  The  pavilion  in  front  of 
the  southern  sanctuary  is  a  more  ambitious  and  elaborate  structure. 
That  of  the  northern  is  much  smaller  in  dimensions  and 
simpler  in  disposition.  It  is  in  these  frontal  adjuncts  that  one  may 
recognise  some  lack  of  harmony  in  an  otherwise  balanced  configu¬ 
ration,  and  the  question  remains  whether  these  frontal  pavilions 
were  parts  of  the  original  conception. 

The  effect  of  the  interior  with  closely  set  pillars  of  overwrought 
detail  is  one  of  congestion,  if  not  of  confusion.  But  the  exterior  ele¬ 
vation  (Fig.  89)  has  certain  redeeming  features  in  spite  of  the  exu¬ 
berance  of  plastic  treatment.  The  different  sections  along  the  vertical 
axis  are  beautifully  adjusted  to  one  another  in  their  harmonious  pro¬ 
portions.  The  numerous  vertical  chases,  textured  by  horizontal 
sculptured  bands  and  friezes  of  plastic  shapes  (cf.  Figs.  86  and  87), 
all  deeply  cut  with  minute  elaboration  of  detail,  lend  to  the  exterior 
a  variegated  effect  of  light  and  shade.  The  plastic  quality,  however, 
with  signs  of  tautness  and  stylisation,  is  not  of  very  high  order. 
Still,  the  treatment  is  good  enough  for  effect.  An  “unending  wealth 
of  relief  work”,  says  Percy  Brown,  213  “was  distributed  over  the 
exterior  surface  of  this  temple,  but  it  is  the  incredible  intricacy 
with  which  each  detail  of  this  extensive  conception  was  treated  that 
is  so  overwhelming,  filling  the  spectator  with  astonishment.  In  the 
marvellous  minuteness  of  its  technique  alone,  there  is  no  thought 
of  time,  space  or  limitations  of  any  kind.  .  .  .  The  temple  at  Halabid 
is  the  supreme  climax  of  Indian  architecture  in  its  most  prodigal 
plastic  manifestations.” 


5.  Exotic  Types 

Apart  from  buildings  of  the  three  styles,  described  above,  there 
are  types  of  structures  wThich  are  either  entirely  exotic  in  shape  or 
form,  or  represent  developments  that  are  quite  significant.  In  the 
secluded  valley  of  Kashmir  Lalitaditya  Muktapida  (c.  A.D.  724-760), 
one  of  the  most  famous  of  the  Kashmir  monarchs,  inaugurated  a 
golden  era  of  building  activity.  The  earliest  monuments  of  this 
phase  belong  to  Buddhism,  and  of  these,  the  group  of  buildings 
at  Parihasapura — a  stupa ,  a  monastery  and  a  chaitya — was  conceived 


634 


ART 


in  imposing  dimensions.  Each  of  these  buildings  reproduces  the 
characteristic  form  of  the  type  and  calls  for  little  comment. 

The  most  prolific  activity  of  this  classical  phase  is  recognised  in 
the  erection  of  Brahmanical  temples.214  The  type,  once  established, 
remained  uniform  throughout.  The  typical  Kashmir  temple  is 
peripteral  in  composition.  The  temple  is  situated  within  a  quadran¬ 
gular  court  enclosed  by  a  peristyle  of  cells  and  approached  by  one 
or  three  porticos.  The  portico  itself  is  a  monumental  composition 
and  the  peristyle  a  broad  and  imposing  conception.  This  kind  of 
conception  is  also  noticed  in  India  proper,  and  in  Kashmir  this  com¬ 
position  might  have  been  derived  from  the  Buddhist  establishments. 
But  apart  from  this,  the  Kashmir  temple  has  a  special  character  of 
its  own  which  excludes  it  from  the  general  course  of  Indian  archi¬ 
tectural  movement,  as  outlined  above.  To  a  certain  extent,  the 
temple  in  Kashmir  has  a  distinctly  un-Indian  appearance,  and  this 
is  particularly  emphasised  by  its  pillars,  the  treatment  of  wall  sur¬ 
face,  and  the  elevation  of  its  superstructure.  It  has  a  double  pyra¬ 
midal  roof  obviously  derived  from  the  usual  wooden  roofs  common 
in  Kashmir.  There  is  a  triangular  pediment  enclosing  a  trefoil  niche 
on  each  of  the  three  sides  with  a  similar  pediment  over  the  door¬ 
way  in  front,  the  pediments  being  repeated  on  each  stage  of  the 
pyramidal  roof.  The  pillars  are  fluted  and  surmounted  by  capitals 
of  the  quasi-Doric  order.  Another  speciality  is  the  ceiling  of  the 
roof,  either  of  wood  or  of  stone,  which  takes  the  form  of  a  lantern 
formed  by  overlapping  intersecting  squares.  These  features  lend  a 
distinctive  character  to  the  Kashmir  temple  and  betray  certain 
extra-Indian  inspiration.  One  of  the  earliest  conceptions,  and  per¬ 
haps  the  most  impressive  even  in  its  ruins,  is  the  celebrated  Sun 
temple  of  Martand  (Text  Figs.  54  and  55),  built  by  Lalitaditya,  and 
this  appears  to  have  been  the  model  for  the  subsequent  ones.  Other 
typical  temples  may  be  found  at  Vangath,  Avantipura  (Avantesvara 
and  AvantisvamI,  the  latter  (Text  Fig.  56),  like  the  Martand,  consti¬ 
tuting  another  touchstone  of  the  type),  Patan,  Payar,  Buniar,  and 
Puranadhishthana  or  Pandrethan.  The  type  was  confined  within 
the  limits  of  Kashmir.  Its  influence  on  the  design  of  the  Gop  temple 
in  Kathiawar  cannot  be  proved,  as  noted  above. 

In  the  other  extremitv  of  Northern  India  the  excavations  at 

«/ 

Paharpur  (Rajshahi  District,  North  Bengal)216  have  laid  bare  the 
remains  of  a  temple  which  some  scholars  declare  to  be  of  a  type 
entirely  unknown  to  Indian  archaeology.  The  colossal  structure, 
measuring  356’  6"  from  north  to  south  and  314'  3"  from  east  to 
west,  occupies  nearly  the  centre  of  the  immense  quadrangle  forming 
the  monastery,  the  far-famed  Somapura  mahavihara  of  old.  The 


635 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


ground-plan216  consists  of  a  gigantic  square  cross  with  angles  of 
projection  between  the  arms  (Text  Fig.  57).  The  temple 
(Fig.  90)  rose  in  several  terraces,  with  a  circumambulatory  gallery, 
enclosed  on  the  outer  side  by  a  parapet  wall  around  the  monument, 
in  each  of  the  two  upper  terraces.  Access  to  the  first  and  second 
terraces  was  obtained  by  the  extensive  staircase  provided  on  the 
north. 

This  apparently  complex  plan  becomes  very  simple  when  the 
monument  is  examined  and  studied  from  the  top  downwards. 
Dikshit217  appears  to  be  right  in  observing  that  “the  plan  of  the 
Paharpur  temple  was  the  result  of  a  pre-meditated  development  of 
a  single  central  unit,  in  which  future  expansion  was  in  a  sense  pre¬ 
determined  in  a  vertical  direction,  that  is  in  the  setting  up  of  new 
floors,  etc.  but  not  laterally”.  A  hollow  square  pile  in  the  centre, 
shooting  high  up  above  the  terraces,  provides  the  pivot  round 
which  the  entire  plan  of  this  stupendous  monument  has  been  con¬ 
ceived.  The  walls  of  this  lofty  central  unit  form  a  sharp  square, 
and  in  order,  most  probably,  to  relieve  this  monotony,  provision  was 
made  in  the  second  upper  terrace  for  a  projection,  consisting  of  a 
chamber  and  an  ante-room,  on  each  face,  leaving  out  a  portion  of 
the  whole  length  of  the  square  at  either  corner.  This  arrangement 
resulted  in  a  cruciform  shape  with  one  projecting  angle  between  the 
arms  of  the  cross.  The  circumambulatory  passage  with  the  parapet 
wall  was  made  to  run  parallel  to  the  outline  of  this  plan.  A  similar 
rectangular  projection  on  each  side  was  added  on  the  first,  i.  e. 
the  next  lower,  trerace  thus  variegating  the  plan  still  more.  The 
basement  conformed  to  the  alignment  of  the  first  terrace  structure 
with  the  result  that  the  angular  projections  in  the  plan  of  the  first 
terrace  and  that  of  the  basement  were  three  each  between  the  arms 
of  the  cross,  to  which  an  additional  projection  was  added  by  the 
staircase  landing  just  in  the  middle  of  the  northern  arm.  An  en¬ 
closure  wall,  strictly  conforming  to  the  basement  plan  with  only 
a  slight  deviation  near  the  main  staircase,  runs  round  the  monu¬ 
ment.  There  are  reasons  to  believe  that  this  complete  plan  from 
the  basement  to  the  top,  along  with  the  different  component  ele¬ 
ments,  belongs  to  a  single  period  of  construction,  and  the  evidences 
of  later  repairs,  additions  and  alterations  did  not  fundamentally 
affect  the  general  arrangement  and  plan.  An  earlier  prototype  of 
the  Paharpur  temple  has  been  reported  to  have  been  discovered  at 
Lauriya  Nandangrah  in  North  Bihar.218  But  so  far  as  can  be 
gathered  from  the  published  reports  and  reproductions,  the  angles 
of  the  Nandangarh  monument  appear  to  be  purely  decorative  and 
to  have  originated  from  an  entirely  different  conception.  The  dispo¬ 
sition  of  the  angles  is  different  at  Nandangarh,  and  every  re-entrant 


63  C 


ART 


angle  has  been  strengthened  with  a  buttress.  The  peculiar  arrange¬ 
ment  of  the  projections  of  rectangular  structures  round  the  base¬ 
ment  at  each  lower  level,  which  resulted  in  the  projecting  and  re¬ 
entrant  angles  that  we  see  at  Paharpur,  is  absent  at  Lauriya 
Nandangarh.  The  Paharpur  monument  may  be  said  to  have  its  own 
distinctive  characteristics  and  no  exact  parallel  has  so  far  been  found 
elsewhere  in  India.  It  should  be  noted  that  the  existing  basement 
of  a  later  structure  within  the  monastic  quadrangle219  at  Paharpur 
seems  to  be  a  close  replica  of  the  main  temple.  Here  the  plan  is 
more  perfect  and  symmetrical  with  the  provision  of  approach-steps 
in  all  the  directions,  instead  of  in  the  north  only  as  we  have  in  the 
main  temple. 

It  has  been  suggested  by  Dikshit220  that  the  main  shrine  of  this 
colossal  edifice  was  situated  at  the  top,  i.  e.  on  the  third  terrace,  and 
consisted  of  a  square  cella  with  a  circumambulatory  verandah  all 
round.  The  evidence,  now  before  us,  is  however,  against  any  such 
inference,  and  in  view  of  the  extremely  mutilated  condition  of  the 
monument  at  the  top  it  is  difficult  to  follow  Dikshit’s  line  of  argu¬ 
ment  on  this  point.  If  such  had  been  the  case,  the  grand  staircase 
on  the  north  ought  to  have  extended  beyond  the  second  terrace  to 
reach  the  third.  There  are  definite  indications,  however,  that  it  ter¬ 
minated  with  the  second  terrace  and  no  access  to  the  third  terrace, 
if  there  had  been  any,  had  been  provided  for  in  the  original  monu¬ 
ment.  The  hollow  square  pile  forming  the  central  unit  of  this  stu¬ 
pendous  structure  exhibits  a  brick-paved  floor  inside  “roughly  at  the 
level”  of  the  second  terrace  with  its  projected  chambers.  But  no 
access  to  this  inner  square  from  the  chambers  has  been  found,  nor 
is  there  any  evidence  that  there  was  originally  such  an  access  which 
had  been  blocked  up  at  a  later  period.  Under  the  circumstances, 
the  paved  platform  in  the  centre  of  the  hollow  square,  which  had 
been  strengthened  by  a  deep  soling  of  bricks  and  several  courses  of 
offsets,  does  not  appear  to  have  served  any  function,  except  to  add 
to  the  solidity  of  the  foundadtion  of  the  lofty  walls  of  the  central 
square.  So  far  as  the  arrangement  of  the  temple  goes  the  sanc¬ 
tuary  could  have  neither  been  situated  at  the  top  nor  inside  cen¬ 
tral  square  pile. 

Regarding  the  plan  of  the  temple  Dikshit  has  made  one  plausi¬ 
ble  suggestion  that  a  four-faced  ( Chaturmuka ,  Chaumukha)  Jain 
temple,  which  existed  very  likely  at  the  site,  might  have  furnished 
the  barest  model221  of  the  present  structure.  This  is  a  pertinent 
suggestion  which  is  worth  more  serious  consideration  than  has  been 
given  to  it.  In  this  connection  we  should  also  take  into  account  a 
particular  type  of  temples  at  Pagan  in  Burma,222  which  may  be  re- 


637 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

garded  as  an  adaptation  of  the  Chaumukha  shrines  of  the  Jains. 
The  type  represents  a  square  temple  with  four  figures  of  Buddha, 
set  in  recessed  niches,  on  the  four  faces  of  a  solid  masonry  pile 
standing  in  the  centre  of  a  surrounding  corridor  or  corridors  and 
approached  by  entrance  vestibules  on  one  or  more  of  its  faces.  The 
Pagan  temples  seem  to  offer  a  striking  analogy  to  the  plan  of  the 
second  terrace  of  the  Paharpur  temple,  and  may  be  compared  with 
profit  for  the  many  problems  that  surround  this  unique  Indian 
monument.  The  walls  of  the  central  square  pile  at  Paharpur  do 
not  exhibit  any  evidence  of  being  provided  with  niches,  but,  bear¬ 
ing  in  mind  the  analogy  of  the  Pagan  temples  and  of  the  Chaumukha 
shrines,  a  suggestion  that  images  were  installed  in  the  ante-rooms 
on  the  second  terrace  does  not  appear  to  be  quite  improbable.  It 
is  to  be  noted  that  these  ante-rooms  still  bear  traces  of  brick  plat¬ 
forms  abutting  on  the  walls  behind,  and  these  were  probably  intend¬ 
ed  as  pedestals  of  the  images  that  were  once  set  on  the  four  sides 
of  the  central  square  pile. 

The  walls  of  the  temple  were  built  of  well-burnt  bricks,  laid 
in  mud  mortar,  and  considering  the  materials  used,  it  is  remarkable 
that  after  a  lapse  of  so  many  centuries  parts  of  it  are  still  standing 
to  a  height  of  about  70  feet  above  the  ground  level.  The  plainness 
of  the  walls  is  relieved  on  the  outer  face  by  projecting  cornices  of 
ornamental  bricks  and  bands  of  terracotta  plaques,  set  in  recessed 
panels,  which  run  in  a  single  row  all  around  the  basement  and  in 
double  rows  around  the  circumambulatory  passage  in  the  upper 
terraces.  In  contrast  with  these  terracotta  plaques,  the  lower  part 
of  the  basement  is  embellished  with  a  number  of  stone  sculptures  in 
high  relief,  which  are  almost  wholly  Brahmanical,  but  extraordi¬ 
narily  varied  in  style.223 

The  main  fabric  of  the  temple  belongs  to  a  single  period  of 
construction,  most  likely  to  the  time  of  Dharmapala  who  was  res¬ 
ponsible  for  the  foundation  of  the  monastery  around  it  in  the  latter 
part  of  the  eighth  or  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century  A.D.  The 
temple  has  been  exhumed  in  an  extremely  fragmentary  state  and 
the  form  of  the  superstructure,  the  method  of  roofing,  and  other 
details  are  difficult  to  ascertain  now.  Marshall224  assumes  the  tem¬ 
ple  to  have  been  a  “garbha-chaitya”  or  a  hollow  pagoda.  Such  was 
also  the  view  of  R.  D.  Banerji225  who  described  the  main  shrine  of 
the  temple  as  consisting  of  a  “hollow-roofed  chamber”.  But  hollow- 
roofed  shrines  are  extremely  rare,  if  not  unknown,  and  it  is  reason¬ 
able  to  infer  that  the  temple  was  capped  by  some  sort  of  superstruc¬ 
ture.  The  terraced  arrangement  of  the  structure  would  appropriate¬ 
ly  suggest  a  roof  rising  in  receding  tiers  over  the  vaults  spanning  the 


638 


ART 


different  circumambulatory  corridors.  The  square  masonry  pile  in 
the  centre,  on  the  analogy  of  the  Pagan  temples,  may  be  said  to  have 
supported  a  curvilinear  sikhara  as  the  crowning  element  of  this  colos¬ 
sal  edifice.  This  sort  of  roof  and  superstructure  suits  not  only  the 
analogy  of  the  Pagan  temples,  but  also  the  evidence  of  shrines 
shown  in  relief  in  East  Indian  sculptures  or  sketched  in  miniature 
in  East  Indian  manuscript  illuminations.  At  Pagan  the  central  pile 
is  solidly  designed.  But  at  Paharpur,  probably  to  reduce  the  weight 
of  the  stupendous  building  and  to  guard  against  resultant  sinking, 
it  was  left  hollow,  though  sufficient  stability  for  the  accumulating 
weight,  as  the  monument  rose  up,  has  been  ensured  in  the  enormous 
girth  of  each  of  the  four  walls. 

The  temple  type  at  Paharpur  has  been  frequently  described  as 
entirely  unknown  to  Indian  archaeology.  The  Indian  literature226 
on  architecture,  however,  often  refers  to  a  type  of  building,  known 
as  sarvatobhadra,  which  should  be  a  square  shrine  with  four  entran¬ 
ces  at  the  cardinal  points  and  with  an  ante-chamber  on  each  side 
(chatuhsala-griha) .  It  should  have  uninterrupted  galleries  all 
around,  should  have  five  storeys  and  sixteen  corners  and  many  beau¬ 
tiful  turrets  and  spires.  The  temple  at  Paharpur,  as  mow  excavated, 
approximates  in  general  to  the  sarvatobhadra  type  as  described  in 
Indian  texts  on  architecture.  It  is  a  many-terraced  temple,  each 
terrace  approximating  to  the  height  of  a  storey,  consisting,  perhaps, 
of  a  votive  shrine  in  each  of  the  four  projected  faces  and  surround¬ 
ed  by  a  continuous  circumambulatory  passage  in  the  second  terrace, 
with  further  projections  and  passages  at  the  next  lower  terrace  to 
extend  the  building  commensurate  to  its  height,  a  measure  that  re¬ 
sults  in  so  many  projecting  and  re-entrant  angles  of  the  ground  plan. 
Thus  in  Indian  temple  architecture  the  type  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  quite  unknown.  It  is  only  the  disappearance  of  the  other 
examples  that  has  been  responsible  for  the  view  that  the  Paharpur 
type  is  a  novel  one  in  Indian  temple  architecture.  The  Sastras 
enjoin  such  a  type  for  the  kings  and  the  gods,  and  if  our  reconstruc¬ 
tion  of  the  elevation  of  the  temple  is  accepted,  a  fair  popularity  of 
the  type  in  Eastern  India  is  evidenced  by  representations  of  this 
type  of  shrines  in  the  sculptures  and  paintings  hailing  from  this 
region.  Many  of  the  mounds  in  Bengal,  that  can  still  be  traced  as 
rising  in  terraces,  may  perhaps  reveal,  on  exacavation,  other  remains 
of  such  a  type  of  temple.  The  ruins  of  a  temple,  generally  similar 
to  the  Paharpur  plan,  but  of  much  smaller  dimensions,  have  acci¬ 
dentally  been  laid  bare  at  Birat  (Rangpur  District,  North  Bengal).227 
From  the  standpoint  of  elevation,  with  a  tiered  roof  of  several  stages 
surmounted  by  a  curvilinear  tower  as  the  crowning  superstructure, 
the  Paharpur  temple  seems  to  have  combined  two  distinctive  fea- 


G39 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


lures  of  two  of  the  prominent  types  of  Indian  temple  architecture, 
the  Bhadra  and  the  Rekha  as  they  are  known  in  Orissa,  and  may, 
for  the  sake  of  convenience,  be  described  as  the  Bhadra-Rekha  type 
of  temple.  From  the  representations  of  similar  temples  in  the  sculp¬ 
tures  and  paintings,  the  type  may  be  taken  to  have  been  character¬ 
istic  of  Eastern  India. 

The  importance  of  the  type  of  temple  laid  bare  at  Paharpur  in 
the  history  of  Indian  colonial  art  and  architecture  in  South-East 
Asia  is  immense.  Unfortunately,  it  is  not  possible  here  to  enter  into 
a  detailed  discussion  of  this  question.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that 
this  type  of  temple  in  Eastern  India  profoundly  influenced  the  archi¬ 
tectural  efforts  of  Further  India,  specially  Burma  and  Java,  the  ori¬ 
gins  and  associations  of  which  had  been  taxing  the  archaeologists 
since  the  time  of  James  Fergusson.  The  square  temples  at  Pagan 
in  Burma  present  remarkable  points  of  similarity  with  the  Paharpur 
temple.228  The  points  of  divergence  between  the  two  are  also 
many,  and  though  the  shape  of  the  Paharpur  monument  might  have 
afforded  a  possible  scope  for  imitation  by  the  Burmese  builders, 
there  must  be  recognised  a  fundamental  difference  in  the  general 
conception  and  arrangement  of  the  Pagan  temple  as  a  whole.  Dik- 
shit  refers  to  Chandi  Loro  Jonggrang  (Fig.  91)  and  Chandi  Sewu 
in  Central  Java  as  offering  the  nearest  approximation  to  the  plan 
and  superstructure  of  the  Paharpur  temple.  “The  general  view  of 
the  former”,  Dikshit  writes,  “with  angular  projections,  truncated 
pyramidal  shape  and  horizontal  lines  of  decoration  reproduces  the 
prominent  characteristics  of  the  Indian  monument.”  The  plan  of 
the  main  temple  of  the  Chandi  Sewu  also  strikingly  resembles  the 
plan  of  the  second  terrace  of  the  Paharpur  temple.  To  this  may  be 
added  further  the  terraced  elevation  and  unbroken  circumambula- 
tory  galleries  in  both  the  Javanese  monuments,  exactly  as  we  find 
them  at  Paharpur.  The  Paharpur  temple  belongs  clearly  to  an  ear¬ 
lier  period,  and  the  close  connection  between  Eastern  India  and  the 
Archipelago  is  an  established  fact.  In  view,  therefore,  of  the  closer 
similarity  between  the  Paharpur  temple  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
two  Javanese  ones  on  the  other,  “the  possibility  is  clearly  suggest¬ 
ed  of  the  Indian  monument  being  the  prototype.”229 

II.  SCULPTURE 
1.  GENERAL  REVIEW 
A.  Growth  of  Regional  Schools 

The  eighth  and  ninth  centuries  saw  the  consolidation  of  that 
process  of  conscious  regionalism  that  had  made  itself  felt  already  in 
the  seventh  century.  For  a  whole  millennium,  roughly  from  about 


640 


ART 


the  third  century  B.C.  to  about  the  seventh  century  A.D.,  Indian  art 
admits,  despite  local  variations  due  to  local  tastes  and  visions,  of  a 
common  denominator  at  each  different  stage  of  evolution  and  ful¬ 
filment.  Towards  the  end  of  the  seventh  and  beginning  of  the 
eighth  century  A.D.  the  regional  spirit  gradually  asserts  itself.  The 
classical  tradition  of  an  all-India  art  lingers  for  one  or  two  centu¬ 
ries,  but  the  regional  spirit  gradually  gets  the  better  of  the  Indian. 
This  regional  outlook  reacts  on  other  aspects  of  culture  as  well. 
The  local  scripts  and  dialects  begin  slowly  to  take  shape,  with  a 
strong  accent  on  the  autochthonous  traits,  during  the  next  two  cen¬ 
turies,  and  it  is  in  this  period  that  we  have  to  seek  for  the  genesis 
of  all  major  scripts  and  languages  of  mediaeval  and  modern  India. 

B.  Mediaeval  Trend 

Plasticity  of  the  fully  rounded  and  modelled  form  had  been  the 
most  significant  characteristic  both  of  classical  Indian  sculpture  and 
painting.  A  movement  now  starts  towards  summarising  the  round¬ 
ed  volume  in  the  direction  of  flat  surface  and  linear  angles.  Swel¬ 
ling  and  smooth  round  lines  develop  sharp  edges;  compositions  tend 
to  become  linearised  with  emphasis  on  sharp  angles,  horizontals, 
verticals,  and  diagonals;  and  curves  that  had  so  long  been  convex 
turn  into  the  concave.  Already  in  some  of  the  reliefs  of  the  fifth 
and  sixth  centuries  (for  example,  in  a  few  fifth  century  reliefs  from 
Nagari,  Chitor;  sixth  century  Dhamek  stupa  frieze  of  abstract  geo¬ 
metric  patterns;  early  seventh  century  relief  on  a  bronze  bowl  illus¬ 
trated  by  Coomaraswamy)  ,230  one  witnesses  the  presence  of  certain 
of  these  traits.  But  sculpture  being  essentially  and  intrinsically 
three-dimensional,  and  plasticity  of  the  fully  rounded  and  modelled 
form  having  been  the  most  important  exponent  of  the  classical  tra¬ 
dition,  it  resisted  for  long  the  intrusion  of  these  ‘mediaeval’  ele¬ 
ments.  But  painting,  which  is  essentially  two-dimensional,  offered 
much  less  inherent  resistance  to  the  new  conception  of  form.  In 
the  ninth  century  wall-paintings  at  Ellora  we  find  these  traits  as¬ 
serting  themselves  so  emphatically  and  exuberantly  as  to  suggest 
past  practice  over  a  considerable  period  of  time.  Here  the  gliding 
modelled  lines  are  replaced  by  sharp  and  thin  lines,  modulated  cur¬ 
ves  by  sharp  and  pointed  angles,  and  roundly  modelled  surfaces  by 
flat  coloured  spaces.  It  did  not  take  long  for  sculptural  art  to  be 
touched  by  this  new  art  form  which  evidently  opened  up  a  new 
field  for  further  exploration.  Both  in  painting  and  sculpture  (main¬ 
ly  in  terracotta)  this  new  conception  of  form  had  far-reaching  re¬ 
sults  in  store.  How  they  were  registered  through  the  ages  will  be 
evident  from  a  consideration  of  West-Indian  and  Rajput  sculptures 

641 

S.  E.— 41 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  the  tenth-twelfth  centuries,  West-Indian,  mainly  Gujarati,  book 
and  textile  illustrations  of  the  twelfth-fifteenth  centuries,  Burmese 
painting  of  the  eleventh- thirteenth  centuries,  early  Rajput  minia¬ 
tures  of  the  sixteenth-seventeenth  centuries,  Bengal  terracottas  and 
wood-carving  of  the  seventeenth-nineteenth  centuries,  and  certain 
Deccani  and  Orissan  miniatures  of  the  seventeenth-nineteenth  cen¬ 
turies,  to  mention  only  a  few. 

lire  ‘mediaeval’  trend  was  not  valid  for  the  whole  of  India,  nor 
was  its  impression  registered  everywhere  at  the  same  time.  It  was 
mo.,  visible  in  Western  India,  namely  Gujarat,  Rajputana,  Central 
India  and  certain  Himalayan  tracts.  But,  despite  isolated  instances 
of  earlier  date,  the  mediaeval  conception  of  form  does  not  become 
general  in  these  regions  before  the  tenth  century,  and  then  it  grows 
with  time  within  the  regions  just  referred  to.  So  far  as  sculpture 
is  concerned,  other  regions  of  India,  mainly  Eastern  India,  Deccan, 
the  Far  South,  remain  more  or  less  untouched  by  this  conception 
and  draw  in  the  main  from  the  rich  heritage  of  the  classical  tradi¬ 
tion. 


C.  Cult-images  and  Canonisation 

The  pivot  of  early  mediaeval  sculpture  is  the  human  figure,  both 
male  and  female,  in  the  form  of  gods  and  goddesses  and  their  attend¬ 
ants.  Such  gods  and  goddesses  were  there  in  the  preceding  centu¬ 
ries  as  well,  when  their  iconography  came  to  be  formally  fixed  ac¬ 
cording  to  basic  principles  of  mathematical  proportion,  balance,  and 
other  relations  on  the  one  hand,  and  lakshanas  and  lanchhanas  re¬ 
quired  by  the  ninths,  legends,  and  ideologies  of  respective  cults  on 
the  other.  This  fixation  of  the  iconography  of  cult-images — whether 
in  the  garbha-grihu  or  on  the  walls  of  temples — was  the  result  as 
much  of  creative  artistic  experience  as  of  the  integration  of  the 
religious  experience  by  the  artist  himself.  The  value  of  the  image 
during  the  Gupta  and  post-Gupta  periods  does  not  lie  simply  in  its 
being  an  intermediate  symbol  to  help  realising  an  ultimate  object; 
it  is  realisation  itself,  both  artistically  and  spiritually,  and  since  it 
is  so,  the  value  is  connected  with  artistic  quality  as  well.  What  was 
thus  born  from  within  the  creative  genius  came  now  to  be  fashioned 
in  strict  accordance  with  minute  regulations  laid  down  in  the  cano¬ 
nical  texts.  The  cult-image  was  mainly  conceived  as  an  object  to  be 
used  by  the  devotee  to  help  concentrating  his  mind  for  realisation 
of  an  ultimate  object  outside  the  image  itself.  The  image  had  thus 
no  inherent  relation  either  with  the  devotee  or  with  the  artist-  it 
existed  apart  and  was  identical  neither  with  his  inner  experience 
nor  with  his  ultimate  object.  Such  instrumental  and  intermediary 

642 


ART 


value  of  the  cult-image  conditioned  in  the  main  the  attitude  of  the 
artists,  as  they  usually  worked  for  the  devotees  who  happened  to  be 
their  patrons.  With  ever-increasing  demands  such  images  had  to  be 
turned  out  in  hundreds,  and  since  their  value  lay  solely  in  the  ser¬ 
vice  they  rendered  as  an  instrument,  they  did  not  call  for  transfu¬ 
sion  of  the  artist’s  creative  or  spiritual  experience  into  the  object 
of  his  creation. 

In  a  situation  like  this,  the  majority  of  the  cult-images  that 
were  meant  to  be  worshipped,  especially  those  that  were  popular 
and  hence  in  great  demand,  namely,  Vishnu,  Surya,  Uma-Mahes- 
vara,  Buddha,  etc.,  did  not  attain  a  very  high  degree  of  artistic  ex¬ 
cellence.  A  procession  of  endless  monotony  of  form  uninformed  by 
any  inner  experience  and  without  any  registration  of  individual 
creative  genius,  meets  the  eye.  It  is  only  in  rare  instances  that 
images  were  expressions  of  the  artist’s  creative  genius  and  attain¬ 
ed  high  artistic  standards.  But  such  examples  are  few  and  far 
between.  Yet,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  standard  of  average 
cult-images  of  the  period  maintains  a  fair  level  even  as  objects  of  art; 
that  they  do  so  was  to  a  great  extent  due  to  accumulated  knowledge 
of  a  high  order  and  inheritance  of  a  rich  and  prolonged  experience 
on  the  one  hand,  and  well  and  correctly  laid  regulations  of  mathe¬ 
matical  relations,  of  artistic  proportion  and  balance,  and  of  ritual 
and  iconography  on  the  other.  In  elasticity  and  transparency,  in 
illumination  and  depth  of  feeling  and  experience,  therefore,  early 
mediaeval  sculpture  can  bear  no  comparison  with  that  of  the  classi¬ 
cal  age  to  which  these  qualities  belong.  Canonisation  of  past  ex¬ 
perience — creative  and  spiritual — ultimately  resulted  in  thinning 
the  experience  itself,  and  a  thinned  experience,  though  capable  of 
producing  good  art,  cannot  produce  great  art. 

Since  the  cult-images  of  early  mediaeval  art  rest  on  the  assured 
foundations  of  a  regulated  and  canonised  structure  of  form,  it  main¬ 
tains  a  more  or  less  uniform  standard  of  quality  in  all  art-regions 
of  India.  There  is  hardly  any  major  deviation  anywhere,  any  evi¬ 
dence  of  a  novel  experience  or  any  tangent  shooting  in  any  new 
direction.  Everywhere  the  art  moves  within  the  limits  of  estab¬ 
lished  practice  and  within  canonical  injunctions;  and  within  each 
art-province  it  moves  forward  along  the  arrow  line  of  time  in  more 
or  less  uniform  pace.  Curiously  enough,  the  creative  climax  of  each 
art-region  is  not  reached  at  one  and  the  same  time  all  over  India, 
but  at  different  periods.  In  Bihar  and  Bengal  it  is  reached  in  the 
ninth  and  tenth  centuries;  in  Orissa  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth; 
in  Central  India  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh;  in  Rajputana  in  the 
tenth;  in  Gujarat  in  the  eleventh;  and  in  the  Far  South  in  the  tenth 


643 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


centuries.  It  is  in  the  Deccan  alone  that  the  story  is  one  of  increa¬ 
sing  torpor  and  petrifaction;  indeed,  Deccan  ceases  to  be  a  sculptu¬ 
ral  province  after  eighth  century. 

Since  the  image  is  an  object  to  help  concentration  of  the  mind, 
it  faces  the  devotee  full  and  square,  and  its  attributes,  flexions,  and 
attitudes  are  all  gathered  on  the  surface,  so  as  to  draw  the  devotee’s 
eyes  straight  on  them  and  fill  his  mind  with  its  entire  and  total 
presence.  Whether  the  image  is  a  relief  in  various  grades  or 
worked  in  the  round,  it  is  always  conceived  and  executed  in  term 
of  the  surface  as  well  as  of  the  vertical  plane.  In  seated  and  stand¬ 
ing  figures  the  vertical  direction  is  obvious,  but  even  in  reclining 
images  the  emphasis  is  more  on  the  verticality  than  on  the  horizon¬ 
tal  rest.  The  attendant  divinities  or  parsva-devatas,  whether  ac¬ 
companying  the  main  image  in  the  sanctum  or  appearing  separately 
in  the  niches  of  the  outer  walls  of  temples,  are  also  treated  on  the 
same  principle  as  those  of  the  cult-images  themselves;  in  rare  in¬ 
stances  there  is  a  relaxation  of  canonical  and  iconographic  injunc¬ 
tions.  They  are  also  relaxed  where  minor  divinities  like  dikpalas 
are  concerned. 


D.  Non-iconic  Figure  Sculptures 

A  large  part  of  the  art  of  these  centuries  is  primarily  religious, 
and  whatever  secular  themes  are  handled  and  find  place  on  the 
outer  walls  of  the  temples  are  accepted  as  serving  the  needs  of  a 
life  religious  in  aim  and  inspiration.  It  therefore  reflects  inevit¬ 
ably  the  experience  of  past  centuries  as  well  as  of  contemporary 
life;  not  the  experience  of  any  individual  but  the  integrated  expe¬ 
rience  of  the  cults  and  communities  themselves.  It  is  not  the  cult- 
images  alone  that  have  well-established  types  which  are  hardly 
ever  transformed  by  any  peculiar  personal  artistic  experience,  but 
other  figures  also  conform  to  more  or  less  standardised  types  within 
each  art-province,  and  hardly  reveal  any  personal  attitude  or  expe¬ 
rience  of  the  artist. 

The  multitude  of  figures  relate  themselves  to  a  large  variety  of 
motifs  and  subjects.  There  are  narrative  reliefs,  legendary  illus¬ 
trations,  historical  or  semi-historical  scenes,  music  and  dance  scenes, 
mithuna  couples  in  a  variety  of  poses  and  attitudes,  toilet  scenes, 
domestic  scenes  and  scenes  of  daily  life,  array  of  warriors  and  ani¬ 
mals,  drummers,  flute-players,  etc.,  the  rampant  leogryph,  and  the 
woman  and  the  tree  (salabhanjika) ,  among  many  other  motifs. 
Some  of  these,  as  for  example,  the  woman  and  the  tree,  the  leogryph, 
the  dikpalas ,  and  the  mithuna  couples  are  repeated  almost  ad  nau¬ 
seam to  impress  on  the  onlooker,  it  seems,  the  insistence  and  ever- 


644 


ART 


presence  of  certain  fundamental  principles  of  life.  Floral  and  vege¬ 
tal  devices  are  almost  conspicuous  by  their  absence;  even  when,  if 
at  all,  they  make  their  appearance,  they  are  formally  mechanical 
and  stereotyped,  and  have  hardly  any  place  or  importance  in  the 
entire  composition.  They  are  relegated  to  the  borders  or  to  the 
background  whence  they  impart  but  a  decorative  value  to  the  re¬ 
liefs.  On  the  other  hand,  early  mediaeval  art  is  rich  in  abstract 
geometrical  devices,  throwing  deep  light  and  shade  and  with  lines 
cut  in  flat  and  sharp  angles  and  edges.  Such  devices  are  to  be  found 
in  abundance,  endlessly  repeated  either  as  border  decorations  or 
independently  by  themselves.  Like  the  floral-vegetal  devices,  they 
have  hardly  any  relation  with  the  composition  of  relief.  Animal 
or  human  figure,  tree  or  floral-vegetal  design,  abstract  devices,  etc. 
— all  receive  in  the  hands  of  the  artist  equal  share  of  importance; 
accent  is  distributed  evenly  over  all  or  on  none;  but  since  the 
figure  sculpture,  mainly  human  figure,  is  the  pivot  round  which 
everything  moves,  it  catches  the  eye  before  anything  else,  not  by  its 
accent  but  by  its  quantity  and  recurrence.  Grouping  of  these  figures 
is,  however,  thoroughly  disintegrated;  they  are  juxtaposed  in  rela¬ 
tion  to  space  but  are  not  inherently  related  with  one  another  by 
psychological  and  narrative  ties.  Figures  are  shown  as  if  loosely 
distributed  on  the  surface  of  the  stone;  they  do  not  emerge  from  it 
and  have  thus  lost  the  direction  of  forthcoming  from  the  stone  it¬ 
self.  They  just  exist  there  against  the  ground  of  the  stone  without 
any  effort,  and  have  to  be  accepted  as  granted,  as  it  were.  Despite 
gaiety  and  movement  of  the  subjects,  clever  display  of  light  and 
shade  in  the  reliefs,  variety  of  poses  and  attitudes  in  front,  profile, 
and  more  frequently,  three-quarter  views,  and  difficult,  agitated, 
nervous,  sensuous,  flexions  of  the  body  there  is  no  evidence  of  the 
dynamic  urge  of  the  stone  itself  to  blossom  into  such  forms.  The 
centuries  of  dynamic  becoming  of  form  from  unformed  depths  have 
been  left  behind. 

By  the  beginning  and  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  all  reser¬ 
ves  of  experience  seem  to  have  completely  been  drawn  upon.  In¬ 
deed  this  century  witnesses  complete  disintegration  of  Indian  crea¬ 
tiveness.  Attention  to  meticulous  details,  elaboration  of  essentials 
and  non-essentials  alike,  over-ornamentation,  and  canonisation  of 
basic  creative  principles  led  to  a  sort  of  mechanical  grace,  elegance, 
and  perfection,  and  exhibited  superb  mastery  of  the  craft  itself. 
But  the  end  of  Indian  creativeness  was  already  drawing  near  when 
Islam  finally  swept  it  away.  In  isolated  regions,  as  in  Orissa,  the 
persistence  of  the  classical  mind  and  tradition,  the  irrepressible 
urge  of  the  Indian  mind  to  express  itself  in  terms  of  a  living  and 
dynamic  naturalism  and  sensuous  love  of  the  physical  body  with 


645 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

all  the  ecstasy  it  is  capable  of,  postponed  the  disintegration  till  as 
late  as  the  thirteenth  century  (in  Konarak,  for  example).  In  the 
South  also,  it  was  checked  by  a  new  experience  of  religious  emo¬ 
tionalism  of  a  new  type  of  bhakti  that  flowered  in  a  series  of  por¬ 
traits,  in  metal,  of  Saiva  and  Vaishnava  saints  till  as  late  as  the 
fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries. 

2.  EASTERN  INDIA 
A.  Bihar  and  Bengal 

Generally  speaking,  East  Indian  sculptures  of  the  period  are 
carved  out  of  black  chlorite  (kashti-pdthar) ,  either  of  fine  or  of 
coarse  grain.  Metal  images  are  cast  in  brass  or  octo-alloy  ( ashta - 
dhatu).  A  few  images  of  gold  and  silver  have  also  come  down  to  us, 
and  wood-carvings  also  are  not  unknown.  But,  whatever  the  mate¬ 
rial,  it  does  not,  as  a  rule,  determine  the  characteristics  of  art  which 
are  common  to  stone,  metal  and  wood.  Little  or  no  concessions  are 
made  to  the  material  itself  except  in  such  items  as  ornaments  which, 
in  metal,  are  wrought  with  more  precision  and  fineness,  or  the  linear 
direction  which,  in  wood,  is  shown  as  following  its  grain. 

The  pivot  is  the  human  figure,  in  the  full  bloom  of  youth,  ra¬ 
diant  and  vibrant,  and  combining  in  itself  both  spiritual  and  mun¬ 
dane  suggestiveness,  frankly  physical  and  sensuous.  It  is  not  un¬ 
likely  that  this  sensuous  suggestiveness  of  a  really  spiritual  mood 
was  due  at  the  bottom  to  an  inner  experience  of  erotic  nature  de¬ 
rived  from  sexual  yoga  or  Tantrik  inspirations,  doubtless  canonised 
by  the  respective  cults. 

Eastern  India,  comprising  Bihar  and  Bengal  (also  Mayurbhanj 
and  to  a  large  extent  Orissa),  carries  on,  almost  uninterruptedly 
and  without  any  intrusion  of  the  mediaeval  trend,  the  classical  tra¬ 
dition  of  vision  and  experience  as  well  as  of  form,  albeit  much 
thinned  and  superficial.  Indeed,  nowhere  else  did  the  classical  tide 
and  tradition  of  the  past  centuries  persist  with  such  tenacity  and 
strength  and  for  so  long  a  time.  The  more  important  specimens 
of  East  Indian  sculpture  are  all  cult-images,  worked  more  or  less 
strictly  according  to  formulas  enunciated  by  authors  of  the  dhyd - 
nas.  Nevertheless  they  maintain,  in  varying  degrees  in  different 
regions  and  at  different  times,  a  classical  dignity  and  serenity  in 
their  bearing,  and  yet  their  charm  and  sensuousness  have  a  spell  of 
allurement  that  is  at  once  physical  and  spiritual. 

Eighth  century  East  Indian  sculpture  may  be  regarded  as  be¬ 
longing  to  the  final  phase  of  classical  Indian  tradition.  The  facial 
and  physiognomical  type  is  a  Gupta  survival.  A  boldness  of  corn- 


646 


ART 


position  in  solid  masses,  more  noticeable  in  the  stone  sculptures 
than  in  the  bronzes,  with  a  tender  modelling  of  heavy  bodily  forms 
characterises  the  work  of  this  transitional  phase.  In  Bihar  this  tide 
and  tradition  persist  for  a  longer  period,  far  into  the  ninth  and 
tenth  centuries,  and  the  Western  part  of  Bengal  shares  in  this  per¬ 
sistence  for  some  time  yet.  In  South,  North,  and  Eastern  Bengal, 
however,  the  regional  element  of  sensuousness  and  refinement  as¬ 
serts  itself  with  power  and  strength  earlier  than  was  the  case  in 
Bihar  and  West  Bengal.  A  considerable  difference  in  facial  fea¬ 
tures,  emotional  characteristics,  and  decorative  details  is  also  to  be 
admitted  throughout  between  the  products  of  Bihar  and  Bengal, 
but  this  does  not  disturb  the  common  denominator  to  any  appre¬ 
ciable  esxtent. 

The  ashta-dhatu  (made  of  eight  metals)  images  of  Nalanda  (cf. 
stone  image  of  Avalokitesvara,  Fig.  93)  and  Kurkihar  (Fig.  94) 
mark  the  creative  climax  of  ninth  century  plastic  vision  and  idiom. 
Sturdily  conceived,  the  physiognomical  mass  is  modelled  with  a 
soft  pliability,  and  the  facial  expression  is  one  of  tender  affection 
and  allurement.  Even  in  stone  sculptures,  despite  a  metallic  ring, 
the  modelling  suggests  a  contented  and  calm  sensuousness.  Bold¬ 
ness  of  plastic  conception  persists  and  the  swelling  of  plastic  masses 
is  more  evident  in  the  metal  images  than  in  the  stone  ones.  The 
ideal  art  form  is  one  of  soft  fleshiness  within  definite  outlines. 

Out  of  the  soft  fleshiness  controlled  within  definite  outlines  the 
tenth  century  evolves  a  powerfully  massive  form  of  the  body  which 
is  shaped  with  a  disciplined  vigour,  and  shows  a  conscious  strength 
that  seems  to  swell  the  outline  from  within  (cf.  Fig.  92).  In  isola¬ 
ted  instances  this  is  controlled  by  a  strict  discipline  even  to  the 
extent  of  petrification  of  the  flesh  (Fig.  95) ,  but  in  most  cases  it  is  a 
soft  and  tender  discipline,  and  the  vigour  is  spread  out  on  to  the 
surface.  This  vigour  transformed  the  softness  of  the  fleshy  form 
into  mighty  roundness.  Almost  all  specimens  are  moulded  into  high 
relief  and  the  trunk  limbs  are  all  pregnant  with  the  subdued  vigour 
of  a  robust  form.  Throughout  the  century  East  India  retains  this 
high  quality  and  standard.  The  modelling  still  retains  its  sensu¬ 
ousness,  though  expressed  within  a  disciplined  form.  In  other 
respects  the  tenth  century  retains,  to  a  large  extent,  the  quality 
of  the  ninth.  The  facial  type  is  the  same,  equally  full,  but  some¬ 
times  a  bit  longish.  The  flexions  of  the  body  are  slightly  on  the 
increase,  so  that  we  have  increasing  curves  in  the  outlines  of  the 
figures. 

The  end  of  the  tenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century 
transform  the  vigour  and  strength  of  bodily  form  into  one  of  cons- 


647 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


cious  gracefulness  and  elegant  mannerism  (Fig.  96).  Understand¬ 
ably  a  slender  bodily  type  comes  to  be  favoured.  The  deep  broad 
outlook  of  the  tenth  century  becomes  somewhat  thin  and  circums¬ 
cribed,  and  the  elegance  of  the  physiognomical  form  gradually  be¬ 
comes  more  evident.  The  legs  have  stiffened  to  a  great  extent  and 
given  up  all  elasticity,  even  in  postures  that  suggest  movement. 
The  elegance  of  the  modelling  and  sensitiveness  of  the  facial  ex¬ 
pression,  however,  persist  throughout. 

In  the  twelfth  century  the  slender  body-type  and  the  formal 
treatment  of  the  preceding  century  are  retained,  but  the  modelling 
becomes  petrified.  The  sensitiveness  of  the  facial  expression  dis¬ 
appears  and  is  replaced  by  a  serious  heaviness;  the  legs  become  al¬ 
most  column-like  without  any  elasticity.  The  relief,  in  three  or 
four  architectonic  units,  is  covered  by  dense  and  heavy  multitudes 
of  accompanying  figures  and  decorative  details  which  grow  more 
and  more  sumptuous  and  elaborate,  and  ultimately  cover  the  com¬ 
positional  scheme  altogether  (Fig.  98).  Not  only  the  modelling 
but  also  the  volume  becomes  petrified  and  gradually  loses  its  plas¬ 
tic  significance.  Ornaments  are  inordinately  lavish  and  sumptuous, 
and  are  not  organically  connected  with  the  figures.  Flexions  of  the 
body  are  extended  to  the  utmost  limit;  bends  are  employed  to  their 
last  possibilities  (Fig.  97),  but  the  expression  of  movement  is  only 
that  of  pattern  without  any  suggestiveness.  Despite  voluptuous  and 
full  curly  lips  and  doubly  curved  eyebrows,  facial  features  become 
pointed  almost  to  a  triangle,  and  rigid,  without  any  deep  spiritual 
significance  (Fig.  100). 

Here  and  there  one,  however,  comes  across  a  new  artistic  ins¬ 
piration,  a  new  creativeness  amid  a  system  that  was  already  on  its 
way  to  suffocation  by  material  exuberance.  A  spontaneous  power 
of  modelling  in  a  completely  round  form  inspires  a  tough  and  vigo¬ 
rous  artistic  form  in  some  rare  specimens,  and  in  spite  of  sumptu¬ 
ousness  of  ornaments  and  a  precise  outline  it  reveals  a  conscious 
dignity  and  strength,  a  freshness  of  elemental  experience  that  could 
yet  save  the  art  from  final  stagnation.  But  that  was  not  to  be.  Left 
to  itself,  the  art  could  yet  find  out  new  channels  or  new  experiences, 
but  all  chances  were  set  at  rest  by  the  rapid  rush  of  Islam. 

East  Indian  art  of  the  twelfth  century  represents  mainly  the 
art  of  the  period  of  the  Senas,  and  a  cross-section  of  the  literature 
and  culture  patronised  at  the  Sena  court  reveals  the  attitude  of 
material  exuberance  that  one  notices  in  Sena  sculptures.  Even  reli¬ 
gious  themes — both  in  art  and  literature — are  endowed  with  a 
worldly  consciousness  and  almost  physical  charm  and  grace  (Fig. 
99).  The  Gitci-govinda  of  Jayadeva,  for  example,  may  be  regarded  as 


648 


ART 


a  literary  counterpart  of  the  voluptuous  sensuousness  of  the  Sena 
art.  In  its  origin  it  had  no  doubt  a  religious  inspiration,  but  there 
is  also  no  doubt  that  what  was  basically  a  spiritual  experience  came 
to  be  overshadowed  by  a  worldly  trend  developed  in  the  Sena 
court.  Sensuousness  and  grace  were  properties  of  earlier  periods 
of  Bengali  art  as  well,  but  it  was  left  to  the  Senas  to  allow  and  en¬ 
courage  them  to  degenerate  into  mere  worldly  lavishness. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  the  explanation  for  this  mechanical 
worldly  lavishness  of  Sena  sculptures  is  to  be  found  in  the  strain 
of  their  foreign  blood.  Contemporary  South-Indian  sculpture  is 
equally  lavish  in  its  worldliness,  mechanical  and  rigid  in  vision  and 
execution,  but  lacking  the  grace  and  animation  of  Sena  images 
which  were  direct  legacies  from  earlier  Pala  sculptures. 

The  art-form  of  Eastern  India  during  these  four  long  centuries 
proceeds  in  a  wavering  line;  sometimes  favouring  a  fleshly  form 
frankly  sensuous,  sometimes  an  abstract  form  equally  sensuous,  not 
frankly  but  suggestively,  both  tendencies  working  within  the  strict 
rigours  of  canonical  tradition.  The  art  seems  to  have  derived  its 
charm  and  peculiar  character  from  an  oscillation  between  the 
reality  of  the  flesh  and  the  reality  of  abstraction,  perhaps  between 
two  minds,  one  deeply  imbued  with  the  sadhana  of  the  Tantra  that 
knows  this  physical  body  to  be  the  abode  of  heavenly  bliss,  and  the 
other  aspiring  to  abstract  the  godliness  in  man  out  of  his  material 
body  itself — the  sadhana  of  Brahmanical  Hinduism.  In  striking 
contrast  to  this  ideological  oscillation  between  the  two  tendencies, 
is  the  gradual  evolution  of  the  composition.  It  begins  with  quite 
simple  flexions  and  attitudes  of  the  body  and  simple  decorations 
and  ornamentations;  but  with  the  progress  of  time  the  flexions  and 
attitudes  of  the  body  become  excited  and  agitated,  decorations  and 
ornamentations,  playful  and  frivolous.  This  tendency  from  simple 
and  quiet  to  agitated  and  frivolous  general  appearance  proceeds  in 
a  steady  straight  course.  In  any  case  this  tendency  seems  to  have 
worked  itself  up  to  such  exaggerations  that  it  came  to  sit  heavily 
on  the  art  itself,  and  when  finally  Islam  came  and  with  it  came 
also  a  change  in  the  Court,  and  for  a  time,  in  the  socio-religious 
institutions  and  establishments,  the  art  was  suffocated,  if  not  to 
immediate  death,  at  least  to  immediate  stagnation. 

Summarily  speaking,  the  four  centuries  and  a  half  of  the  rich 
Eastern  school  of  Bihar  and  Bengal  are  characterised  by  high  tech¬ 
nical  accomplishment  and  a  kind  of  mechanical  grace  and  elegance. 
The  outlines  are  sharp  and  clear  and  the  modelling  is  almost  metal¬ 
lic.  The  school  sent  its  reverberations  to  Kashmir,  Nepal,  Tibet 
and  a  few  sub-Himalayan  tracts  in  the  north;  nearer  home  to  Mayur- 


649 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


bhanj;  and,  beyond  the  seas,  to  Burma,  Siam,  Java,  Sumatra,  and 
Ceylon.  The  more  important  centres  of  the  school  were  Nalanda, 
Kurkihar,  Bodh-Gaya,  Raj  agriha  and  Champa  in  Bihar;  Rajshahi, 
Dinajpur  and  Bogra,  in  North  Bengal,  and  Dacca,  Tippera  and  Syl- 
het  in  East  Bengal,  all  now  included  in  East  Pakistan.  Regional 
variations  in  facial  type  and  expression  and  in  appearance  and 
treatment  are  noticeable,  but  they  do  not  reach  out  of  the  lines  of 
the  common  denominator.  West  Bengal  products  and  those  of  Bihar 
go  together,  while  South  Bengal  cultivates  a  sort  of  happy  and 
subtle  contentment  different  from  the  alluring  charm  and  elegance 
of  North  and  East  Bengal. 


B.  Orissa 

As  in  Bihar  and  Bengal,  so  in  Orissa,  the  flow  of  Gupta  classi¬ 
cal  tide  persists  with  consistent  vigour.  The  soft  and  mellow  lines 
and  curves  and  full  but  delicate  and  subtle  plasticity  of  volume  con¬ 
tinue  in  subdued  vigour  till  they  are  replaced  by  flowing  but  firm 
sinuous  lines,  quicker  flexions  and  tough,  firm,  round,  modelling  of 
a  sturdier  plastic  volume — elements  that  presumably  were  the  gifts 
of  a  new  vision,  a  new  ideal  other  than  that  of  the  bygone  age.  In¬ 
deed,  onwards  from  roughly  about  the  tenth  century,  not  only  in 
Orissa  but  throughout  India,  the  birth  of  a  new  vigour  is  un¬ 
mistakable  in  its  plastic  expression  which  retains  the  balanced  pro¬ 
portion  of  the  classical  frame,  but  bids  good-bye  to  its  cultured  re¬ 
finement,  spiritual  grace,  and  subtle  elegance,  and  seeks  to  produce 
instead  a  sturdier  physiognomical  type  held  within  firm  but  ample, 
flowing  lines,  and  gripped  by  a  large,  round  and  tight  modelling. 
This  is  true  as  much  of  the  cult-images  as  of  the  non-iconic  figure 
sculptures,  including  those  of  animals. 

From  the  specimens  collected  so  far,  and  from  the  extensive 
ruins  strewn  all  over  and  around  Lalitagiri,  Udayagiri  and  Ratna- 
giri  (Cuttack  District),  it  is  clear  that  the  locality  was  once,  in  the 
seventh  and  eighth  centuries,  an  important  Buddhist  centre  that 
encouraged  and  patronised  the  art  of  sculpture  in  embellishing  its 
temples  and  monasteries.  Wrought  in  decomposed  khondalite  or 
chlorite  schist  the  Buddhist  images  from  these  sites,  notably  from 
Lalitagiri  and  Kendrapara,  carry  on,  on  the  whole,  the  East  Indian 
classical  tradition,  especially  in  the  essential  linear  ism  on  which  not 
only  the  slight  tribhahga  attitude  but  the  rhythm  of  the  entire  com¬ 
position  rests,  including  that  of  the  lotus  stalk.  But  they  lack  the 
subtle  delicacy  and  spiritual  grace  of  contemporary  Nalanda  work, 
for  example;  instead,  they  are  more  expansive  and  spread  out  on 


650 


ART 


the  plane,  more  stern,  and  held  by  a  more  firm  and  solid  composi¬ 
tion. 


Contemporary  or  slightly  later  (ie.  ninth  century)  sculptures 
from  Udayagiri  and  Ratnagiri,  whether  Buddhist  or  Brahmanical, 
are  heavier  in  appearance  and  treatment,  though  yet  generously 
graceful  in  their  slight  dbhanga  and  tribhanga  attitudes.  Not  only 
are  they  heavier,  they  are  also  more  sturdily  built,  fully  but  tightly 
modelled;  at  the  same  time  they  retain  the  pliable  amplitude  and 
flowing  sinuosity  of  their  outlines.  Relatively,  they  are  slightly 
shorter  and  perhaps  also  coarser  in  physiognomy  than  the  compara¬ 
tively  slenderer  figures  of  Lalitagiri.  From  the  tenth  century  on¬ 
wards  the  sculptural  art  of  Udayagiri  and  Ratnagiri,  and  of  Jajpur 
and  Chauduar,  is  a  part  of  the  contemporary  art  of  Baudh  and  Bhu- 
vanesvara,  Puri  and  Konarak,  and  may  be  viewed  together.  The 
only  point  of  difference  to  be  noticed  is  the  more  intimate  relation 
of  the  former  group  with  the  contemporary  art  of  Bihar  and  Ben¬ 
gal,  especially  in  the  manner  of  modelling  almost  fully  in  the  round 
and  that  with  a  metallic  smoothness.  At  this  stage,  too,  the  sculp¬ 
tures  of  this  group  retain  their  ample  sinuosity  of  the  outline.  A 
second  point  to  remember  is  that  the  mediaeval  tradition,  unlike 
the  Bhuvanesvara-Purf-Konarak  group,  but  like  contemporary 
Bihar  and  Bengal,  made  no  intrusion  in  Cuttack  till  as  late  as  the 
thirteenth  century. 

Khiching,  the  old  seat  of  the  patron  goddess  of  the  early  Bhanja 
kings,  Kinchakesvari  or  Khijjingesvari,  in  Mayurbhanj,  was  another 
important  seat  of  Orissan  sculpture,  lying  geographically  as  well  as 
artistically  between  Bengal  and  Orissa.  Datable  in  the  tenth  and 
eleventh  centuries,  these  sculptures,  Brahmanical  in  affiliation,  are 
all  modelled  roundly,  tightly,  and  largely.  Indeed,  their  breadth, 
fullness,  and  amplitude  of  modelling  and  movement  impart  to  them 
a  sturdiness  of  form  and  appearance,  accentuated  further  by  their 
relative  dimensions,  and  marked  by  almost  metallic  sharpness,  pre¬ 
cision,  and  smoothness  which  is  lightened,  however,  by  an  emotional 
expression  spread  over  the  face  in  a  smile  and  distributed  over  the 
surface  of  the  whole  body.  While  the  qualities  of  largeness  and 
round  amplitude  of  modelling  and  movement  are  shared  by  Khiching 
with  the  rest  of  contemporary  Orissa,  the  psychological  expression 
of  the  faces  and  the  metallic  smoothness  and  precision  are  more 
closely  related  to  contemporary  Bihar  and  Bengal. 

Typically  Orissan  sculptural  art  can  best  be  viewed  and  studied 
at  centres  like  Bhuvanesvara,  Baudh,  Puri,  and  Konarak.  Together 
they  cover  a  period  of  five  centuries,  from  the  eighth  to  the 
thirteenth,  and  except  in  the  case  of  the  cult-images  either  installed 


651 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


at  the  sanctum  in  the  garbha-griha  or  placed  in  the  important  niches 
sunk  in  the  exterior  of  the  temple,  the  figure  sculptures  constitute 
an  essential  part  of  the  temple-surface  and  can  be  understood  only 
in  that  context.  As  Kramrisch  says,  ‘architecture  in  Orissa  is  but 
sculpture  on  a  gigantic  scale’.  In  other  contemporary  monuments, 
the  temples  do  not  themselves  blossom  in  figure  sculptures  and 
images;  rather  the  latter  are  applied  on  the  exterior  walls  and  in 
the  niches  as  decorations  or  according  to  sastric  injunctions;  even 
the  almost  roundly  modelled  sculptures  and  panel-like  reliefs  in 
frames,  as  the  case  may  be,  seem  as  if  they  were  applied  on  to  the 
walls  from  outside.  But  in  the  monumental  structural  temples  of 
Orissa,  the  relationship  between  the  temple  body  and  the  figures  is 
altogether  of  a  different  order.  To  begin  with,  in  the  eighth  (or 
seventh)  century  reliefs  of  the  Parasuramesvara  temple  (Fig.  101), 
for  example,  the  figures,  though  very  free  in  their  agile  movements, 
are  yet  very  much  bound  down  to  the  plane  of  the  temple-surface. 
As  time  moves  forward  the  pagas  and  the  rekhas  of  the  deni231 
begin  to  thrust  themselves  forward  from  the  ground  base  of  the 
temple-body;  a  deeper  contrast  in  surface  and  depth  results  and  the 
ornamental  decorations  keep  pace  with  it.  Simultaneously  the 
figures,  too,  which  are  part  of  the  temple-body,  seem  to  step  out  in 
increasing  roundness  of  volume,  so  that  in  the  reliefs  of  the  Raja- 
rani  (Fig.  103)  and  the  Lingaraja  (Figs.  104  and  106)  the  figures  are 
connected  with  the  ground  by  a  vertical  line  of  thread  as  it  were. 
The  figures  are  thus  fully  thrust  out  in  the  open  space.  Still  later, 
at  Konarak,  where  everything  is  on  an  epic  scale,  the  consummation 
is  reached  in  the  thirteenth  century,  when  the  figures  in  relief  are 
still  more  fully  exposed,  and  independent  figures  are  cut  out  in  com¬ 
pletely  round  volumes  of  the  temple-body  itself  as  it  were.  Indeed 
the  magnificent  singing  and  dancing  figures  on  the  upper  storeys 
(Fig.  105)  of  the  Arka  temple  are  part  of  the  temple-body  and  yet 
apart  and  away  from  it,  fully,  roundly  and  independently  emerged 
into  space. 

Unless  they  are  meant  to  be  dignifiedly  static,  also  perhaps 
somewhat  mechanical,  as  the  Surya  images  of  Konarak,  even  the 
cult-images  (Fig.  102),  despite  iconographic  regulations  of  a  rigid 
order,  are  informed  by  a  dynamic  vitality,  and  a  monumentality  of 
composition  and  largeness  of  form  and  bearing, — effects  that  are 
directly  due  to  an  amplitude  of  movement  and  dignified  modelling. 
These  qualities  are  seen  at  their  best  in  the  large-size  images  of 
Karttikeya,  Ganesa,  and  Mahishasuramardini  in  the  exterior  niches 
of  the  Lingaraja  temple,  in  certain  images  from  Jajpur  and  Chau- 
duar,  Purl  and  Khiching.  In  all  such  cult-images,  the  pliability  and 


652 


ART 


amplitude  of  the  sinuous  outline  is  a  distinguishing  feature  which  is 
in  a  great  measure  responsible  for  the  sturdy  vitality. 

The  non-iconic  figure  sculptures,  which  are  much  more  numer¬ 
ous  at  Bhuvanesvara,  Purl  and  Konarak,  have  all  these  qualities  and 
some  others  besides.  They  are  further  characterised  by  a  delightful 
abandon  of  feeling,  emotion  and  action,  an  almost  innocent  but 
ecstatic  joy  of  living,  a  rich  luxuriousness  of  appearance,  an  intense 
love  for  the  human  body  and  all  that  this  body  is  capable  of  yielding 
in  terms  of  life-experience. 

So  much  ado  has  been  made  about  the  frank  eroticism  of  the 
figure-sculptures  of  Purl  and  Konarak  that  a  word  need  be  said  here. 
Mithuna  subjects  have  never  been  taboo  in  Indian  art,  and  a  creative 
sensuousness  has  ever  been  regarded  as  an  important  source  of 
energy,  of  vital  urge  in  life — as  much  in  religious  and  spiritual  quest 
as  in  the  quest  for  expression — in  certain  schools  and  aspects  of 
Indian  sadhand.  Sanchl  and  Amaravatl  knew  it,  Mathura  was  more 
than  conscious  about  it,  and  in  the  Ellora  scene  of  Siva  and  Parvatl 
in  rapturous  yet  self-forgetful  kissing  embrace  the  mithuna  idea  of 
this  sadhand  finds  a  most  creative  expression.  Indeed  it  was  accept¬ 
ed  as  a  normal,  nay  essential  part  of  life  without  any  shame  or 
secrecy  attached  to  it.  So  is  it  at  Puri  and  Konarak,  where  admit¬ 
tedly  the  eroticism  is  not  only  in  the  sensuous  suggestiveness  but 
in  the  depiction  of  sexual  acts  in  the  widest  possible  varieties  of 
poses  and  attitudes  known  to  the  Kamasastras.  But  what  is  re¬ 
markable  at  Konarak,  if  not  at  Puri — the  difference  is  presumably 
as  much  due  to  the  attitude  of  the  artist  as  to  his  efficiency  as  a 
craftsman — is  the  fact  that  even  in  those  scenes  that  depict  a  sexual 
act  there  is  a  sort  of  delightful  detachment  in  the  actors  themselves. 
They  take  it  so  easy  and  in  such  a  nonchalant  manner  that  there  is 
not  the  slightest  suggestion  of  a  mischief  being  done  or  a  shameful 
act  being  gone  through. 

The  temples  of  Orissa  and  Khajuraho  show  the  extent  reached 
by  Indian  craftsmen  in  giving  concrete  form  to  this  very  subtle  and 
complex  view  of  life.  It  is  true  that  contemporary  Orissa  was  touch¬ 
ed  by  the  Tantra,  and  the  sensuous  love  of,  and  joy  in,  the  human 
body  as  caught  hold  of  in  the  figures  of  Orissan  temples  may  have 
been  due  to  Tantrik  inspiration;  but  it  is  not  necessary,  in  the  light 
of  the  interpretation  set  forth  above,  to  explain  the  erotic  scenes 
and  scenes  of  sexual  acts  by  referring  them  to  Tantrik  practices 
about  the  currency  of  which  we  have  no  definite  evidence  in  contem¬ 
porary  Orissa,  much  less  at  Khajuraho.  The  present  writer  can  bear 
witness  to  the  fact  that  he  has  seen  Oriya  villagers  of  the  present 
day  look  at  the  panorama  of  life  stretching  before  their  eyes  on 


653 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

the  walls  of  Konarak  with  as  much  unconcern  and  detachment  as 
belong  to  the  figures  themselves,  while  the  middle-class  educated 
students  either  shrink  or  glance  at  them  through  a  corner  of  their 
bashful  eyes! 

In  the  eighth  century  reliefs  of  the  Parasuramesvara  temple 
(Fig.  101),  the  figures  are  physiognomically  short  and,  since  the 
temple  surface  binds  them  closer  to  its  ground,  are  treated  in  some¬ 
what  flattened  volumes.  This  results  in  a  sort  of  heaviness  which 
is  partly  compensated  by  free  and  round  movements  of  the  body. 
In  the  ninth  century  this  heaviness  persists  despite  increasing  free¬ 
dom  of  movement  and  luxurious  vivacity  of  mood  and  appearance, 
for  example,  in  the  reliefs  of  the  Vaital  deul.  In  the  tenth  century 
a  refined  elegance  not  only  in  the  physiognomical  form  but  also  in 
the  plastic  treatment  of  the  rounded  volume  lends  to  the  figures  of 
the  Rajarani  (Fig.  103)  temple  a  decidedly  sophisticated  grace.  In 
the  following  century,  however,  this  elegance  is  translated  in  terms 
of  sturdiness  and  strength,  and  in  the  reliefs  of  the  Lingaraja  (Figs. 
104  and  106)  and  Brahmesvara  temples  figures  are  fully  rounded  and 
the  sensuous  modelling  of  the  volume  is  informed  by  a  vigour  born 
from  within.  The  twelfth  century  retains  this  quality  (the  reliefs 
of  the  Kedaresvara  temple,  Bhu  vanes  vara,  of  the  Jagannatha  tem¬ 
ple,  Puri),  but  in  a  slightly  coarser  manner.  The  thirteenth  century 
recaptures  the  grace  and  elegance  and  also  the  tough  roundness  of 
the  eleventh  and  pushes  them  to  their  natural  consummation  in  the 
reliefs  of  the  Arka  temple  at  Konarak.  Indeed  grace  and  elegance 
have  ever  been  a  distinguished  quality  of  Orissa  sculptures,  but  it 
was  left  to  the  artists  of  the  Rajarani,  Lingaraja  and  Konarak  to 
exploit  them  to  the  fullest  limit. 

Simultaneously,  decorations  in  details  of  the  temples  in  gene¬ 
ral  and  of  the  reliefs  and  figures  in  particular  were  steadily  on  the 
increase.  Each  succeeding  century  added  to  the  profusion  of  details 
and  ornamentations,  both  architectural  and  decorative,  till  by  about 
the  thirteenth  century,  grace  and  elegance  were  both  suffocated  to 
extinction,  if  not  at  Konarak,  at  least  in  other  contemporary  temples. 
Whether  these  devices  are  floral- vegetal,  or  geometrical,  or  stylised 
and  patternised  architectural  elements  like  the  chaitya- window,  the 
Orissan  artists*  attempt  to  exploit  them  to  the  best  advantage  for 
the  purpose  of  intricate  display  of  light  and  shade,  makes  itself 
known  even  from  such  early  temples  as  the  Parasuramesvara. 
Added  to  the  deep  contrasts  in  light  and  shade  afforded  by  the  deco¬ 
rative  devices  were  the  pagas  and  rekhas  stepping  out  more  and 
more  on  to  open  space  so  that  all  intervening  spaces  also  were  intri¬ 
cately  alternated  by  deep  contrasts  of  light  and  darkness.  Such 


654 


ART 


interplay  of  light  and  darkness,  accentuated  further  by  the  stepping 
out  into  open  spaces  of  the  figures  as  well,  build  up  a  consistency 
that  is  at  once  balanced  and  harmonised.  It  is  this  consistency  of  the 
interplay  of  light  and  shade  that  makes  the  Orissan  temple  a  living 
organism  and  lends  to  the  figure  sculptures  their  intense  liveliness. 
Taken  out  of  their  context  the  decorative  devices  and  the  figures 
lose  much  of  their  live  reality. 

Mediaeval  trends  in  Orissa  do  not  seem  to  make  themselves  felt 
earlier  than  the  eleventh  century,  and  when  they  do,  as  in  certain 
reliefs  of  the  Lingaraja  and  Brahmesvara  temples  and  also  in  cer¬ 
tain  reliefs  now  stored  in  the  Konarak  Museum,  they  may  and  often 
do  occur  side  by  side  with  reliefs,  or  even  in  the  same  relief  side 
by  side  with  figures  that  are  frankly  inspired  by  the  classical 
tradition. 

A  word  must  be  said  in  respect  of  the  animal  sculptures  of 
Orissa.  At  Konarak  we  have  some  of  the  best  elephant  reliefs  of 
Indian  art,  though  in  smaller  dimension,  on  the  walls  of  the  im¬ 
mense  base-structure.  The  large,  almost  life-size,  ones  are  im¬ 
posing  and  impressive  more  by  their  volume  than  by  their  inherent 
artistic  quality.  The  huge  and  spirited  caparisoned  steeds  that  drag 
the  twelve  wheeled  chariot  forward,  are  equally  impressive,  more 
by  their  bearing  and  straining  mood  than  by  the  concretised  vision 
of  their  dynamic  naturalism  or  by  the  sensitivity  of  their  plastic 
volume.  An  antelope  frieze  on  the  walls  of  the  Muktesvara  temple 
is,  however,  endowed  with  these  very  qualities  and  catches  the  ani¬ 
mals  in  their  essential  form. 

3.  GANGA-YAMUNA  VALLEY 

Specimens  of  sculpture,  belonging  to  the  ninth  and  the  three 
succeeding  centuries,  are  extremely  rare,  so  far  as  the  Punjab  plains 
and  the  Gahga-Yamuna  valley  are  concerned.  This  is  mainly  due 
to  devastation  wrought  by  Muslim  iconoclasts  from  the  days  of 
Mahmud  of  Ghazni  to  those  of  Aurangzeb.  If  a  small  (26  inches) 
Mathura  Vishnu  relief,  datable  towards  the  end  of  the  tenth  or 
beginning  of  the  eleventh  century,  and  a  few  broken  or  damaged 
pieces  from  Mirzapur  and  Sarnath  can  be  relied  upon  as  furnishing 
indications,  it  seems  the  Ganga- Yamuna  valley  belonged  to  the  com¬ 
mon  denominator  of  the  contemporary  art  of  Bihar  and  Bengal, 
more  closely  of  Bihar  to  which  the  region  was  geographically  conti¬ 
guous.  These  cult-images,  mainly  Brahmanical,  are  characterised 
by  the  same  physiognomical  type  and  form,  the  same  precision  of 
features,  and  the  same  almost  metallic  smoothness  that  distinguish 
the  stone  sculptures  of  contemporary  Bihar  and  Bengal.  An  earlier, 


655 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


perhaps  early  tenth  century,  version  of  the  same  East  Indian  tradi¬ 
tion  is  reflected  in  a  Vishnu  statue  from  Sultanpur  (Etah  District) 
characterised  by  a  softer  modelling  and  not  so  conscious  elegance 
of  eleventh  century  examples.  Like  the  East  Indian  tradition  again 
the  Gahga-Yamuna  valley  remains  throughout  untouched  by 
mediaeval  trends  (Figs.  107-110). 

4.  CENTRAL  INDIA 

Occupying,  geographically,  an  intermediate  position  between 
the  East  and  the  West,  Central  India — extending  from  the  borders 
of  Rajputana  and  Gujarat  in  the  west  (roughly  from  Uj  jay  ini  and 
Mandasor)  to  Allahabad  in  the  east — holds  an  intermediate  position, 
artistically  too,  in  the  history  of  mediaeval  sculpture.  Her  pro¬ 
ducts,  from  the  tenth  to  the  thirteenth,  turned  out  under  the  aegis 
and  patronage  of  the  Chandellas  of  Jejakabhukti  and  the  Parama- 
ras  of  Dhara,  reflect  an  admixture  of  both  the  East  Indian  tradition 
of  Bihar  and  Bengal  and  that  of  Rajputana  and  Gujarat  where  the 
mediaeval  trends  found  their  most  congenial  home.  While  Garhwa, 
Mahoba  and  Khajuraho  preserve  the  more  important  relics  of  the 
Chandellas,  the  Paramara  tradition  is  stored  at  Dhar  and  Mandor 
in  Indore  and  Gwalior.  Formally  and  psychologically  they  are 
different,  though  a  common  denominator  is  admissible. 

Throughout,  in  Central  India  of  the  Chandellas  and  the  Para- 
maras  as  in  Mahakosala  of  the  Haihayas,  classical  volume  has  be¬ 
come  ampler,  but  grows  increasingly  stereotyped,  which  means  a 
thinning  down  of  the  inner  vision  and  consequent  and  correspond¬ 
ing  loss  of  plastic  sensitivity.  But  it  reveals  the  sensuous  charm 
that  resides  in  the  physical  body  (Figs.  Ill  and  116)  and  imparts 
to  all  figures  a  somewhat  mechanical  grace  and  conscious  perfection. 
The  modelling  has  definitely  become  stagnant,  but  has  a  smooth¬ 
ness  that  gives  elegance  to  the  somewhat  dull  volume.  With  in¬ 
creasing  loss  of  plastic  sensitivity  and  growing  dullness  of  the  am¬ 
ple  and  round  volume,  conscious  movements  and  flexions  of  the 
body  round  its  axis  show  a  corresponding  increase  to  create  an  im¬ 
pression  of  more  and  more  intensity  of  feeling  and  life  (Fig.  115). 
The  living  breath  that  endows  the  body  with  the  dynamism  of  life 
has  now  ceased  and  the  flesh  moves  no  longer;  instead  the  conscious 
flexions  and  movements,  often  violent  and  intense,  of  the  body  are 
now  the  only  exponents  of  life  consciously  passionate  and  arduous. 

This  is  nowhere  more  in  evidence  than  in  the  Buddhist  sculp¬ 
tures,  all  turned  out  presumably  from  the  workshop  of  one  chitra- 
kara,  in  this  case,  a  sculptor,  Sri  Satana,  described  in  one  of  the  in¬ 
scriptions  as  sakala-silpa’-vidyd-kusalah  (adept  in  all  arts),  of  Mahot- 


656 


ART 


savanagara,  modern  Mahoba,  associated  with  the  Chandellas  of  Jeja- 
kabhuKti,  and  known  for  long  to  have  also  yielded  Brahmanical  and 
Jain  sculptures.  A  smooth  and  placid  charm  and  a  sort  of  mechanical 
grace  and  perfection  worn  round  the  balanced  and  full  round  con¬ 
tours  of  the  body  are  unmistakable  in  the  images  of  Simnanada 
Lokesvara  (Fig.  119)  and  Padmapani  Lokesvara,  and  also,  though  in 
a  lesser  degree,  in  that  of  Tara.  That  this  charm  and  grace  are  more 
in  the  bhangas  and  bhahgis,  i.e.  in  the  flexions  and  modes,  than  in 
the  plastic  quality  which  is  itself  stilled  into  a  placid  sheet  over  the 
body,  will  be  evident  from  a  comparison  of  these  figures  with  that 
of  the  Buddha  seated  in  bhumi-sparsa-mudra.  s  In  the  latter  case 
where  there  is  no  scope  for  presenting  the  body  in  flexions,  the  figure 
fails  to  catch  the  grace  and  charm  of  the  other  figures,  yet  it  happens 
to  be  a  work  presumably  by  the  same  artist.  But  while  in  all  such 
examples  the  character  of  the  ‘classical’  volume  and  the  amplitude 
of  vision  and  form  persist  with  vigour  and  meaning,  in  others,  main¬ 
ly  Jain  cult-images  and  decorative  fragments,  the  specifically 
mediaeval  trends  of  sharp  outlines  and  pointed  angles,  formed  by 
jerking  limbs  flung  with  vigour  and  by  sharp  noses  and  angular 
chins  thrown  forward,  are  equally  potent  and  active  and  lend  to  the 
composition  a  somewhat  different  colour  and  meaning. 

Garhwa  sculptures  are  also  characterised  by  the  same  grace  and 
charm  of  a  still,  placid  modelling,  and  of  conscious  flexions  and 
movements  of  the  body.  But  Chandella  figure-sculptures  can  be 
seen  at  their  best  on  the  walls  of  the  Brahmanical  and  Jain  temples 
of  the  temple  city  of  Khajuraho  in  Bundelkhand,  a  city  which  in  the 
richness  and  magnificence  of  its  architecture  and  sculpture,  stands 
very  near  to  the  temple-city  of  Bhuvanesvara.  The  temples  of 
Khajuraho  pulsate  with  human  activity  (Figs.  114  and  115)  but  the 
figures,  including  those  of  human  beings  and  animals  (sardulas,  for 
instance),  do  not  belong  to  the  temples  themselves  in  the  sense  the 
Orissan  figures  do.  They  are  fully  and  roundly  modelled,  if  not  in 
the  amplitude  of  dimension  as  in  Orissa  yet  in  large  proportions,  but 
are,  for  all  practical  purposes,  independent  of  the  flat  ground  of  the 
temple.  The  outlines  are  deep  and  sharp,  but  have  not  the  ample 
sinuosity  of  the  Orissan  outlines,  an  evident  consequence  of  the 
‘mediaeval’  grip  into  which  Khajuraho  found  itself  caught.  The 
treatment  of  the  plastic  volume  is  generally  tight  and  still,  which 
is  sought  to  be  somewhat  compensated  by  the  sharp  and  pointed 
movements  of  the  stiff  limbs  that  are  otherwise  without  any  sensi¬ 
tiveness.  Yet  in  the  flexions  and  movements,  there  is  a  conscious 
intensity  that  is  often  violent  and  seems  to  turn  the  body  in  all  its 
joints  to  their  utmost  breaking  point,  with  an  evident  eye  to 
emotional,  frankly  erotic  provocation.  The  Khajuraho  figures  are 

657 


S.E.-— 42 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


consciously  and  purposely  erotic  and  sensuous;  this  they  express 
suggestively  and  not  by  innocent  and  hence  frank  and  unashamed 
libidinous  acts  as  in  Orissa.  The  coquettish  languor  of  Khajuraho 
has  nothing  to  compare  with  the  innocent  detachment  of  Orissa  or 
with  the  creative  and  virile  sensuousness  of  earlier  Mathura  and 
Vengi  regions  of  the  post-Christian  centuries. 

Decorative  ornamentations  at  Khajuraho,  indeed  in  Chandella 
art  in  general,  show  an  amalgam  of  ‘classical’  and  ‘mediaeval’  gram¬ 
mar  and  composition  existing  side  by  side,  often  in  one  relief,  some 
time  separately,  some  time  integrated  into  one  complete  pattern. 
Besides  Khajuraho,  there  were  other  centres  in  Bundelkhand  where 
the  ‘mediaeval’  grip  was  equally,  if  not  more,  potent,  as  for  example 
at  Chandpur  in  Jhansi.  Here,  in  some  of  the  sculptures  of  the  Maha- 
deva  temple  (twelfth  century)  the  entire  plastic  context  is  broken 
up  into  rectangular  and  triangular  fragments  and  the  whole  com¬ 
position  is  sharpened  by  linear  and  angular  movements.  Evidently 
the  mediaeval  tendencies  were  gradually  getting  the  upper  hand. 
But  in  some  examples  from  Khajuraho  the  persistence  of  the  classi¬ 
cal  tradition  is  shown  at  its  best  and  purest  in  the  subtlety  of  model¬ 
ling,  in  the  sensitivity  of  the  linear  movement,  and  in  the  largeness 
and  consistency  of  composition.  Such  examples  are  no  doubt  rare, 
but  prove  nevertheless  the  strength  and  vitality  of  the  tradition. 

Paramara  art  was  prolific  in  its  sculptural  output,  but  hardly 
did  it  ever  reach  a  high  tide  of  aesthetic  achievement.  Though 
bound  geographically  to  what  was  known  as  Western  Malava,  its 
products  really  belong  to  the  contemporary  Rajputana  idiom.  The 
greatest  builder  and  lover  of  art  of  the  dynasty  was  Raja  Bhoja 
(c.  A.D.  1000-1055).  The  image  of  Sarasvati  (Fig.  117),  installed  by 
him  in  the  main  hall  of  his  Sarasvati  Mandir  (temple),  a  sort  of  a 
university  of  learning  at  Dhara,  his  capital,  shows  Paramara  sculp¬ 
ture  at  its  best.  Other  specimens  can  be  seen  at  Mandu,  at  the  local 
museum  at  Dhar,  on  the  walls  of  the  Nilakantha  or  Udayaesvara 
temple  at  Udayapur,  built  by  Udayaditya  Paramara,  within  the  en¬ 
closures  of  the  Mahakala  temple  at  Ujjayim,  and  other  places  in¬ 
cluding  Indore. 

Largely  and  vigorously  conceived  and  modelled  in  ample 
dimensions,  the  figures  are  informed  by  ‘classical’  value  of  form. 
They  are  free  from  jerky  movements  and  intense  flexions,  and  do 
not  seem  to  feel  the  weight  of  the  heavy  roundness  which  character¬ 
ises  their  youthful  body.  The  face,  also  fully  and  vigorously  modell¬ 
ed,  wears  an  expression  of  blankness  and  is  lighted  up  neither  by 
any  pleasure  of  the  senses  nor  by  any  inner  experience,  urge  or  in¬ 
spiration.  Despite  youthfulness  and  vigorous  round  modelling, 
plasticity  hangs  in  suspense  or  is  stilled  into  stagnation;  this 


658 


ART 


goes  along  with  a  pair  of  rigid  and  heavy  legs  equally  lifeless. 
Mediaevalism  touches  ornamental  devices  and  jewelleries;  the  latter 
are  sharply  cut  and  are  just  laid  on  the  body  with  which  they  have 
no  organic  relation;  ‘classical’  decorative  ornamentations  are  also 
flattened  and  linearised  as  far  as  possible,  while  specifically  northern 
patterns  of  sharp  and  flat  contrast  in  light  and  darkness  (as  in  chess¬ 
board  and  diamond  patterns)  are  common. 

5.  VINDHYA  AND  MADHYA  PRADESH 

In  the  region  extending  from  Allahabad  to  Jabalpur,  the  temple¬ 
building  activity  was  carried  on  on  a  considerable  scale,  under 
the  aegis  of  the  Haihayas  of  Tripurl,  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries,  at  Bheraghat  (near  Jabalpur),  Satna,  Dudhahi  (Lalitpur 
District),  Ranipur  (Sambalpur),  Rewa  and  other  places. 

It  should  be  remembered  that  this  entire  region  has  ever  been 
the  home  of  a  large  segment  of  our  aboriginal  population,  and  it  is 
significant  that  they  have  stamped  a  strong  impress  not  only  in  the 
physiognomy  but  also  on  the  form  and  medium  of  the  mediaeval 
Haihaya  art.  On  the  ground  of  the  common  mediaeval  denomina¬ 
tor  of  north-Indian  art  the  aboriginal  element  is  deeply  marked. 
Not  in  a  few  figure-reliefs  a  new  facial  type,  squarish  in  cut,  with 
swollen  cheeks,  big  mouth  and  eyes  closed  as  if  in  solemn  pride  in 
its  own  importance,  goes  hand  in  hand  with  a  short-featured  body 
that  is  swelled  into  heavy  round  masses  as  if  by  pressure  from  with¬ 
in,  and  which  is  borne  on  a  still  pair  of  legs.  Though  controlled 
by  sharp  outlines  deeply  cut,  the  bulging  plastic  mass,  fully  model¬ 
led,  is  frankly  reminiscent  of  the  ‘classical’  volume,  but  the  sharp 
bends  of  joints  of  limbs,  particularly  at  the  knee  and  the  elbow,  of 
the  main  and  subsidiary  figures,  and  sharp  facial  profiles  of  the 
latter  with  their  pointed  noses  and  chins  (Fig.  113)  are  clear  mani¬ 
festations  of  the  specifically  ‘mediaeval’  trends.  Moreover,  the 
subsidiary  figures  are  conceived  and  executed  in  an  altogether 
different  manner,  thinner  and  sharper  in  appearance  and  form, 
very  much  unlike  the  heavy  and  swelling  roundness  of  the  main 
figures.  But  the  most  distinguishing  characteristic  of  Haihaya 
sculptures  is  the  overcrowding  of  the  reliefs  with  such  a  multitude 
of  things  as  not  to  leave  any  space  for  breathing  as  it  were.  Indeed 
they  are  so  many  and  so  heaped  one  on  the  shoulder  of  another — 
men,  women,  architectural  and  decorative  elements,  all  in  heavy 
round  volumes  in  high  relief, — that  the  reliefs  appear  heavy  and 
cumbersome.  Crowded  details  seem  to  sit  heavily  on  the  composi¬ 
tion  and  it  looks  as  though  the  structure  would  fall  to  pieces  by 
their  very  weight. 


659 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


6.  RAJPUTANA 

Mediaeval  Rajputana  sculptures  hail  from  such  diverse  sites 
as  Vasantgarh  and  Devangana,  both  in  the  old  Sirohi  State,  Palta 
(Bikaner),  Osia  Dilwara  (Mount  Abu)  (Figs.  118  and  121),  Harshagiri 
(Jaipur),  (Figs.  112  and  120),  Chitor,  and  Mandor,  among  other 
places,  and  are  spread  over  practically  the  whole  of  the  mediaeval 
period,  from  the  tenth  to  about  the  seventeenth  century.  In  point  of 
style  they  range  from  full  recognition  of  ‘classical’  values  side  by 
side  with  acquiescence  to  ‘mediaeval’  pressure  to  complete  nega¬ 
tion  of  the  ‘classical’  and  full  assertion  of  the  ‘mediaeval’. 

At  Vasantgarh,  from  the  stylised  sun-window  of  a  temple  of  the 
tenth  century,  peeps  out  the  head  of  a  Buddha  distinguished 
by  a  largeness  of  treatment  and  a  sensitivity  of  modelling  comparable 
only  to  similar  faces  from  Khajuraho.  The  pure,  organic  and  con¬ 
sistent  quality  of  the  face  unmistakably  betrays  the  debt  it  owes 
to  the  ‘classical’  vision  and  form  as  interpreted  by  contemporary 
artists  in  Central  and  Eastern  India,  including  Orissa.  A  series  of 
rich  floral-vegetal  designs  encircles  the  face  just  referred  to.  These 
designs  are  evidently  borrowed  from  the  ‘classical’  store-house,  but, 
at  the  same  time,  it  is  seen  at  once  that  they  are  not  roundly  model¬ 
led,  but  are  flattened  out  on  the  surface  with  sharp  perpendicular 
cuts  at  the  edges.  This  flattening  out  of  modelled  volumes  and 
deeply  and  sharply  cut  edges  are  directly  traceable  to  ‘mediaeval’ 
pressure.  Much  more  than  anywhere  else  in  Rajputana,  contem¬ 
porary  ( i.e .  tenth  century)  Osia  sculptures  adhere  more  closely  to 
the  classical  tradition  with  its  vigorous  modelling  of  a  youthful  body 
spreading  itself  in  the  amplitude  of  its  mass.  The  same  vigorous 
and  also  tough  modelling  gives  life  and  strength  to  the  reliefs  of 
the  Purana  Mahadeva  temple  of  Harshagiri,  also  belonging  to  the 
tenth  century. 

About  this  time,  i.e.  the  tenth  century,  Chandravati,  in  the  old 
Brijnagar  state,  in  Eastern  Rajputana,  seems  to  have  become  a 
great  centre  of  artistic  activity,  where  one  can  follow  the  history 
of  the  art  of  Central  India  and  Eastern  Rajputana  in  its  finest  mani¬ 
festations  throughout  the  mediaeval  period.  A  number  of  Chandra- 
vati-Patan  sculptures,  now  in  the  Brijnagar  State  Museum,  and  a 
few  in  situ ,  can  stylistically  be  assigned  to  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries.  By  their  heavy  roundness  of  the  weighty  mass  with 
hardly  any  suggestion  of  flexibility  and  linear  movement,  they  be¬ 
long  more  to  contemporary  Central  Indian  idiom  than  to  that  of 
Rajputana.  Impressive  in  largeness  and  amplitude  of  the  plastic 
mass,  they  are  somewhat,  stolid  and  withdrawn  in  their  facial  and 
physiognomical  expression,  due  no  doubt  to  the  stagnated  modell- 


660 


ART 


ing;  but  the  outlines  are  less  sharp  and  more  flowing  and  sinuous 
than  average  contemporary  Rajputana  products.  Classical  values 
persist  in  the  following  i.e.  eleventh  century  Rajput  sculptures,  but 
while  the  pliability  of  the  soft  modelling  continues,  the  linear  ele¬ 
ment  grows  harder  and  stiffer  so  that  the  flexions  of  the  body 
appear  to  be  rigid,  and  an  elaboration  of  jewelleries  and  decora¬ 
tions  takes  place.  These  are  cut  in  sharp  edges  and  are  not  plastical¬ 
ly  conceived,  so  that  when  the  jewelleries  are  laid  on  and  round 
the  large  round  volumes,  they  do  not  become  their  integral  parts. 
Thus  the  ‘classical’  and  the  ‘mediaeval’  tides  enter  into  an  incongru¬ 
ous  combination.  The  reliefs  of  the  original  Mokalji’s  temple  at 
Chitor,  rich  in  sculptural  wealth,  are  datable  in  the  eleventh 
century. 

In  the  twelfth  century  a  conscious  elegance  sets  in  and  makes 
the  figures  and  their  composition  thinner  and  lighter  by  sharper 
outlines,  deeply  cut,  and  pointed  lines  and  angles.  The  concave 
curve  in  the  bodies  and  legs — a  resultant  effect  of  the  ‘mediaeval’ 
pressure  on  the  line — is  also  on  the  increase.  The  stele  composi¬ 
tion  is  also  broken  up  into  small  fragments,  with  reference  to  the 
main  figure,  and  loses  thus  the  dynamic  integration  and  co-ordina¬ 
tion  of  ‘classical’  composition:  undoubtedly  this,  too,  has  been  due 
to  the  emphasis  on  the  sharp  linear  arrangement. 

In  the  thirteenth  century  this  thinning  down  of  the  plastic 
context  by  an  increasing  emphasis  on  the  sharp  and  pointed  angu¬ 
larity  of  the  limbs  and  features  of  figures  and  on  the  solely  linear  and 
fragmentary  aspect  of  the  composition,  is  in  the  ascending  grade 
along  with  the  increasing  concavity  of  curves.  An  elaboration  of 
details  of  decoration  and  ornamentation,  very  skilfully,  delicately 
and  minutely  worked  out,  goes  side  by  side  with  a  cumbersome  and 
crowdy  composition.  Nowhere  are  these  characteristics  so  clearly 
and  subtly  brought  out  than  in  the  ceiling  reliefs  of  the  Neminatha 
Temple  (Jain)  of  Mount  Abu,  built  by  Tejahpala  in  A.D.  1230 
(Figs.  41,  118  and  121).  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  entire 
temple  and  its  decorations  are  worked  out  of  white  marble  which 
made  possible  chiselling  or  scraping  in  such  a  delicate  and  minute 
manner.  But  when  Coomaraswamy  says  that  this  minute  and  deli¬ 
cate  decorative  work  is  “one  of  those  cases  where  exuberance  is 
beauty”,  he  pays  a  tribute  that  does  not  seem  to  be  fully  deserved. 
The  exuberance  of  the  Tejahpala  temple  decoration  is  not  the  exu¬ 
berance  of  fertile  and  dynamic  nature  that  one  sees  at  Sanchl,  for 
example,  essentially  creative  by  its  very  nature  and  character.  The 
very  deeply  undercut  and  delicately  scraped  designs  with  their  sharp 
edges  and  deep  contrasts  in  light  and  darkness  result  in  a  kind  of 


661 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

mechanical  grace,  and  are  clear  evidence  of  very  skilled  workman¬ 
ship,  but  are  hardly  any  evidence  of  creative  endeavour.  The 
figure  sculptures,  too,  are  mechanically  conceived  and  executed, 
and  are  hence  thin  in  creative  experience.  Over-elaboration  of 
details  crowds  and  encumbers  the  compositional  context,  and  the 
richness  of  design  is  not,  in  this  case  at  any  rate,  born  of  an  exu¬ 
berant,  vibrant  life  full  to  the  brim  and  overflowing  it. 

The  Mount  Abu  decorative  and  figure  sculptures  betray  un¬ 
doubted  ‘mediaeval’  characteristics  some  of  which  persist  in  Rajput 
sculpture  through  the  subsequent  centuries,  and  in  Rajput  paint¬ 
ing  as  well,  in  an  altogether  different  context,  till  the  nineteenth. 
The  sharp  emphasis  on  the  line  and  its  pointed  angularity  and  on 
the  concave  curve  can  be  witnessed  in  a  Rasa-lila  relief  from  the 
palace  of  Bir  Singh  Deo  Bundela  at  Datia  built  in  the  early  seven¬ 
teenth  century  (A.D.  1605-27),  appearing  in  the  context  of  con¬ 
temporary  features  and  fashions. 

But  mediaevalism  in  the  art  of  Rajputana  has  a  history  earlier 
than  even  the  tenth  century,  particularly  in  decorative  devices, 
patterns  and  designs.  Details  of  decoration,  of  an  old  temple  at 
Mandor,  show  very  clearly  and  pointedly  how  ‘classical*  themes  and 
designs  were  made  to  shed  off  the  rounded  plasticity  of  their  volu¬ 
mes  and  were  gradually  thinned  and  flattened  out  and  sharpened  in 
the  edges,  which  human  faces,  turned  in  their  sharp  profiles,  were 
made  to  thrust  their  beak-like  noses  into  space.  The  Mandor  temple 
and  its  decorations  are  datable  in  the  eighth  century. 

7.  GUJARAT 

Gujarat  has  been  one  of  the  earliest  targets  of  Muslim  icono- 
clasm  and  throughout  the  late  mediaeval  period  she  suffered  from 
periodic  devastations  of  her  numerous  shrines.  Almost  all  the  older 
temples  have  been  all  but  entirely  destroyed;  but  from  the  ruins  of 
temples  and  temple-cities,  scattered  all  over  Gujarat  and  the  adjoin¬ 
ing  territories,  ruled  over  by  the  Chaulukyas  from  the  middle  of 
the  tenth  century,  one  can  form  an  idea  of  the  rich  architectural 
and  sculptural  achievements  of  the  region  from  about  the  eleventh 
to  about  the  seventeenth  century  and  later.  The  more  important 
centres  are  Siddhapura,  Modhera,  Taraga  which  is  not  very  far 
from  Siddhapura,  Girnar,  gatrunjaya,  Dabhoi,  and  Jhinjuved. 

Not  much  need  be  said  about  the  mediaeval  art  of  Gujarat,  for 
what  has  been  said  about  the  contemporary  art  of  Rajputana  applies 
to  a  great  extent  to  this  westernmost  branch  of  mediaeval  Indian 
sculpture.  Indeed  part  of  Western  Rajputana,  including  Chitor  and 
Mount  Abu,  really  formed,  culturally,  a  part  of  Gujarat  during  the 


662 


ART 


mediaeval  period  (and  even  politically,  at  times,  during  the  suze¬ 
rainty  of  the  Chaulukyas),  just  as  Eastern  Rajput&na  formed  a  part 
of  the  West  Malava  country. 

Mediaeval  features  are  perhaps  more  conspicuous  in  Gujarat 
than  in  contemporary  Rajputana,  but  this  is  more  manifest  in  con¬ 
temporary  book-illustrations  than  in  sculpture.  Indeed,  in  Rajput 
sculptures  the  line,  though  sharp,  is  still  flowing  in  uninterrupted 
flux  as  a  remnant  of  the  classical  tradition,  and  maintains  the  balan¬ 
ced  poise  of  the  same  tradition,  but  the  more  one  travels  further  to¬ 
wards  the  west,  the  more  does  one  witness  the  line  seized  by  a 
nervousness  under  the  stress  of  which  all  curves  tend  to  be  angular 
and  concave  and  the  poise  gets  disturbed.  A  sort  of  nervousness 
and  tension  grips  all  figures  despite  their  evident  vigour  and  power 
expressed  in  the  forward  thrust  of  the  trunk  of  the  body  and  over¬ 
done  movements  of  the  round  slender  limbs.  Due  to  the  nervous 
sharpness  of  line  and  pointed  angularity  of  movements,  the  compo¬ 
sition  is  broken  up  into  fragments  not  inherently  related  by  any 
dynamic  and  integrated  vision.  Verticals,  horizontals,  and  diagonals 
are  spread  out  over  the  whole  surface  without  much  care  for  the 
plastic  context.  In  appearance  the  figures  are  still  endowed  with 
grace  and  smoothness  (Figs.  123  and  124)  inherited  from  past  genera¬ 
tions,  but  without  much  corresponding  feeling  and  understanding. 

The  decorative  devices,  jewelleries,  etc.  tend  more  and  more 
towards  flatness  and  sharpness,  cut  deeply  and  sharply  in  the  edges, 
and  grow  increasingly  rigid  like  the  figure  sculptures  themselves, 
and  also  intricate  and  elaborate,  without  any  integrated  relation 
with  the  plastic  body. 

And  thus  finally  in  the  seventeenth  century  this  direction 
reaches  a  stage  when  both  Rajputana  and  Gujarat  seek  a  renascence 
of  sculptural  art  through  an  unsuccessful  appeal  to  the  classical 
sources. 


8.  PUNJAB  HILLS  STATES 

The  Punjab  Hill  States,  sheltered  by  the  Himalayas,  were  not 
as  isolated  from  the  main  currents  of  North  Indian  life  and  culture 
as  is  often  supposed.  Chamb§,  Kangra,  Kulu,  and  Kumaon  have 
preserved  sculptures  of  images  and  decorative  patterns  in  relief  that 
originally  formed  part  of  temples  some  of  which  are  still  extent,  as 
for  example  at  Brahmor  and  Chatrarhi  in  Chamba  and  Masrur  in 
Kangra. 

Reference  may  be  made  to  the  wooden  door  facade232  of  a 
temple  exquisitely  carved  in  relief  in  what  remained  of  the  classical 
Gupta  tradition  of  the  Ganga-Yamuna  valley  as  interpreted  in  these 

663 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


remote  Tiill  states.  Even  a  century  or  more  later  (ninth  century), 
some  traces  of  the  suavity,  grace  and  poise  of  Gupta  classicism  and 
its  softer,  not  subtler,  treatment  of  plastic  volume  in  full  round 
forms  can  still  be  seen  in  the  reliefs  of  the  monolithic  temple  of 
Masrur  in  the  Kangra  valley.  The  simple  naivete  of  the  hill-people 
seems  to  have  stamped  itself  in  these  reliefs  in  the  attitude  and  ex¬ 
pression  of  these  short-featured  figures  as  much  as  in  the  somewhat 
coarse  and  summary  treatment  of  the  modelling.  In  the  following 
century,  or  somewhat  later,  classical  qualities  are  given  full  value 
in  a  number  of  cult-images  in  stone  from  Chamba  (Bhagavatl  image 
in  the  village  shrine  of  Svaim  in  Himagiri  pargana  and  Siva  figures 
on  the  Chandrasekhara  temple  at  Saho,  for  example).  The  masks 
of  Munjunidevi  from  Kulu232a  and  the  Siva  from  Harsar 
(Chamba)  also  belong  to  the  same  conception  of  form.  Whether 
carved  fully  in  the  round  or  nearly  so,  these  figures  are  powerfully, 
though  coarsely,  modelled,  in  heavy  and  stately  proportions,  fully 
expressive  of  concentrated  energy  to  which  the  face  responds  with 
a  calm  dignified  composure.  The  jewelleries  and  the  decorations 
are  as  much  integral  parts  of  the  modelled  mass  as  of  the  stelae 
composition.  Here  in  these  images  lineaments  drawn  from  Hellenis¬ 
tic  Gandhara  are  clearly  perceptible  in  the  treatment  of  the  drapery 
and  in  the  proportion  and  treatment  of  some  of  the  reliefs.  Hardly  a 
touch  of  the  'mediaeval*  factor  is  perceived  in  these  reliefs  which 
seem  to  have  stored  up  the  classical  values  with  feeling  and  under¬ 
standing,  and  yet  that  in  a  manner  very  much  different  from  what 
was  happening  in  contemporary  Eastern  India. 

But  alongside,  and  earlier  than  anywhere  else  in  the  North,  the 
‘mediaeval*  factor  makes  itself  felt  in  a  number  of  inscribed  metal 
images  from  Chamba.  On  palaeographical  grounds  most  of  them 
are  datable  towards  the  beginning  of  the  eighth  century,  and  a  few 
in  the  ninth  and  tenth  centuries.  The  eighth  century  images,  exe¬ 
cuted  by  a  craftsman  ( karmina )  named  Gugga,  and  the  tenth  (or 
eleventh)  century  ones  of  Vishnu  and  Kali,  from  Sahu  and  Markuta, 
all  in  Chamba,  are  mechanically  conceived  and  characterised  by 
sharp  outlines  deeply  cut  and  a  hard  petrified  treatment  of  the  plas¬ 
tic  volume  of  a  somewhat  elongated  physiognomy.  Indeed,  the  em¬ 
phasis  on  the  sharp  and  incisive  outline  gives  definitive  character 
to  these  figures  that  register  the  ‘mediaeval’  impact,  though  in  a  very 
thin  and  subdued  way. 

Yet,  from  these  hill  states,  particularly  Chamba,  have  come 
down  to  us  the  biggest  series  of  fountain  stones  cut  into  low  flat 
reliefs  showing  abstract  patterns  and  not  so  much  icons,  except  in 
the  later  ones,  or  scenes  of  edification,  enjoyment  and  activity.  In- 


664 


ART 


deed  such  weaving  of  mere  patterns  in  square  and  rectangular 
panels  with-  floral,  vegetal  and  geometric  designs  and  human  and 
animal  figures  (serpent  forms  playing  an  important  part)  is  unknown 
to  the  ‘classical’  conception.  This  pattern-making  as  we  see  in 
these  fountain  stones,  seems  to  reflect  a  very  ancient  art-practice, 
and  Kramrisch  is  right  in  assuming  that  “the  earliest  and  simplest 
of  these  stones  could  be  ancestors  of  the  roundels  of  Bharhut,”  al¬ 
though  those  that  we  have  cannot  be  dated  earlier  than  the  tenth- 
eleventh  century.  The  floral  and  vegetal  designs,  undoubtedly  of 
‘classical’  origin,  are  flattened  out,  sharply  incised  and  made  to  fit 
in  with  the  flat  geometrical  designs  of  square  and  diamond  shapes 
equally  flat  and  sharply  incised.  The  non-iconic  and  some  of  the 
iconic  figures  are  also  similarly  treated.  These  low  reliefs  of  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  are  indeed  the  progenitors  of  later 
Rajput  painting;  and  it  is  in  these  that  we  witness  ‘mediaeval*  fea¬ 
tures  in  their  relatively  unadulterated  aspect,  particularly  in  the 
decorative  patterns  on  the  skirts  of  female  figures  on  such  fountain 
stones  as  those  of  Ajayapala  (A.D.  1225)  at  Sai  Churah.  They  are 
on  a  par  with  almost  similar  designs  on  the  can  temporary  Jain  minia¬ 
tures  from  Western  India. 

9.  KASHMIR,  NEPAL  AND  TIBET 

Kashmir  had  intimate  relations  with  the  Punjab  Hill  States, 
especially  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  if  not  earlier  still. 
Her  geographical  position  made  her  amenable  to  influences  from  the 
Hellenistic  west  on  the  one  hand  and  Tibet  on  the  other.  From 
about  the  end  of  the  seventh  and  beginning  of  the  eighth  century 
Eastern  India  was  also  drawn  within  the  orbit  of  her  intimate  rela¬ 
tions.  Her  art  therefore  reflects  the  impressions  that  her  people 
were  able  to  receive  from  these  historical  associations.  But  very 
few  of  sculptural  records  of  pre-Muslim  centuries  have  survived  the 
zeal  of  iconoclasts  that  were  not  always  Muslims.  The  numerous 
idols  of  gold  and  silver  installed  by  Lalitaditya,  on  which  Kalhas^a 
bestows  so  much  praise,  were  all  destroyed,  more  than  two  centu¬ 
ries  before  Muslim  rule  was  established  in  the  Valley,  by  Harsha. 
“that  Turushka,”  as  Kalhana  calls  him,  “who  appointed  a  special 
official  called  devotpatanci-rwiyaka  or  ‘prefect  for  the  destruction  of 
gods’  ”. 

Recent  excavations,  mainly  at  Harwan,  have  unearthed  terra¬ 
cottas  and  stucco  fragments  belonging  to  diffeitent  periods,  that 
frankly  betray  Gandhara  Hellenistic  inspiration  from  the  north-west 
side  by  side  with  such  Gupta  classical  qualities  as  are  witnessed  in 
Buddha  and  Bodhisattva  figures  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries 
from  Hadda  and  Bamiyan.  All  such  earlier  examples,  including 


665 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Buddha-Bodhisattva  figures  from  Pandrethan,  are  explainable  by 
the  common  denominator  of  contemporary  Indian  art. 

It  is  very  significant — a  fact  not  yet  sufficiently  known  and 
understood — that  the  Himalayan  countries  of  Kashmir,  Nepal  and 
Tibet  come  out  of  their  mountain  seclusion  and  enter  the  arena  of 
Indian  history  and  culture,  almost  simultaneously,  from  about  the 
seventh  century  onwards.  Kashmir  maintained  this  intimate  asso¬ 
ciation  till  she  was  overrun  by  the  Muslims,  and  Nepal  and  Tibet, 
until  very  recent  times.  It  is  equally  significant  that  all  these  re¬ 
gions,  more  particularly  Nepal  and  Tibet,  for  reasons  well  known, 
were  in  more  intimate  cultural  contact  with  Eastern  India  than  with 
other  regions  of  this  vast  sub-continent.  The  seclusion  and  conser¬ 
vatism  of  the  hills  helped  Nepal  and  Tibet  retain  and  store  up 
whatever  was  received  from  Eastern  India  of  the  Palas  during  th6 
eighth  and  the  three  subsequent  centuries  and  more,  and  carry  on 
the  East  Indian  mediaeval  tradition  of  art,  almost  untouched  and 
uninfluenced  by  any  other  element,  till  very  recent  times. 

In  mediaeval  sculptures  of  Kashmir  (ninth  to  twelfth  centuries), 
too,  contemporary  East  Indian  tradition  stamps  its  strong  impress, 
in  form  and  treatment  as  well  as  in  physiognomy.  There  is  evidence 
to  show  that  images  from  Bengal  were  imported  into  Kashmir  dur¬ 
ing  these  centuries.233  But  the  East  Indian  elements  of  mechani¬ 
cal  grace  and  elegance  and  metallic  precision  are  interpreted  in 
Kashmir,  at  least  in  a  few  instances,  in  stolid  and  clumsier  terms. 
Others  are  merely  a  local  rendering  of  typical  East  Indian  stone 
sculptures  and  bronzes,  to  such  an  extent  that  without  a  label  or 
definite  information  it  is  difficult  to  say  whether  a  particular  speci¬ 
men  is  Kashmiri  or  East  Indian.  The  elegant  bronze  group  of  Padma- 
pani  accompanied  by  his  two  Saktis,  with  an  inscription  of  the  reign 
of  Queen  Didda  (A.D.  980-1003),  is  an  instance  in  point.  But  even 
at  this  stage  Gandharan  suggestion  of  Hellenistic  drapery  remains 
potent. 

Side  by  side,  mainly  in  the  Brahmanical  sculptures  from  Avanti- 
pura  (Fig.  125),  there  runs  a  current  of  artistic  tradition  which  re¬ 
flects  the  contemporary  art  of  the  Punjab  Hill  States,  Rajputana, 
and  Gujarat.  A  short-featured  physiognomy,  stiff  and  somewhat 
heavy  in  appearance,  is  treated  in  a  manner  npt  very  far  removed 
from  petrification  of  its  plastic  mass.  This  is  held  by  an  equally 
heavy  and  coarse  outline. 

The  excavations  at  Harwan  have  yielded  large  quantities  of 
moulded  tiles,  datable  in  about  the  fifth  century  A.D.,  representing 
horsemen  in  northern  caps  and  cloaks;  men  and  women  seated  in 
balconies  or  standing  in  graceful  poses,  or  moving  with  Gandharan 


ART 


cornucopias  etc.,  or  dancing  and  drumming;  fighting  cocks,  running 
deer,  lotuses  and  fleur-de-lys  motifs  etc.  Reminiscences  of  Hellenis¬ 
tic  Gandhara  are  easily  seen  in  some  of  the  facial  types,  head-dresses 
and  ear-ornaments,  not  the  least  in  the  drapery.  But  what  is  more 
interesting  is  the  fact  that  all  these  are  executed  in  very  low  relief 
with  very  little  of  modelling;  the  decorative  devices,  whether  floral 
or  vegetal,  are  linearised  as  far  as  possible,  and  pure  geometrical 
designs  are  not  also  rare.  Northern  inspiration  behind  these  designs 
and  moulded  decorations  is  perhaps  undeniable,  and  it  is  not  un¬ 
likely  that  they  entered  Kashmir  in  the  wake  of  the  Yueh-chis,  the 
Sakas,  and  the  Kushanas,  from  Central  Asia  and  China. 

Nepalese  stone  sculptures  of  the  ninth  and  the  four  succeeding 
centuries  are  rare  but  not  altogether  unknown.  They  belong  frankly 
to  the  denominator  of  contemporary  East  Indian  art  and  do  not  call 
for  any  special  attention.  What  really  counts  are  the  metal  images 
(cf.  Fig.  126),  generally  of  brass  or  copper,  or  some  other  kind  of 
powerful  alloy,  of  very  competent  craftsmanship  and  of  refined 
elegance  and  precision.  They  are  quite  numerous  and  distributed  in 
various  museums  and  private  collections  in  India,  Europe  and  Ame¬ 
rica.  These  images  seem  to  have  been  turned  out  of  workshops  in 
considerable  numbers  in  order  to  satisfy  the  demands  of  a  growing 
Buddhist  and  Brahmanical  laity.  Stylistically  they  belong  to  the 
Pala  tradition  of  Eastern  India,  but  are  often  of  superior  workman¬ 
ship.  From  about  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  with  in¬ 
creasing  hierarchisation  and  stabilisation  of  Lamaistic  Buddhism 
which  Nepal  came  to  share  with  Tibet,  a  hieratic  stylisation  of  artistic 
form  set  in;  the  sap  exhausted  itself  and  what  was  once  organic  and 
vital  slowly  degenerated  into  a  mechanical  and  stereotyped  form. 
But,  as  already  pointed  out,  the  seclusion  and  conservatism  of  the 
hills  helped  to  store  up  to  a  very  large  extent  the  accumulated  expe¬ 
rience  of  centuries  till  very  recent  times,  and  this  evidently  accounts 
for  those  highly  meritorious  metal  images  of  skilled  workmanship, 
produced  in  considerably  later  periods,  that  meet  our  gaze  from  time 
to  time.  The  number  of  such  images  is,  however,  very  small,  and 
the  large  majority  of  Nepalese  metal  images  of  later  dates  are  mecha¬ 
nical  and  highly  stylised. 

Contemporary  Tibetan  art,  too,  is  best  known  by  its  metal 
images,  but  it  should  be  remembered  that  they  are,  for  the  most 
part,  of  Nepalese  origin  inasmuch  as  they  happen  to  be  works  exe¬ 
cuted  by  artists  brought  from  Nepal.  But  the  Tibetan  metal  images, 
even  at  their  best,  are  qualitatively  at  a  lower  level  than  those  of 
Nepal.  Stylistically,  they  too  are  inspired  by,  and  affiliated  to,  the 
East  Indian  tradition,  but  those  recently  brought  to  light  by  Tucci 


667 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


from  Western  Tibet,  though  formally  East  Indian,  reveal  neverthe¬ 
less  a  vitality  and  strength  that  seem  to  be  born  of  a  living  experi¬ 
ence  of  the  cult  they  professed  and  practised. 

Till  Tucci’s  explorations  in  Western  Tibet  our  knowledge  of 
Tibetan  art  was  confined  to  the  metal  images  alone,  and  to  a  consi¬ 
derable  number  of  paintings  of  a  later  period.  We  now  know  of 
stone  sculptures,  terracottas,  and  paintings,  besides  metal  images, 
that  can  be  dated  in  the  early  mediaeval  period,  i.e.  from  about  the 
ninth  and  tenth  to  about  the  thirteenth  century.  They  all  belong 
to  the  well-known  East  Indian  tradition.  The  terracottas  are  al¬ 
most  all  Buddhist  seals  and  are  so  much  like  contemporary  seals 
found  at  different  sites  of  Bihar  that  some  of  them  at  any  rate  seem 
to  have  been  imported  from  Eastern  India.  The  stone  sculptures  are 
of  the  usual  East  Indian  variety  in  style  and  form,  but  more  coarsely 
executed  and  tend  towards  increasing  stylisation  of  which  the  late 
mediaeval  Tibetan  metal  images,  despite  violent  gestures  and  move¬ 
ments  and  good  craftsmanship,  are  typical  examples. 

10.  DECCAN 

By  about  the  end  of  the  eighth  century  all  creative  inspiration 
and  effort  in  the  Deccan  sculptures  had  entered  a  stalemate  after 
ct  useless  activity  of  every  deep  and  abiding  significance  for  about 
three  centuries.  Yet  temples  were  built  and  decorated  with  sculp¬ 
tures  and  images  made  for  purpose  of  worship.  In  Ittagi  and  Gadag 
in  the  Dharwar  District,  as  well  as  in  Hyderabad,  under  the  aegis  of 
the  Western  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana,  and  at  Somnathpur,  Belur,  Hale- 
bid,  and  Palampet,  all  in  Mysore,  under  the  aegis  of  the  Hoysalas, 
early  mediaeval  Deccan  has  left  a  crop  of  sculptural  art  by  no  means 
poor  in  output,  but  certainly  so  in  creative  achievement  and  poten¬ 
tiality. 

What  at  Ellora,  Aurangabad,  and  Badami  was  conceived  in  im¬ 
measurable  depth,  strength  and  superhuman  power,  and  formed  in 
vigorous  breadth  and  expansiveness,  is  now  in  Western  Chalukyan 
art,  conceived  mechanically  without  any  inner  'elan’,  that  is,  with¬ 
out  any  corresponding  experience,  and  the  broad  expansiveness  is 
just  in  space  to  suit  decorative  purposes.  The  decorative  and  orna¬ 
mental  devices  that  frame  or  encase  such  compositions  are  evidences 
of  intricate  and  skilled  craftsmanship  no  doubt,  but  are  often  over¬ 
crowded  and  cumbersome  and  seem  to  hang  heavily  on  the  figure- 
compositions  as  well.  The  figures  are  all  in  very  high  relief,  in  cer¬ 
tain  instances,  in  the  round  for  all  practical  purposes,  and  deeply 
undercut,  and  also  elaborately  decorated  But  life  has  gone  out  of 
them;  the  modelling  has  hardened  to  a  considerable  degree,  poses 


668 


ART 


and  attitudes  are  stiff  despite  traditional  movements  in  appearance, 
and  distended  limbs  and  gestures  lack  the  power  and  vigour  of  eighth 
century  Deccanese  composition.  The  bracket  figures  of  many  temples 
afford  instances  on  the  point;  descendants  of  the  early  and  well- 
known  woman-and-tree  motif  they  are  intended  to  be  sensuous,  but 
their  stiff  and  hard  treatment  as  well  as  over-ornamentation  render 
them  lifeless,  and  they  fail  to  convey  any  feeling  of  voluptuousness 
or  even  suggestive  sensuousness.  They  are  just  appearances,  not 
creative  forms. 

The  skill,  richness,  and  intricacy  of  decorative  devices  and  orna¬ 
mentations  reach  their  fullest  abundance  in  the  temples  of  Balagami 
and  Halebid.  “.  .  .  .In  the  unfinished  Hoysalesvara  temple  at  Hale- 
bid  the  unstinted  labour  expended  in  carving  a  stone  that  is  soft 
when  quarried  but  hardens  on  exposure  has  clothed  the  entire  build¬ 
ing  in  an  almost  incredibly  abundant  parure”  The  long  and  elabo¬ 
rate  friezes  of  animals  (Figs.  86  and  87),  real  and  mythical,  and  of 
scenes  from  the  Ramayana,  and  large  panels  of  images  (Fig.  122) 
and  bracket  figures,  carved  in  high  and  frequently  in  altogether 
round  relief,  all  appear  as  if  pressed  on  to  the  surface,  and  are  almost 
suffocated  by  elaborate  and  intricate,  but  stagnant  and  ponderous 
ornamentation.  Despite  gestures  and  movements  of  vigorous  action 
the  composition  is  static,  absolutely  uninformed  by  any  inherent 
dynamism.  A  hardened  modelling  makes  the  plastic  mass  look 
heavy  like  a  load,  made  heavier  and  more  static  by  the  unorganic 
relation  with  the  body,  of  the  intricate  and  heavy  jewelleries  formed 
by  deep  and  sharp  cuts.  Indeed,  the  sharp  and  intricate  carvings, 
certainly  evidence  of  highly  skilled  craftsmanship,  are  artistically 
very  poor  and  without  any  significance.  Whatever  plasticity  was 
still  left  is  choked  by  them.  The  end  is  not  very  far  off. 

11.  SOUTH  INDIA 

South  India,  on  the  other  hand,  carries  on  the  ‘classical’  tradi¬ 
tion,  as  transmitted  by  the  Pallava  idiom,  in  a  purer  form,  sounder 
conviction  and  a  more  vital  manner;  and  this  is  done  through  cen¬ 
turies,  save  for  slight  and  occasional  intrusion  by  the  ‘mediaeval’ 
factor,  till  as  late  as  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  even 
later.  The  inheritance,  artistic  skill  and  creative  urge  of  the  artists 
and  craftsmen  exploited  the  patronage  of  the  Cholas  of  Gahgai- 
kondapuram  (c.  A.D.  850-1100),  the  Pandyas  of  Madura  (c.  A.D.  1100- 
1300),  the  Yadavas  and  Tuluvas  of  Vijayanagara  (c.  A.D.  1350-1600), 
and  the  Nayakas  of  Madura  (c.  A.D.  1600-c.  1700  and  later).  The  main 
centres  of  Chola  activity  were  Gangaikondapuram  itself  and  Srlniva- 
sanalur;  the  Pandyan  monuments  are  principally  situated  at  SriraA- 


669 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


gam,  Chidambaram,  Tiruvannamalai  and  Kumbakonam;  the  Yadavas 
and  Tuluvas  built,  among  other  places,  at  Kanchlpuram,  Vellur  and 
Vijayanagara;  and  the  Nayakas  concentrated  chiefly  at  Madura. 
The  lofty  and  massive  vimdnas  and  gopuras  of  these  magnificent 
temple  cities  are  all  covered  with  elaborate  and  sumptuous  reliefs 
of  figures  deeply  and  roundly  cut;  and  these  figures  constitute  in 
the  main  the  South  Indian  store-house  of  stone-sculptures  during  all 
these  centuries. 

All  Chola  sculptures  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  are 
endowed  with  a  tough  vitality  and  are  modelled  vigorously,  but 
leave  the  surface  as  if  in  a  state  of  animated  flexibility.  Plastically 
they  have  relation  with  contemporary  Deccanese  sculptures,  but 
reach  a  much  higher  level  which  is  maintained  throughout  succes¬ 
sive  centuries.  The  Pallava  idiom  is  here  given  a  new  interpreta¬ 
tion  in  tougher  and  more  dignified  rendering  of  plastic  mass,  treated 
in  full  roundness  of  form  and  arranged  in  graded  relief.  With  their 
full  weight  on  the  ground,  these  figures  of  disciplined  strength, 
marked  by  inner  composure,  and  modelled  with  all  the  smooth  ten¬ 
derness  of  live  flesh,  are  eloquent  expressions  of  that  natural  dyna¬ 
mism  of  life  that  had  ever  been  the  aim  of  Indian  sculpture.  The 
same  attitude  is  marked  in  the  organic  relationship  of  the  body  and 
the  jewelleries  which  are  treated  as  a  part  of  the  body -model¬ 
ling  itself, — a  conception  of  form  which  was  one  of  the  planks  on 
which  the  ‘classically’  Indian  modeller  took  his  stand. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  or  beginning  of  the  twelfth 
century,  in  certain  instances,  somewhat  slight  hardening  of  treat¬ 
ment  seems  to  have  set  in,  and  parts  of  the  body  are  accented  in 
modelling.  But  on  the  whole  there  is  no  lowering  of  artistic  inte¬ 
grity  nor  any  lessening  of  creative  vision.  Indeed,  in  some  of  the 
examples,  said  to  be  from  the  Karnatak  which  is  evidently  doubt¬ 
ful,  and  once  belonging  to  the  Loo  collection  of  Paris  (illustrated  by 
Rene  Grousset),  Chola  stone  sculptures  reach  the  highest  level  of 
‘classical’  form  in  an  age  when  ‘classical’  values  everywhere  else 
in  India  were  rather  at  a  very  low  ebb.  Here  is  indeed  what  seems 
to  be  a  renascence  of  the  seventh-eighth  century  art  of  Mamallapu- 
ram  and  Ellora  in  a  more  soft  and  sedate  version.  A  slender  and 
elegant  physiognomical  form  is  here  upheld  by  steadied  curves; 
the  powerfully  built  body  is  mellowed  by  the  softness  of  the  linear 
movement  as  well  as  by  a  slowly  gliding  outline  defining  the  limits 
of  the  plastic  mass  treated  with  a  subtle  softness  of  touch.  Indeed, 
South  India  since  the  days  of  the  Pallavas  had  never  experienced 
such  noble  conception  of  form,  so  happy  and  yet  so  supple.  Rene 


670 


ART 


Grousset  dates  them  in  the  fourteenth-fifteenth  centuries;  presum¬ 
ably  they  cannot  be  later  than  the  twelfth. 

The  Vijayanagara  stone  sculptures  of  the  fourteenth-fifteenth- 
sixteenth  centuries  have  two  different  directions,  and  both  can  be 
met  with  on  the  walls  of  the  monuments  of  the  royal  citadel.  The 
rectangular  panelled  reliefs  of  the  Amman  shrine  of  the  Hazara 
Rama  Temple  or  the  panel  of  the  Throne  Platform  representing  the 
Holi  festival,  for  example,  are  deeply  cut  and  the  figures  are  all 
but  roundly  formed.  They  are  still  characterised  by  whatever  was 
left  of  the  modelled  mass  and  mannered  stiffness  of  the  movements 
of  the  body  and  the  limbs.  But  what  is  important  is  that  there  are 
compositions  (e.g.  the  Holi  scene)  which  are  characterised  by  sharp 
angular  movements  that  jerk  the  ‘classical’  rhythm,  very  much  like 
the  jerky  movements  in  the  Kathakali  dance.  Here  is  indeed  a 
different  vision  creeping  in  or  making  itself  felt,  but  is  not  fully 
co-ordinated  yet.  In  other  compositions,  e.g.  in  the  reliefs  on  the 
Amman  shrine,  the  classical  rhythm  is  continued  with  whatever 
plastic  flexibility  was  still  attainable.  The  reliefs  on  the  Sat!  stones 
belong  to  this  category,  but  reflect  the  folk- version  of  the  same.  The 
decorative  devices  are,  as  a  general  rule,  flattened  out  and  are  cut 
sharply  at  the  edges,  a  sure  sign  of  the  ‘mediaeval’  idiom. 

But  the  specific  ‘mediaeval’  factor  is  more  conspicuous  in  the 
reliefs  of  the  Throne  Platform  wThere  all  figures  are  flattened  out 
in  veryr  lowr  reliefs  with  sharp  outlines.  Especially  in  the  human 
figures  are  the  acuteness  and  pointed  angularity  of  lines  most  mark¬ 
ed  and  some  of  the  female  figures  at  any  rate  are  but  translations 
in  stone,  as  it  were,  of  contemporary’  Gujarati  miniatures.  Composi- 
tionally,  too,  the  figures  lack  plastic  connectedness  as  in  Gujarati 
miniatures.  Of  all  segments  of  South  Indian  art  during  all  these 
centuries,  it  is  in  such  Vijayanagara  reliefs  that  the  ‘mediaeval’ 
factor  asserted  itself,  more  or  less  in  an  isolated  way. 

The  subsequent  art  of  Madura  ignores  the  ‘mediaeval’  factor 
altogether  and  takes  up  the  thread  wdiere  Vijayanagara  left  it  and 
brings  it  up  to  date.  But  already  in  the  meanwhile  ossification  had 
set  in,  and  now  the  plastic  feeling  increasingly  becomes  more  and 
more  deadened.  Modelling  becomes  hardened  and  overstrained,  out¬ 
lines  sharp  and  hard  and  yet  more  heavy  infeeling,  and  the  linear 
movement  still  and  rigid.  Side  by  side  intricate  over-elaboration 
of  decorative  devices  and  ornamentations  and  sharp  and  stiff  render¬ 
ing  of  jewelleries,  as  if  laid  on  the  bodies  as  separate  volumes,  are 
also  on  the  increase.  All  these  disturb  and  destroy  the  plasticity 
of  form,  and  eventually  pronounce  the  judgment  of  death  on  plastic 
creativity  altogether.  This  is  wrhat  happened  in  Madura  of  the 


671 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


seventeenth  and  the  following  century,  at  least  so  far  as  stone  sculp¬ 
tures,  and  wood  carving  were  concerned. 

South  Indian  art  of  the  tenth  and  the  six  or  seven  subsequent 
centuries  is  particularly  known,  and  deservedly  so,  by  its  metal 
images  which,  by  virtue  of  their  special  importance,  have  to  be 
discussed  separately.  They  are  mostly  cast  in  copper  or  bronze, 
though  rarely  also  in  brass.  Dated  or  datable  Chola  metal  images 
are  not  hitherto  known,  but  Coomarswamy  suggests  that  images  of 
Saiva  saints,  said  to  have  been  set  up  in  temples  by  Rajaraja  Chola, 
may  have  been  really  metal  images,  and  Kramrisch  dates  at  least 
one  metal  image  of  K'ali233a  from  Senniyanvidudi,  Tan j  ore 
District,  early  in  the  tenth  century.  Coomarswamy  and  Aruna- 
chalam  date  the  great  series  of  metal  images  in  South  Indian  style 
found  at  Polonnaruva  in  Ceylon  in  the  thirteenth  century;  Aiyangar 
places  the  series  of  Vaishnava  metal  images  of  South  India  also  in 
the  same  century.  The  great  series  of  typical  Nataraja  images  (Figs. 
127  and  129)  in  metal  seem  to  begin  from  about  the  eleventh  or 
twelfth  century  during  the  Chola  period,  not  earlier,  and  continued 
to  be  made  till  as  late  as  the  early  nineteenth  century.  The  main 
types  represented  in  the  remarkable  galaxy  of  South  Indian  metal 
images  are  the  various  forms  of  Siva  (Fig.  133),  especially  the 
Nataraja  (Figs.  127  and  129);  Parvatl  (Figs.  128  and  131);  the  Saiva 
saints,  Manikkavachakar,  Tirujha-sambandar,  Appar,  and  Sundarar 
(Fig.  132),  all  of  whom  lived  before  the  tenth  century;  Vishnu  and 
Lakshml;  Krishna;  Rama;  the  Vaishnava  saints  called  Alvars;  and 
figures  of  royal  donors. 

The  question  of  dating  and,  necessarily  also  of  stylistic  evolu¬ 
tion,  of  these  figures,  mostly  cult-images,  is  relatively  unimportant, 
for  the  simple  reason  that  their  artistic  form  and  style  throughout 
these  long  centuries  hardly  go  through  any  process  of  evolution, 
but  maintain  a  certain  high  level  where  they  seem  to  have  become 
fixed.  And  yet,  generally  speaking,  quite  a  considerable  number 
of  images  are  informed  by  a  vigour  or  fervour  and  an  artistic  effici¬ 
ency  which  unmistakably  reflect  the  mutual  response  the  artist  and 
the  created  object  enjoyed  between  themselves.  Standardisation 
certainly  is  there,  but  not  stylisation  of  artistic  form,  and  the  objects 
are  not  just  image  patterns  divested  of  creative  urge.  To  maintain 
a  fixed  artistic  form  at  high  level,  with  relatively  full  creative  urge, 
through  almost  a  millennium  of  changing  circumstances,  is  indeed 
a  phenomenon  in  the  history  of  art,  as  much  in  the  history  of  human 
progress,  which  is  worth  consideration.  Presumably  it  presupposes 
a  life  and  society  that  maintained  unimpaired  their  original  faith 
and  conviction  in  certain  forms  and  feelings,  emotions,  and  ways  of 


672 


ART 

life,  irrespective  of  the  changing  social  and  economic  pattern  into 
which  their  lives  were  set.  But  it  is  the  more  surprising,  so  far  as 
South  India  is  concerned,  since  while  contemporary  stone  sculp¬ 
tures  show  signs  of  ossification  and  exhaustion,  the  metal  images  are 
wrought,  not ’mechanically  but  with  considerable  amount  of  creative 
vigour  and  skill. 

These  images,  being  cult-images,  are  almost  invariably  present¬ 
ed  in  full  frontal  view,  but  are  modelled  fully  in  the  round;  the  backs 
and  sides  receive  almost  as  much  attention  as  the  front,  and  there 
is  a  definite  tendency  to  twist  the  figures  in  slow  and  graceful  flexions 
and  round  off  the  contours  and  volumes.  The  purity  and  smooth¬ 
ness  of  the  body  surface  and  the  line  add  charm  to  the  otherwise 
tight  modelling  of  the  plastic  mass  that  seems  to  be  disciplined  by 
exercise.  These  qualities  are  maintained  through  centuries,  though 
in  later  images  of  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  there  is 
an  attenuation  of  the  physiognomical  form  and  the  outline  grows 
more  and  more  sharp;  but,  throughout,  an  elegant  poise  and  a  sort 
of  dignified  balance — both  heritages  of  the  classical  tradition — are 
steadily  maintained. 

Two  series  of  South  Indian  metal  images  may  be  singled  out 
for  special  mention:  the  Nataraja  series  and  that  of  Saiva  saints 
and  Vaishnava  Alvars.  The  Nataraja  (Figs.  127  and  129)  is  the 
formal  symbol,  the  visual  image,  of  the  cosmic  dance  of  Siva.  In  the 
most  consummate  realisations  by  the  artists  of  the  profound  symbo¬ 
lism  of  the  dance,  there  is  a  poise,  rhythm,  and  balance  that  can 
only  be  compared  with  that  of  the  Buddha  images  of  Sarnath  and 
the  monumental  Mahesamurti  of  Elephanta.  But  while  the  Buddha 
image  symbolises  the  ‘pure  Being’,  the  Nataraja  symbolises  the 
‘Becoming’,  as  Coomaraswamy  puts  it.  ‘Becoming’  connotes  eternal 
flux  which  is  in  the  dance  itself,  and  yet,  in  the  eyes  of  the  artist 
and  the  devotee,  it  is  held  as  rest  that  is  within  the  divinity  him¬ 
self  even  while  dancing.  This  very  difficult  and  profound  symbo¬ 
lism  has  been  nevertheless  concretely  visualised  by  the  South  Indian 
artist  and  interpreted  in  terms  of  line  and  plastic  volume.  While 
compositionally  the  movement  of  the  dance  is  spread  out  in  space 
dynamically,  the  linear  movement  itself  is  gracefully  and  steadily 
poised  and  balanced,  and  the  plastic  treatment  of  the  volume  shows 
no  accent  or  tension  at  any  given  point.  Dynamic  movement  or 
eternal  flux  is  thus  admirably  integrated  with  accentless,  tension¬ 
less  inner  rest  and  calmness. 

In  the  equally  significant,  if  not  equally  spectacular,  figures  of 
Saiva  and  Vaishnava  saints — also  cult-images  from  the  point  of  view 
of  the  artist  and  the  devotees  and  actually  worshipped — the  element 

673 

9.E.— 48 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


of  bhakti  supplies  the  creative  urge  that  endows  these  figures  with 
a  charm  unique  in  character.  These  mortal  beings,  bathed  in  humi¬ 
lity  and  devotion  (cf.  Fig.  130)  and  surrendered  in  body  and  soul  to 
the  One  they  hefd  as  the  Supreme  Being,  came  to  be  regarded  as 
saints  in  later -times,  and  inspire  the  same  emotions  of  humility, 
devotion  and  surrender  in  the  hearts  and  minds  of  multitudes  who 
hold  them  in  respect  and  adoration.  It  is  these  emotions  of  a  pure 
heart  that  are  interpreted  in  contemporary  plastic  terms,  in  sugges¬ 
tive  and  significant  flexions  and  gestures  and  individualised  expres¬ 
sions  as  reside  in  the  eyes  and  the  mouth  and  the  general  demeanour 
of  the  face. 


12.  GENERAL  CONCLUSIONS 

It  is  now  clear  that  the  specifically  'mediaeval5  factor  was  ac¬ 
cepted  and  interpreted  in  different  ways,  according  to  the  degree  of 
consciousness  of  mental  and  emotional  responses,  or  in  accordance 
with  the  depth  of  impact  felt  and  understood,  in  the  various  regions 
of  this  vast  sub-continent.  How  it  was  done  and  what  principles 
were  followed  in  the  respective  provinces  of  art  have  been  sought 
to  be  briefly  laid  bare  in  the  foregoing  pages. 


It  is  further  clear  that  the  two  storehouses  of  the  classical 
values  and  tradition  v/ere  Eastern  and  South  India  which,  through 
centuries,  drew  upon  their  respective  stores,  the  latter  till  the  en¬ 
tire  store  was  run  out,  the  former  till  its  career  was  cut  short  bv  the* 
Muslims.  Everywhere  else  in  India  the  'mediaeval5  impact  was  felt 
in  varying  degrees,  and  it  is  significant  that  those  were  the  regions 
where  the  northern  ethnic  stock  was  most  potent,  especially  in 
Malava,  Rajputana  and  Western  India.  But  nowhere  does  the  un¬ 


diluted  ‘northern*  or  ‘mediaeval5  factor  make  an  impress  except  in 
painting  and  textile  designs,  before  the  sixteenth  or  seventeenth 
century.  Indeed,  the  creativity  in  the  rich  and  complex  structure 
of  early  mediaeval  sculpture  (till  the  thirteenth  century)  lies  in  the 
balance  it  is  able  to  maintain  between  the  flowing  and  plastic  aspect 
of  the  ‘classical5  tradition  and  the  linear  and  angular  aspect  of  the 
‘mediaeval5,  and  the  degree  of  success  or  failure  in  this  task  is  a  sure 
measurement  of  the  artistic  merit  of  the  scluutors. 


The  words  ‘classical5  and  'mediaeval5  have  only  qualitative,  ?.c. 
attributive  significance,  and  are  chronologically  invalid  in  the  pre¬ 
sent  context.  'Classical5  qualities  of  plasticity,  viz.  accentless  dis¬ 
tribution  of  rounded  volume  and  a  flowing  naturalism,  persist  in 
South  India  for  centuries  even  after  the  thirteenth,  i.e.  in  a  period 
labelled  ‘mediaeval5  chronologically.  Elsewhere  also  these  quali¬ 
ties  appear  sporadically  in  different  regions  of  India  in  the  chrono- 


674 


ART 


logically  so-called  ‘mediaeval’  period,  as  for  example,  in  a  wooden 
figure  of  Krishna,  the  flute-player,  now  preserved  in  the  Calcutta 
Asutosh  Museum.  On  the  other  hand  ‘mediaeval’  or  northern  qua¬ 
lities  begin  to  be  potent  from  about  the  eighth  century  in  Raj  pu  tana 
(sculpture)  and  the  Deccan  (painting),  and  become  effective  and 
pervasive  by  about  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries,  at  any  rate 
so  far  as  North  India  is  concerned,  and  as  time  pushes  forward, 
assert  themselves  more  and  more,  especially  in  painting  and  textile 
designs,  though  less  in  sculpture,  sculpture  being  three-dimensional. 
Yet  to  what  extent  this  three-dimensional  art  can  be  flattened  out 
on  to  the  surface,  and  interpret  subjects  in  terms  of  sharp  lines 
and  angles  and  create  a  new  vision  and  experience  of  life,  may  be 
seen  in  the  terracottas  of  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  century  Ben¬ 
gal,  in  the  Gujarati  book-illustrations  of  the  twelfth  and  the  follow¬ 
ing  four  centuries,  in  Rajasthani  and  Pahari  miniatures  of  the  six¬ 
teenth  and  the  following  three  centuries,  in  the  textile  designs  of 
Gujarat  beginning  from  the  thirteenth,  and  in  those  of  Bengal 
(Murshidabad  Baluchar  Sddis),  Orissa  (Sambalpur  designs),  and 
Madras  (Calico  prints),  to  cite  only  a  few  examples. 

Except  in  the  South  of  India,  all  creative  utterance  in  plastic 
terms  came  practically  to  a  standstill  after  the  thirteenth  century, 
and  there  have  been  no  great  and  original  formulations  since  then. 
The  essentially  humanist  emotional  movements  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries  in  Northern  India  (as  for  example,  the 
Chaitanya  movement  in  Bengal  and  of  Kablr,  Dadu  and  Nanak  else¬ 
where)  and  the  bhakti  movement  of  the  South  have  been  responsible 
for  a  considerable  amount  of  plastic  work  of  average  standard  in 
wood  and  terracotta  and  also  in  stone,  but  they  are  at  their  best 
informed  by  a  lyrical  quality  and  a  homely  warmth,  not  unoften 
monotonous  in  their  repetition  of  themes  and  patterns.  A  cross-sec¬ 
tion  of  contemporary  literature  in  the  different  provincial  languages 
of  India  also  shows  that  this,  too,  was  characterised  by  similar 
emotional  qualities  and  certain  set  themes  and  patterns.  A  stag¬ 
nation  in  the  fundamental  life-process  is  perhaps  undeniable,  and 
this  was  presumably  inevitable  in  a  life  essentially  rural  and  agri¬ 
cultural  in  outlook  and  actual  living.  That  the  South  retained  its 
classical  vitality  longer  than  the  North  is  perhaps  due  to  the  fact 
that  the  South,  for  historical  reasons,  successfully  maintained, 
through  her  maritime  trade,  outside  contacts  that  helped  to  keep 
her  in  a  state  of  relatively  more  quickened  consciousness.  Literary 
works  like  the  Rama-charita-mdnasa  of  Tulsidas  and  Chaitanya - 
charitdmrita  of  Krishnadas  Kaviraja — the  only  two  great  North 
Indian  works,  both  surcharged  with  the  emotional  contents  of  bhakti 
_ are  great  so  far  as  they  are  rich  in  classical  values  of  dignity  and 

675 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


poise  and  largeness  of  proportion.  But  such  works  are  rare  and 
they  have  no  counterpart  in  contemporary  plastic  art.  Indeed  crea¬ 
tive  plastic  formulations  of  three-dimensional  volume  as  a  quest  for 
expression  and  beauty  have  long  ceased  to  be,  so  far  as  this  vast 
sub-continent  is  concerned. 

And  here  is  a  point  in  the  history  of  Indian  life  and  culture  that 
does  not  yield  to  a  sufficiently  reasonable  explanation.  The  plea  of 
rural-agricultural  life  and  outlook  is  only  a  tentative  one  and  can 
hardly  be  emphasised  even  as  a  sufficiently  important,  far  less  deter¬ 
mining,  factor  at  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge. 

III.  PAINTING 

1.  THE  ‘MEDIAE VAL’  FACTOR 

Plasticity  of  the  fully  rounded  and  modelled  form  had  been  the 
most  significant  characteristic,  as  much  of  Indian  painting  up  to  the 
last  phase  of  the  work  at  Ajanta  and  cognate  centres,  as  of  Indian 
sculpture,  till  about  the  eighth  century  A.D.  This  is  a  quality  which 
may  legitimately  be  called  ‘classical’,  and  this  vision  and  tradition, 
we  have  seen,  show  themselves  at  their  best  at  Ajanta,  Bagh  and 
Badami.  The  most  essential  formal  characteristics  of  this  tradition 
are:  (a)  the  modelling  quality  of  the  line  that  brings  out  in  full  the 
three-dimensional  rounded  volume  of  the  mass  as  well  as  its  plasti¬ 
city;  (b)  the  modelling  quality  of  colour  obtained  by  the  employ¬ 
ment  of  colour-shades  and  colour-tones  and  by  laying  on  high  lights, 
wherever  necessary,  to  suggest  different  planes;  (c)  the  quality  of 
brush  work  which  is  always  free  and  firm  and  aims  at  bold,  sinuous 
and  rounded  flexibility,  especially  at  the  outlines;  and  (d)  a  flowing 
and  mellow  linear  rhythm.  These  are  indeed  the  pivotal  qualities 
of  early  Indian  painting  and  they  impart  that  sculpturesque  plastic 
roundness  which  is  such  an  essential  characteristic  of  the  murals  of 
Ajanta,  Bagh  and  Badami  (fifth  to  seventh  century  A.D,).  But  these 
murals  do  not  represent  the  total  exhaustion  or  the  end  of  the  classi¬ 
cal  tradition.  Under-currents  of  this  tradition  or  its  continuity,  al¬ 
beit  'within  smaller  range  and  in  subdued  intensity,  can,  for  example, 
be  witnessed  in  the  paintings  on  the  walls  of  the  Kailasa  temple 
(eighth  century  A.D.)  of  Ellora  in  the  Deccan,  the  Jain  shrine  at 
Sittannavasal  (seventh  century  A.D.),  the  Vishnu  shrine  at  Tirumalai- 
puram  (seventh  century  A.D.),  the  Kailasanatha  temple  at  Kanchi- 
puram  (eighth  century  A.D.)  and  the  Brihadlsvara  temple  at  Tanjore 
(eleventh  century  A.D.),  all  in  South  India,  but  more  pronouncedly 
in  the  now  well-known  MSS.  illustrations  of  Bihar  and  Bengal, 
Nepal  and  Tibet  (tenth  to  thirteenth  century  A.D.). 


676 


ART 


The  mediaeval  tradition  is  more  complex  in  character,  more 
expansive  in  geographical  connotation,  and  also  more  immediate  in 
ethnic  significance.  The  essential  characteristics  of  this  tradition 
are:  (a)  sharp,  acute  line  without  its  modelling  capacity,  and  also 
without  the  steady  flow  of  the  ‘classical’  period.  This  line— quickly 
and  sharply  drawn — is  the  main  exponent  of  the  ‘mediaeval*  tradition; 

(b)  sharp,  jerky,  and  pointed  angles,  particularly  sharp  and  pointed 
limbs  when  and  where  they  form  angles — for  example,  at  the  elbow 
and  the  shoulder—,  the  sharp  and  peaked  nose,  the  crescent  lips  with 
angles  acutely  turned  upwards,  the  eyebrows,  and  long  wide  swollen 
eyes  projected  sharply  and  pointedly  beyond  their  actual  extension; 

(c)  jerky  movements,  in  angles  and  curves,  of  the  body  and  its  dis¬ 
tended  limbs,  that  produce  a  nervous  animation  quite  different  from 
the  composed  energy  and  latent  dynamism  of  the  ‘classical’  tradi¬ 
tion;  (d)  total  absence  of  colour-modelling  and  hence,  also,  of 
plasticity,  which  results  in  an  appearance  of  flatness  of  the  volume  of 
the  contour  that  resides  entirely  on  the  surface;  (e)  richness  of  varie¬ 
gated  patterns,  motifs,  and  designs,  all  gathered  and  adapted  to  the 
grip  of  sharp  curves,  angles,  and  points;  and  (f)  an  intense  prefer¬ 
ence  for  designs  and  patterns  of  decoration  that  are  basically  and 
essentially  geometrical  and  abstract,  as  distinct  from  decorative  de¬ 
signs  and  patterns  in  steadily  moving,  swaying  and  deeply  cut, 
modelled,  and  rounded  curves,  curls,  scrolls,  etc.  of  the  ‘classical’ 
tradition,  derived  basically  from  the  vegetal  and  animal  world. 

These  specific  characteristics  were  presumably  being  borne  on 
the  shoulders  of  the  northern  peoples,  perhaps  even  from  pre- 
Christian  centuries,  more  particularly  from  the  days  of  the  Sakas 
and  Kushanas,  in  recurrent  waves  of  immigration,  and  are  hence,  for 
convenience’  sake,  called  ‘northern’.  Modern  researches,  mainly 
by  Strzygowski  and  his  colleagues,  have  sought  to  show  that  the  sharp 
curves  and  point  pattern  and  the  sharp-quick  line  of  nervous  agita¬ 
tion  with  their  logical  concomitants  were  widely  prevalent  among 
the  nomads  of  Central  Asia,  especially  among  those  of  Turk 
and  Mongol  extraction.  These  Turk  and  Mongol  nomads,  at 
any  rate,  seems  to  have  been  the  most  active  carriers  of  this 
aesthetic  vision  and  artistic  tradition.  But  the  manner  in  which 
they  reached  India,  the  stages  through  which  they  passed,  and  the 
definite  elements  of  which  they  were  composed,  can  only  be  guessed, 
and  not  determined  as  yet  with  any  amount  of  certainty.  That  the 
elements  which  we  see  in  India  were  the  accumulated  results  of  a 
continuous  ethnic  fusion  of  northern  racial  elements  that  poured  into 
the  plains  of  India  from  the  steppes  of  Central  Asia,  hardly  admits 
of  any  doubt.  The  Sakas  and  the  Yueh-chis  (of  whom  the  Kushanas 


677 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Were  only  a  facet),  the  Abhiras,  the  Hunas  and  probably  also  the 
Gurjaras  were  all  Central  Asian  nomads.  By  about  the  fifth  and 
sixth  centuries  A.D.  the  Hunas  came  to  disturb  the  social  and  politi¬ 
cal  fabric  of  a  large  part  of  India  and  presumably  to  introduce  certain 
elements  of  nomadic  forms  into  India  as  well  as  into  Afghanistan  and 
Iran  with  which  countries  India,  especially  Western  India,  maintain¬ 
ed  intimate  relations  through  centuries.  It  is  most  likely  that  the 
heterogenous  elements  of  perhaps  more  than  one  tradition,  brought 
in  by  repeated  waves  of  immigration,  spread  over  more  than  half  a 
millennium,  resulted  in  a  very  slow  but  steady  fusion.  Indeed,  it 
must  have  been  a  long  process  of  history  for  these  peoples  and  their 
culture  to  send  their  roots  deep  down  into  the  soil  of  the  land  where 
their  lot  was  cast,  and  then  grow  from  within,  as  a  plant  indigenous 
to  the  soil  itself.  The  art  forms  that  are  most  expressive  of  the 
specific  ‘northern’  traits  are  not  thus  exactly  what  one  sees  in 
‘northern’  nomadic  art,  but  as  modified  by  the  impact  of,  and  response 
to,  the  ‘classical’  measure  that  had  hitherto  been  all-pervasive  in 
India.  Already  in  some  of  the  reliefs  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries 
one  witnesses  certain  definite  northern  traits;  but  sculpture  being 
essentially  and  intrinsically  three-dimensional,  and  plasticity  of  the 
fully  rounded  and  modelled  mass  having  been  the  most  important 
exponent  of  the  ‘classically’  Indian  tradition,  it  resisted  for  long  the 
infusion  of  the  ‘mediaeval’  or  ‘northern’  emphasis  on  the  linear  ac¬ 
cent,  the  stiff  concave  curves,  and  sharply  cut  edges  and  angles.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  classical  tradition  had  by  the  seventh  and  eighth 
centuries  all  but  exhausted  its  potentialities  and  was  now  ready  to 
welcome  new  conceptions  of  form.  Those  were  ready  by  the  hand 
and  were  already  available  in  stray  instances  and  isolated  regions. 

But,  painting,  which  is  two-dimensional,  offered  much  less  in¬ 
herent  resistance  to  the  ‘northern’  conception  of  form.  In  the  ninth 
century  murals  at  Ellora  we  find  these  traits  asserting  themselves 
so  emphatically  and  exuberantly  as  to  indicate  past  practice  over  a 
considerable  period  of  time.  Here  the  gliding  and  modelling  lines 
of  Ajanta  are  replaced  by  sharp  and  thin  lines,  modulated  curves  by 
sharp  and  pointed  angles  and  roundly  modelled  surfaces  by  flat 
coloured  spaces.  With  Ellora,  however,  the  ‘mediaeval’  tradition 
came  to  stay,  and  steadily  through  centuries  built  up  within  the  con¬ 
fines  of  India  and  also  outside — in  Burma,  Siam,  and  Java,  for  ex¬ 
ample — a  history  of  its  own.  For  some  time  after  Ellora  the  tradi¬ 
tion  flowed  as  an  undercurrent  but  nevertheless  influenced  and 
transformed  the  classical  tradition  by  helping  the  gradual  subsidence 
of  the  impact  and  consistency  of  its  modelling  and  diminution  of  its 
volume  by  sharpening  the  modelled  and.  rounded  line,  and  by  the 


678 


ART 


introduction  of  certain  geometric  forms  and  motifs.  This  stage  is 
reflected  in  the  mural  paintings  of  the  Jain  shrine  at  Sittannavasal 
and  the  first  layer  of  paintings  on  the  walls  of  the  temple  at  Tiru- 
malaipuram,  both  in  the  South.  By  about  the  eleventh  century  it 
begins  to  make  itself  felt  in  some  of  the  miniatures  of  Eastern  India 
(Nepal,  Bihar  and  Bengal);  but  from  the  twelfth  to  the  fifteenth 
century  the  tradition  is  seen  actively  at  work  at  different  localities 
spread  all  over  India.  In  murals,  so  far  as  extant  examples  go,  it 
is  registered  in  the  earlier  layer  of  paintings  at  Tirumaruttikunram 
and  the  second  layer  of  paintings  at  Tirumalaipuram,  both  in  South 
India,  and  in  the  Panchatantra  paintings  on  the  ceiling  of  a  mandapa. 
of  a  Vishnu  temple  at  Madanpur  in  the  Lalitpur  District  of  Central 
India, — to  mention  only  a  few  examples.  In  book  illustrations  it 
was  extensively  in  use  in  West  Indian,  mainly  Gujarati,  miniatures, 
and  in  limited  range,  in  East  Indian  MSS.-illustrations  and  copper¬ 
plate  drawings.  Simultaneously  it  makes  itself  felt  in  Javanese 
sculpture  of  Panataran  temples,  of  which  the  later  Javanese  Wayang 
Beber  is  a  lineal  descendant,  also  in  contemporary  murals  in  Pagan, 
Burma,  and  in  Siam.  Textile  surfaces  offered  a  verv  rich  field  for 
the  practice  of  this  tradition,  and  at  least  from  the  thirteenth  century 
onward  West  Indian  textile  designs,  and  later,  those  of  the  Deccan, 
the  South,  Orissa,  and  Bengal,  register  its  import  in  clear  unequi¬ 
vocal  terms.  In  Rajasthan  and  PahadI  miniatures  of  the  sixteenth 
and  seventeenth  centuries,  this  mediaeval  tradition  had  been  the 
most  dominant  inspiration  and  perhaps  the  most  important  stylistic 
determinant, — a  fact  which  has  not  yet  been  sufficiently  understood 
and  recognised.  This  remark  applies  equally  to  the  Deccanese  and 
Orissan  miniatures,  roughly,  and  perhaps  wrongly,  designated  as 
Deccani  Mughal,  and  belonging  to  the  seventeenth  and  subsequent 
centuries.  That  the  large  majority  of  terracottas  and  wood-carvings, 
and  a  very  large  segment  of  pata  (wooden  book-covers)  and  pata 
(scroll)  paintings  of  the  seventeenth  to  nineteenth  centuries  also  be¬ 
long  to  the  same  phase  of  Indian  art  has  also  to  be  remembered  in 
this  connection. 

Here,  then,  is  a  new  culture  and  civilization  with  a  new  vision 
and  aesthetic  creed  which,  basically,  was  ethnically  conditioned,  and 
must  have  coloured  and  transformed  the  Indian  way  of  life  and 
thought  in  other  directions  also  than  in  art.  But  the  lineaments  of 
this  integration  have  not  yet  been  clearly  and  sufficiently  made  out. 
In  plastic  art,  at  any  rate,  classicism  from  now  onwards  is  only  a 
heritage  which  is  certainly  never  forgotten  altogether  but  wThich  is  no 
more  informed  by  any  creative  urge  at  the  same  time,  and  surrenders 
its  place  to  the  ‘mediaeval’  or  ‘northern’  factor  which  becomes  the 

679 


/ 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


common  denominator,  particularly  in  painting,  drawing,  and 
decorative  designs.  The  factor  no  doubt  feels  the  pressure  and 
strength,  in  varying  degrees  in  the  various  regions  and  schools  of 
art,  of  the  classical  heritage;  they  interact,  but  at  the  same  time 
each  remains  separately  cognisable  from  now  on,  till  the  end  of  the 
nineteenth  century. 

2.  ELLORA  (c.  A.D.  750-800) 

A  number  of  temples  excavated  from  the  living  rock  at  Ellora 
(Kailasa,  Indrasabha,  Ganesa  and  Lankesvara  temples,  for  example) 
have  their  ceilings  painted  in  panels.  There  are  also  traces  of 
painting  left  on  the  ceilings  of  the  Dasavatara  and  Dhumar  temples, 
on  the  lintel  and  door  jambs  of  the  Kailasa  temple  and  on  the  walls 
of  the  three  storeyed  excavation,  as  well  as  on  those  of  the  Indra¬ 
sabha  temple,  besides  others,  all  at  Ellora.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  these  represent  only  a  fraction  of  the  paintings  of  a  religious 
establishment  of  deep  cultural  significance,  one  of  the  richest  in 
contemporary  India. 

While  Ajanta  affords  a  study  in  depth  and  solidity,  and 
emphasises  the  diagonal  direction  of  coming  forward  of  the  figures 
from  the  deep  formless,  and  emerging  on  the  surface  as  forms,  the 
paintings  on  the  ceiling  of  the  western  porch  of  the  Kailasa  tem¬ 
ple  at  Ellora  present  a  study  in  surface  and  is  a  simple  statement 
of  collateral  existence  on  the  plane.  In  the  latter  case,  figures  are 
not  born  of  any  impact  of  coming  forth  from  depths;  they  are  just 
visible  and  look  as  if  laid  out  weightlessly  on  or  in  between 
conglobulated  cloud  patterns  (or  aquatic  decorative  devices),  equal¬ 
ly  thin  and  shallow  and  hence  weightless.  Not  alone  the  clouds 
that  form  the  ground  of  the  paintings,  but  the  figures,  too,  seem 
to  float  or  swim  or  emerge  or  soar  effortlessly  and  look  as  if  all 
volume  and  heaviness  and  density  have  been  pumped  out  of  them 
and  replaced  by  weightless  vapour.  The  conglobulated  clouds  look 
so  many  weightless  masses  of  carded  wool  or  cotton  bordered  by 
globular  or  cusped,  and  thin  or  deep  black  outlines;  the  figures 
have  legs  that  have  not  to  carry  the  weight  of  the  body,  but  bent 
in  acute  angles;  they  also  soar  or  float  like  the  arms  and  hands,  and 
the  slim  weightless  bodies  look  as  if  suspended  in  space.  Whatever 
roundness  of  modelling  and  density  the  clouds  or  the  figures  have 
is  only  by  way  of  inheritance  or  remembrance  of  a  past  practice; 
they  are  all  thin  and  shallow  in  texture  and  lay-out,  and  do  not 
reside  in  the  dense,  consistent  and  surcharged  atmosphere  of  Ajanta. 
And,  since  the  vaporous  clouds,  thin  and  shallow  figures,  decorative 
devices,  and  everything  else  reside  on  the  surface,  practically  without 


680 


ART 


any  modelling,  the  line  in  its  varied  rhythms  becomes  the  most 
important  exponent  of  these  paintings. 

The  composition  of  these  Ellora  paintings  is  measured  out  in 
rectangular  panels  with  thick  fiat  borders;  they  have  been  conceiv¬ 
ed  within  given  limits  of  frames  that  hold  the  paintings.  In  this 
matter,  so  far  as  the  paintings  on  the  ceilings  are  concerned,  they 
followed  the  architectural  scheme  of  the  division  of  the  ceiling  into 
a  large-size  central  lotus,  on  the  four  outer  sides  of  which  are  two 
huge  rectangles,  an  inner  and  an  outer  one.  What  was  originally 
conceived  as  murals  laid  out  on  the  limitless  expanse  of  the  walls, 
was  thus  made  to  fit  in  within  bordered  rectangular  panels,  not 
only  on  the  ceilings  but  on  the  walls  as  well.  Space  in  the  sense 
of  Ajanta  does  not  exist  at  Ellora.  In  the  former  case  all  spaces 
are  surcharged  with  a  density  born  of  the  impact  of  the  figures 
bodying  forth  from  the  depths;  in  the  latter  there  is  nowhere  any 
density  or  consistency,  and  this  is  sought  to  be  compensated  by  fill¬ 
ing  up  the  entire  ground  with  all  sorts  of  figures,  men  and  -women, 
decorative  devices,  clouds,  fantastic  animals,  etc. 

The  technique  of  preparing  the  ground  for  these  murals  is  the 
same  as  that  of  Ajanta,  and  the  colours  too  are  the  same;  black, 
white,  yellow  and  earth  reds  (Indian  red,  terre-verte  or  buff  earth) 
and  buff,  all  applied  rather  thinly  and  without  any  modelling.  In 
the  first  layer  of  paintings,  however,  the  colours  are  darker  than  in 
the  second.  The  outlines  are  drawn  sharply  in  thick  black  or  deep 
red. 

The  two  layers  of  paintings  on  the  ceiling  of  the  western  porch 
of  the  Kailasa  temple  are  separated  in  time  by  about  a  century; 
but  the  above  remarks  apply  equally  to  both,  despite  stylistic 
variations  in  detail  in  one  and  the  same  layer,  wThich  shows,  inci¬ 
dentally,  that  different  stjdes  commingled  irrespective  of  the  age 
of  the  two  layers.  This  means  that  the  two  layers  belong  to  one 
and  the  same  tradition. 

Two  main  varieties  of  stylistic  form  and  treatment  are  clearly 
discernible  in  these  paintings  of  the  Kailasa  temple.  The  majority 
of  the  figures  and  movements  belong  to  the  classical  tradition  of 
Ajanta,  that  is,  they  are  somewhat  roundly  modelled  in  colour  and 
have  also  a  modelled  outline,  but  with  considerable  thinning  down 
of  the  consistency  of  the  modelling  itself.  Nor  is  there  any  sign  of 
the  impact  of  coming  forward  as  in  Ajanta.  Correspondingly  with 
the  figures,  the  clouds  in  such  panels  are  also  roundly  modelled 
masses  with  modelled  outlines  in  deeper  shade  of  the  same  colour 
or  in  deep  red;  coloured  in  dark  or  white  they  contrast  sharply  with 
the  white  or  dark  colour  of  the  figures.  But  they  have  not  the 


681 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


density  or  consistency  of  Ajanta  clouds  and  are  considerably  thin¬ 
ner.  H>e  paintings  in  the  Lankesvara,  Indrasabha  and  Ganesa 
cave  temples  belong  to  this  variety.  The  physiognomical  type  of 
the  figures  in  such  compositions  is  closely  related  to  those  of  the 
Pallava  rock  reliefs  of  Mamallapuram  and  the  reliefs  of  the  Viru- 
paksha  temple  at  Pattadakal.  A  slim  attenuated  body  endowed 
with  agile  and  smooth  limbs  and  a  longish  face  is  lightly  borne  by 
a  pair  of  long  slender  legs.  The  body  and  the  supple  limbs  seem 
to  be  suspended  from  the  strong  pair  of  shoulders  and  the  expanded 
chest  wherein  lies  the  centre  of  gravity.  Despite  the  comparative 
roundness  of  the  volume  brought  about  by  the  livingness  of  breath¬ 
ing,  the  bodies  seem  to  soar  or  float  weightlessly  and  gracefully, 
as  if  poised  in  mid-air  (compare  the  figures  in  the  Gahgavatarana 
relief  at  Mamallapuram)  in  the  midst  of  the  floating  clouds  which 
constitute  their  abode.  Light  and  transparent  draperies  and  flying 
scarves  only  emphasise  this  flying  vision  of  the  figures  themselves. 
In  one  aspect  at  least  some  of  the  painted  figures  at  Ellora  (Kailasa 
temple)  try  to  emulate  the  corresponding  type  in  stone  sculpture; 
it  is  in  the  convex  curve  of  the  chest  and  abdomen  brought  about 
by  the  forward  thrust  of  the  chest.  In  sculpture,  this  curve,  which 
reflects  the  energy  and  strength  of  the  figures,  is  attained  by  modell¬ 
ing  the  plastic  volume;  in  painting,  which  doubtless  is  slighter  in 
total  effect,  it  is  the  work  of  the  outline  drawn  with  zest  and  power. 

The  other  form  and  stylistic  variety  is  to  be  seen  in  a  type  of 
figures  and  clouds  mainly  linear  in  treatment  and  practically  with¬ 
out  any  modelling  of  the  plastic  volume,  i.e.  bodies  from  which 
volume  has  ail  but  evaporated.  Such  figures  and  clouds  are  de¬ 
fined  by  thick  and  desiccated  outlines  in  black,  and  the  clouds  turn 
themselves  on  to  edges  formed  of  deep  or  shallow  curves  entwined 
by  cusps,  scrolls,  and  dots.  It  is  in  such  compositions  that  the 
‘mediaeval’  factor  is  comparatively  more  pronounced  than  in  the 
other  variety.  In  the  lattet*  also  the  general  thinning  down  of  the 
roundness  of  volume  and  outline  has  been  due  to  the  impact  of  the 
‘mediaeval’  tendency.  Indeed,  at  Ellora,  the  line  is  the  main  ex¬ 
ponent  and  not  the  modelled  mass,  which  can  directly  be  attributed 
to  the  mediaeval  grip. 

Yet,  the  ‘classical’  tradition  of  modelling  of  the  mass  and  the 
outline  as  well  as  the  illusion  of  the  impact  of  coming  forward  from 
the  depths  is  not  ignored  altogether.  They  are,  to  begin  with, 
accepted  so  far  as  they  are  remembered  as  a  heritage,  and  then, 
stage  by  stage,  they  are  caught  by  the  ‘mediaeval’  grip  that  causes 
steady  subsidence  of  the  classical  values. 

For  example,  in  the  paintings  in  the  inner  rectangle  of  the 
ceiling  of  the  western  porch  of  the  Kailasa  temple  (Fig.  134)  there  is 


682 


ART 


the  scene  of  a  lotus  pool  on  the  wavy  waters  of  which  large-sized  lotus 
leaves  are  tossed  and  turned  upon  themselves,  and  elephants  mad¬ 
ly  sport  in  joy  in  their  midst — a  favourite  theme  in  literature. 
Here  the  figures  of  elephants  appear  emerging  somewhat  from  the 
depths;  they  are  toughly  and  roundly  modelled.  The  turning  back 
of  the  cup-shaped  lotus  leaves  is  also  treated  in  round  but  tight 
plasticity;  their  rims  are  round  and  heavy.  Certainly  the  echoes 
of  Ajanta  are  listened  to  with  attention;  but  at  the  same  time  flat¬ 
ness  of  the  human  faces,  the  peak-pointed  nose,  the  disposition  of 
the  arms  and  the  palms  on  the  surface  and  increasing  disregard  of 
foreshortening  have  all  been  due  to  the  intrusion  of  the  mediaeval 
factor. 

In  the  paintings  of  the  outer  zone  of  the  rectangle,  however, 
there  is  practically  an  all  but  complete  subsidence  of  the  impact  of 
the  modelling  of  the  mass  as  well  as  of  the  line.  The  latter  is  drawn 
sharply,  fluently  and  incisively,  and  as  outline  to  the  cloud-forma¬ 
tions  it  is  fixed  with  curves  and  dots.  Figures  of  Ajantesque  affilia¬ 
tion  are  nowhere;  they  generally  belong  to  the  Pallava  form,  and 
in  a  few  instances  the  local  idiom  of  Ellora  is  employed.  But  the 
most  characteristic  features  of  these  figures  are  the  sharp  twist  of 
the  head  and  pointed  angular  bends  of  the  arms,  both  away  from 
the  body  animated  by  jerky  angular  movements,  the  concave  curve 
of  the  closed  lips,  the  sharp  peaked  and  projected  nose,  the  long- 
drawn  wide-eyes.  Here  is  then  a  new  vision  of  form,  a  new  source  of 
energy  that  not  only  transforms  the  figures  in  their  lineaments, 
but  transforms  the  composition  correspondingly  where  everything 
else  also  responds  equally  fluently  and  vibrantly. 

This  ‘mediaeval’  grip  slowly  and  steadily  settles  down  and, 
stage  by  stage,  not  necessarily  in  chronological  sequence,  the  diffe¬ 
rent  phases  can  be  followed  in  the  paintings  on  the  ceilings  and 
walls  of  the  cave-temples  of  Ellora.  The  ‘mediaeval’  grip  is  not  all 
pervasive,  but  it  transforms  the  classical  vision  and  is  itself  trans¬ 
formed  by  it. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  despite  the  rich  significance  of  a 
new  creative  vision  that  asserts  itself  with  force  and  insistence,  the 
paintings  of  Ellora  do  not,  at  any  stage  or  in  any  of  its  phases,  reach 
the  level  of  those  at  Bagh,  Ajanta  and  Badami,  either  aesthetically 
or  intellectually.  Ellora  employs  all  the  glowing  colours  and  tones 
with  subtle  nuances  known  to  Ajanta,  but  much  of  the  charged 
density  and  consistency  of  the  latter  has  evaporated,  and  a  prefer¬ 
ence  for  conspicuous  contrasts  makes  the  paintings  appear  some¬ 
what  frolicky. 


683 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

3.  SOUTH  INDIA  (c.  A.D.  1100-1300) 

Remnants  of  Indian  wall-paintings  south  of  the  Deccan  plateau 
and  belonging  to  this  period  are  still  to  be  found,  for  example,  on  the 
walls  of  the  Vijayalaya  Chollsvara  temple  at  Narttamalai  in  the  old 
Pudukkottai  State  (c.  A.D.  1100),  of  the  Brihadlsvara  temple  (Fig. 
135)  at  Tanjore  (c.  A.D.  1100),  on  the  brick  built  walls  affixed  in  front 
of  the  cave  (c.  A.D.  1100),  and  also  on  the  cave  waljs  (c.  A.D.  1300- 
1350)  at  Tirumalai  in  North  Arcot,  on  the  walls  of  the  Sangita-matt- 
dapa  at  Tiruparuttikunram,  Kahchipuram  (c.  A.D.  1387-88),  and  the 
Uchayappa-matha  at  Anegundi  of  about  the  same  date.  It  is  not 
unlikely  that  paintings  of  the  period,  yet  unknown  to  us,  exist  on 
the  walls  of  other  South  Indian  temples.  Caves  and  temple  walls 
were  painted  over  as  soon  as  they  were  excavated  and  built;  and, 
generally  speaking,  the  dates  of  paintings  are  roughly  those -of  the 
monuments  themselves.  But  in  certain  instances,  as  for  example 
in  the  Vijayalaya  Chollsvara  temple  at  Narttamalai  where  repairs 
had  to  be  undertaken  at  a  later  period,  or  where  the  first  layer  was 
painted  over  by  a  second  or  more  layers  of  painting,  the  fixation 
of  dates  of  later  paintings  becomes  a  difficult  problem,  and  one  has 
to  take  recourse  to  the  question  of  stylistic  evolution  and  variation. 

The  Vijayalaya  Chollsvara  temple  at  Narttamalai  seems  to  have 
been  built  originally  in  the  ninth  century;  subsequently  it  was 
struck  by  lightening,  necessitating  extensive  repairs,  presumably 
towards  the  end  of  the  eleventh  or  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century. 
To  judge  from  their  style,  the  paintings  that  are  all  spread  on  the 
walls  of  the  ardka-mandapa  of  this  temple,  seem  to  have  been  exe¬ 
cuted  not  long  after  the  repairs  to  the  temple  were  carried  out. 
From  the  meagre  vestiges  that  are  still  preserved,  it  is  clear  that 
the  temple  was  Saiva;  large-scale  painted  figures  of  Mahakala,  Devi, 
and  Siva  Nataraja  are  still  visible,  along  with  other  minor  figures. 
Stylistically  the  figure  of  Mahakala  is  stereotyped,  but  its  affinity 
with  the  slightly  earlier  painting  of  Siva  as  Tripurantaka  in  the 
Brihadlsvara  temple  at  Tanjore  is  unmistakable.  Later  Chola 
characteristics  are  also  evident  in  the  form  and  shape  of  hair  deco¬ 
ration,  karanda  mukuta,  costumes,  etc.  of  the  Devi.  Outlines  of 
figures  are  invariably  in  red,  and  the  colours  extensively  used  are 
terre-verte,  yellow  and  red  of  varied  tones,  green,  black,  and  white; 
high  lights  in  white  are  used  on  finger  tips.  Chola  forms  and 
physiognomy  are  apparent,  and  ‘classical’  values  of  full  rounded 
volume  are  gratefully  remembered,  though  with  lessened  consist¬ 
ency  of  colour-modelling.  A  flattening  on  the  surface,  clearly  per¬ 
ceptible,  is  due  certainly  to  pressure  of  the  ‘mediaeval’  factor;  but 
while  the  classical  plastic  form  and  treatment  of  modelling  persist 


684 


ART 


in  such  examples  as  in  a  fragment  of  a  standing  female  figure  with 
folded  hands,  the  finger  tips  of  the  hand  being  touched  by  high  lights 
(to  the  right,  in  the  second  recess  from  entrance),  the  mediaeval  form 
makes  itself  felt  nowhere  so  strongly  as  in  another  fragment  of  two 
rows  of  flying  figures  whose  faces  and  busts,  flattened  out  on  the  sur¬ 
face,  are  shown  in  three-quarter  profile,  and  noses,  eyes,  and  mouths 
are  drawn  in  sharp,  pointed  angular  lines  (in  the  second  recess,  to 
the  right,  from  the  entrance).  Undoubtedly  the  latter  is  more  vital 
and  vibrant  in  its  diction  and  mood.  The  former,  that  is  the  classical 
type  or  whatever  residues  are  left  of  it,  is  closely  related  to  the  al¬ 
most  contemporary  (eleventh  century)  wall-paintings  in  the  Briha- 
disvara  temple  at  Tanjore  built  by  the  great  Rajaraja  I. 

The  paintings  of  the  Brihadlivara  temple  are  tucked  away 
under  its  190  ft.  high  vimana  in  a  dark  passage  around  the  main 
cella  of  the  temple.  There  are  two  layers  of  paintings  on  the  walls, 
of  which  the  upper  layer  is  slowly  peeling  off,  exposing  to  view 
the  low’er,  ie.  the  earlier  one.  To  judge  from  style,  there  does  not 
seem  to  be  a  long  lapse  of  time  between  the  two  layers  of  paintings. 
Like  that  of  the  Narttamalai,  the  subject  matter  of  these  paintings 
is  frankly  Saiva,  and  the  scenes  representing  Siva  in  his  abode  of 
Kailasa,  with  his  saintly  devotees,  as  Nataraja  and  Tripurantaka, 
ia  the  company  of  ganas,  gandharvas,  apsarasy  and  so  on,  are  laid 
on  the  w'alls  in  large  and  forceful  compositions.  The  technique, 
as  usual,  is  that  of  tempera,  and  the  paintings  are  executed  on  a 
surface  of  soft  lime  plaster — presumably  composed  of  powdered 
conch-shell  or  mother  of  pearl- — of  uniform  thickness  of  an  egg¬ 
shell.  The  outlines  are  drawn  in  light  red  or  brown,  later  on  dee¬ 
pened  by  black  or  reddish  browns.  Pigments  used  for  contours, 
backgrounds,  and  decorations  are  yellow  ochre,  red  ochre,  terre- 
verte,  brown  earth,  white,  black,  and  lapis  lazuli  blue.  Much  of 
the  ‘classical’  consistency  and  depth  of  colour  application  have  some¬ 
what  evaporated,  making  the  figures  look  flatter  and  thinner  in  the 
context  of  volume.  Nor,  compositionally,  are  the  figures  connected 
in  any  inherent  relationship;  some  of  the  groups  are  schematically 
arranged  in  horizontal  panels,  one  below  the  other.  Exceptions 
are  rare,  as  in  the  two  panels  representing  Siva  and  saint  Sundara, 
and  Siva  as  Tripurantaka,  respectively. 

But.  as  in  those  of  the  Narttamalai,  the  classical  volume  is  still 
remembered  and  there  is  a  conscious  attempt  at  giving  it  as  much 
value  as  possible,  with  the  help  of  broadly  modelled  lines,  ample 
curves  and  colour  tones.  Seated  figures  have  still  their  graceful, 
though  conventional,  bhangas,  and  dignified  movements;  but  the 


685 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


standing  figures  are  devoid  of  any  inner  plasticity  and  look  stiff  and 
inelastic.  The  grip  of  the  ‘mediaeval’  factor  is,  however,  unmistak¬ 
able  in  the  treatment  of  the  face,  shown  invariably  in  three-quarter 
profile,  with  fish-shaped  eyes  drawn  sharply  to  pointed  angles  in 
both  directions,  long  beak-like  sharply  pointed  nose  and  pointedly 
angular  chins — all  set  on  a  squarish  face  and  contrasting  sharply 
with  a  pair  of  roundly  modelled,  fully  plastic  lips  drawn  in  double 
curves.  The  two  modes  and  visions,  ‘classical’  and  ‘mediaeval’, 
thus  commingle  in  these  paintings  and,  acting  and  reacting  on  each 
other,  transform  themselves.  But,  on  the  whole,  the  South  adheres 
more  tenaciously  to  the  former  than  adopt  and  integrate  the  latter. 

Almost  contemporary  with  the  Narttamalai  and  Brihadlsvara 
(Tanjore)  temple  paintings  are  those  of  the  first  layer  on  the  brick 
walls  of  the  outermost  chamber  on  the  second  storey  of  the  Laksh- 
mlsvara  mandapa  at  Tirumalai.  But  stylistically  they  belong  to 
a  slightly  different  diction  and  variety  than  those  of  the  Narttamalai 
paintings.  The  subject  matter  of  the  Tirumalai  paintings  is  Jain 
in  inspiration.  In  the  preserved  vestiges  on  the  back  wall  and  the 
adjacent  one,  against  dark  black  background,  Devas,  Devis,  Ganadha- 
ras,  and  nuns,  animals,  etc.  are  arranged  in  panelled  sectors  border¬ 
ed  by  rows  of  hamsas,  festoons  and  lotuses,  and  surrounded  by  gan - 
dharvas  and  kimpurushas.  Full  frontal  or  three-quarter  faces  with 
eyes  wide  open  look  out  intently  towards  a  definite  point;  the 
hands  of  figures  are  held  in  anjali  pose.  But  whether  the  subject 
is  human  beings,  demigods,  animals,  or  vegetation,  the  treatment  is 
invariably  fiat,  and  volumes  are  gathered  on  the  surface;  hardly 
anything  is  left  of  the  body-shaping  colour  modelling  of  the  classi¬ 
cal  tradition.  The  lines,  too,  have  lost  much  of  their  modelling 
quality,  and  despite  good  draughtsmanship,  also  much  of  their 
bold  vigour.  The  mediaeval  grip  is  evident  in  the  sharp  lines  and 
angles,  beak-like  pointed  noses,  up-line  curves,  and  flat  treatment 
of  ornaments.  White  has  been  extensively  used  at  Tirumalai  along 
with  different  varieties  and  grades  of  ochre  and  terre-verte,  also 
grey  and  red;  use  of  mixed  and  impure  colours,  mainly  in  ochre 
and  terre-verte,  and  black  background  seem  to  have  been  a  spe¬ 
cial  feature  at  Tirumalai.  The  paintings  on  the  outside  of  the 
brick  facade  also  belong  to  the  same  category. 

The  second  layer  of  paintings  at  Tirumalai  is  still  visible  on 
the  ceiling  of  the  outermost  chamber,  referred  to  above,  and  on 
the  walls  of  the  adjacent  rock-cut  cave.  Here  the  volume  has 
thinned  out  further  and  the  figures  are  completely  gathered  on  the 
surface.  The  lines  have  come  further  sharpened  and  the  bhangas 
have  all  lost  their  plastic  flexibility. 


686 


AKT 


4.  WESTERN  INDIA  (c.  A.D.  1100-1300) 

From  all  that  we  know  of  the  settlements  of  ‘northern’  peoples 
from  the  beginning  of  the  Christian  era  to  about  the  eighth  century 
A.D.,  their  impact  seems  to  have  been  strongest  in  Western  India, 
mainly  in  Gujarat  and  West  Raj pu tana,  and  to  an  extent,  also  in 
Western  Malwa.  It  is  thus  in  the  nature  of  things  that  ‘northern’  or 
‘mediaeval’  traits  are  most  marked  in  those  regions,  especially  in 
Western  India  and  Rajputana,  and  this  is  true  more  in  the  realm 
of  painting  than  in  that  of  sculpture.  But,  despite  isolated  examples 
of  earlier  date,  the  ‘mediaeval’  conception  of  form  does  not  become 
general  and  all-pervasive  before  the  twelfth  century  A.D. 

The  geographical  position  of  Gujarat  and  the  adjoining  terri¬ 
tories  made  them  centres  of  great  international  trade,  whence  the 
arterial  routes  to  the  heart  of  Northern  India  lay  through  Malwa 
and  Rajputana.  The  inland  trade  was  mostly  in  the  hands  of  the 
Jains  who  had  always  been  zealous  guardians  of  past  traditions  and 
great  patrons  of  their  religion,  art,  and  culture.  Their  monastic 
establishments  of  which  bhcindaras  or  libraries  were  invariable  in¬ 
tegrals,  especially  those  of  Marwar  on  the  one  side  and  Kathiawar 
on  the  other,  were  not  only  important  centres  of  artistic  activity, 
but  also  provided,  at  a  later  date,  much  needed  asylums  to  artists 
and  others  who  fled  from  other  parts  of  Gujarat  in  the  worst  days 
of  Muslim  invasion  and  oppression,  and  enabled  them  to  organize 
new  art-centres  and  continue  the  tradition  more  or  less  uninter¬ 
ruptedly.  Even  before  the  Muslim  invasion  of  Gujarat,  the  fertility 
of  her  central  alluvial  plains  and  the  wealth  of  her  trade  and  com¬ 
merce  helped  the  growth  of  a  rich  art  under  the  aegis  of  the  Chau- 
lukyas.  Indeed,  Chaulukya  sculpture  and  architecture  are  much 
more  elaborate  and  sensitive  than  those  patronised  and  brought 
into  existence  by  the  Paramaras  or  the  Chahamanas.  Quanti¬ 
tatively  also  the  Chaulukyas  seem  to  have  reared  up  monuments 
far  greater  in  number  and  richer  in  the  profusion  of  sculptural  and 
decorative  details.  Their  political  and  cultural  suzerainty  in  the 
twelfth  century  extended  to  Kutch  and  Saurashtra  on  the  one  hand 
and  Malwa  and  Marwar  on  the  other,  and  the  Chaulukya  art  spread 
in  Rajputana  as  far  as  Chitor,  Bikaner,  and  Osia.  In  A.D.  1222  the 
Chaulukyas  were  superseded  by  the  Vaghelas  who,  so  far  as  Raj¬ 
putana  is  concerned,  continued  the  Chaulukya  tradition,  though 
somewhat  decadent  by  now.  The  invasion  of  Qutb-ud-dln  Aibak 
in  A.D.  1197  and  the  conquest  of  Gujarat  by  the  Khalils  a  century 
later  led  to  the  disintegration  of  the  Chaulukya  and  Vaghela  art- 
centres  of  the  country,  and  fleeing  of  artists  to  such  places  as  Kathia¬ 
war,  Idar,  Mt.  Abu,  Achalga^h,  Dungarpur,  and  Pawagadh  where 


G87 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


local  Hindu  rulers  offered  successful  resistance  to  the  Muslims  up  to 
the  fifteenth  century.  In  these  localities  and  particularly  in  the  Jain 
monasteries  and  temples,  the  rich  heritage  of  Chaulukya  art,  mainly 
Jain  in  religious  inspiration,  was  given  a  new  span  of  life,  though 
in  a  rather  degenerate  and  complicated  manner.  Sheltered  within 
the  monasteries  and  cut  away  from  the  general  life  of  the  people, 
the  art  was  stylised  and  increasingly  influenced  by  hieratic  con¬ 
ventions. 

The  first  thing  that  arrests  one’s  attention  in  the  Gujarati  paint¬ 
ings  is  that  these  are  all  invariably  MSS.-illustrations  in  miniature, 
executed  on  palm-leaf,  and  later,  from  about  the  middle  of  the  four¬ 
teenth  century,  on  paper  which  was  gradually  supplanting  palm- 
leaf  as  a  writing  material.  But  palm-leaf  was  not  altogether  given 
up  till  the  beginning,  at  any  rate,  of  the  fifteenth  century.  A  con¬ 
nected  sequence  of  these  paintings  is  available  in  a  large  number 
of  MSS.  both  dated  and  undated  (to  which  approximate  dates  can 
be  ascribed  on  stylistic  considerations),  that  range  from  about  the 
beginning  of  the  twelfth  to  about  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century. 

More  than  four  centuries  of  these  MSS.-paintings  in  miniature, 
despite  a  common  denominator  that  belongs  to  the  strong  ‘mediaeval' 
factor,  do  not,  however,  represent  one  integrated  style  in  a  regular 
process  of  evolution.  The  common  denominator  is  easily  known 
by  the  sharp,  pointed  lines  flatly  laid  in  thin  or  thick  strokes,  by 
the  almost  flat  laying  of  colours  in  two-dimensional  effect  with  but 
the  slightest  suggestion  of  modelled  plasticity,  by  the  treatment  of 
the  eyes,  nose,  and  body-joints  that  are  given  an  accentuated  ap¬ 
pearance  and  effect  by  an  emphasis  on  sharp  pointed  angles  and 
lines,  by  the  flat  treatment  of  all  decorative  and  architectural  devices, 
and  no  less  by  certain  geometrical  decorative  designs  that  are  typi¬ 
cally  ‘northern’.  It  is  needless  to  point  out  i  that  all  these  stylistic 
characteristics  and  the  flat,  essentially  two-dimensional,  aesthetic 
vision  and  treatment  are  ‘mediaeval’. 

Despite  this  common  denominator,  the  long  and  rich  series  of 
West  Indian  miniature  painting  shows  varieties  of  style  that  merit 
consideration.  There  is  one  class  of  painting  the  compositions  of 
which  are  relatively  simple,  with  but  few  figures  set  against  a  back¬ 
ground  which  is  also  simple  and  without  any  accessory  details  of 
architecture,  room-hangings  or  other  decorations;  details  of  jewel¬ 
lery  and  intricate  designs  of  costumes  being  rather  suggested  than 
actually  worked  out.  The  line-strokes  in  such  examples  are  rela¬ 
tively  thick,  the  curves  are  full  and  steady,  and  the  drawing  sure 
and  unfaltering.  Of  human  figures,  profiles  and  three-quarters  are 
given  preference,  and  eyes,  noses,  chins,,  beards,  costume-hangings 

688 


ART 


or  frills,  finger-points,  etc.  are  all  drawn  in  sharp  pointed  angles.  A 
very  characteristic  feature  is  the  treatment  of  the  eyes  which  are 
drawn  in  two  parabolic  curves  with  sharp  pointed  sides  set  on  the 
same  level,  the  eye-lashes  being  drawn  in  sharp  and  extended  bow¬ 
like  curves.  Even  in  profiles  or  almost  profiles  both  eyes  are  shown, 
with  one  eye  drawn  projectedly  somewhat  out  of  its  context.  Earli¬ 
est  examples  of  this  class  are  a  couple  of  paintings  in  a  palm-leaf 
MS.  dated  in  A.D.  1127  (Santinatha  Temple  Bhandar,  Cambay;  MS. 
No.  6.2).  In  this  version  the  West  Indian  miniatures  have  certain 
parallels  with  contemporary  East  Indian  miniatures,  especially  in 
poses  and  attitudes  of  figures,  the  quality  of  the  line,  and  slight  sug¬ 
gestion  of  plastic  modelling  of  the  body-contour. 

There  is  yet  another  style  of  West  Indian  miniature  painting, 
known  already  from  about  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D., 
which  reflects  the  ‘mediaeval’  tendency  in  a  still  more  pronounced 
manner.  In  the  examples  of  this  style  the  lines  are  equally  sharp 
but  have  not  the  fineness  of  the  class  just  referred  to  above.  They 
are  moreover  broken  and  somewhat  desiccated,  not  drawn  in  one 
sweep;  they  are  also  joined  in  pointed  angles  which  do  not  integrate. 
Nor  is  there  any  attempt  to  crowd  the  composition  with  too  many 
details;  the  few  accessories  that  fill  the  spaces  as  ’well  as  the  main 
figures  themselves  are  all  summarily  and  perhaps  somewhat  roughly 
worked  out.  There  are  also  definite  evidences,  in  some  examples, 
of  shading  which  is  done  by  the  use  of  colour  and  a  shaded  line. 
In  the  poses  and  attitudes  as  well  as  in  the  formal  appearance  and 
treatment  there  is  unmistakably  a  conscious  vigour  which  seems  to 
be  partly  traditional,  partly  drawn  from  some  submerged  folk  style. 
A  peculiar  treatment  of  the  eyes  seems  to  be  characteristic  of  this 
class  of  miniatures.  They  are  drawn  not  horizontally  on  one  level, 
but  separately  on  different  levels;  this  is  clearly  noticeable  at  the 
nose  where  the  corners  of  the  eyes  meet,  one  inside  corner  placed 
considerably  below  the  level  of  the  inside  corner  of  the  other. 
Earliest  examples  of  this  class  of  paintings  can  be  seen  in  a  MS. 
(No.  1155),  dated  A.D.  1161,  belonging  to  the  Viravijayaji  £rl  Jaina 
Svetambara  Jnana  Mandir  Bhandar  at  Chavi,  near  Baroda. 

To  whatever  class  of  the  common  denominator  these  paintings 
belong,  and  despite  their  pictorial  and  decorative  quality,  their  glow¬ 
ing  colours  of  red,  yellow,  blue,  and  gold,  West  Indian  miniature 
painting  is  highly  stylised  and  conventional,  cold  and  mechanical. 
They  are  intellectually  conceived  and  despite  their  bright  and  glow¬ 
ing  pigments  there  is  little  of  emotional  warmth  in  the  general  effect. 
But  technically  they  are  examples  of  perfect  craftsmanship  and  of 
pure  pictorial  significance.  In  their  generally  cold  and  mechanical 


S.E^-U 


689 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


effect  they  perhaps  reveal  the  inner  meaning  and  psychology  of  Jain¬ 
ism  to  which  the  majority  of  the  paintings  owe  their  origin  and 
inspiration. 

5.  EASTERN  INDIA  (BENGAL,  BIHAR),  NEPAL  AND  TIBET 

Specimens  of  painting  datable  earlier  than  the  Pala  culture- 
period  have  not  yet  been  found  anywhere  in  Eastern  India  or  Nepal. 
Extant  specimens  of  early  paintings  in  Eastern  India,  up  to  the 
thirteenth  century  at  any  rate,  are  illuminations  on  palm-leaves  and 
paper  of  MSS.  and  on  wooden  covers  of  MSS.  Besides,  so  far  as 
Bengal  is  concerned,  we  have  at  our  disposal  at  least  three  engraved 
drawings  on  copper-plates  that  may  be  said  to  belong  to  about  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries.  The  MSS.-illuminations  are  almost 
all,  with  but  rare  exceptions,  of  Vajrayana  Buddhist  inspiration;  but 
the  engraved  drawings  are  all  Brahmanical. 

Since  there  is  hardly  any  appreciable  major  stylistic  difference 
between  the  illuminations  of  Bihar  and  Bengal  or  Bengal  and  Nepal, 
at  least  till  as  late  as  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.,  they  may  con¬ 
veniently  be  studied  as  belonging  to  one  and  the  same  school. 
These  miniatures,  it  is  important  to  remember,  do  not  represent  a 
separate  style  of  book-illustration;  they  are,  in  fact,  mural  paintings 
in  reduced  dimensions,  and  can  in  no  way  be  compared  with  the 
truly  characteristic  phase  of  book-illustration  that  constitutes  a  fasci¬ 
nating  chapter  in  the  history  of  painting  in  Persia,  China,  mediaeval 
Europe  and  late  mediaeval  India.  Nor  can  they  be  said  to  have  any¬ 
thing  to  do  with  primitive  or  folk-painting;  in  fact  they  reveal  an 
already  developed  form  and  technique  intimately  linked  with  an 
art  practice  and  tradition  that  must  have  existed  in  the  form  of  large 
wall-paintings  or  MSS.-illuminations  that  carried  the  earlier  tradi¬ 
tion  of  Bagh  and  Ajanta  in  an  uninterrupted  sequence.  These  small- 
scale  paintings,  executed  within  the  narrow  dimensions  of  a  MS. 
page,  may  easily  be  thrown  mechanically  on  the  wall  in  any  magni¬ 
fied  scale  and  yet  would  not  suffer  in  the  least  in  either  the  move¬ 
ment  of  the  line,  for  example,  or  the  compactness  of  the  composition. 
Truly  speaking,  these  paintings  are  large  scale  murals  in  reduced 
dimensions. 

The  colours  used  are  orpiment  yellow,  white,  indigo  blue,  Indian 
ink-black  or  kajjal,  cinnabar  red,  and  green  which  appears  to  be  a 
mixture  of  orpiment  and  indigo,  unlike  the  green  of  Ajanta.  All  these 
colours  are  used  in  different  shades.  The  general  colour  arrange¬ 
ment,  on  the  whole,  of  the  divinities  at  any  rate,  is  mostly  determined 
by  iconographic  requirements.  Neither  Indian  red  or  any  ochres 
nor  ultramarine  seems  to  have  been  used.  Tonality  of  colours  is 


690 


ART 


practically  unknown,  but  high  lights  are  given  by  the  application 
of  white.  The  outline  is  drawn  either  in  black  or  red,  and  seems  to 
have  been  sketched  out  first  and  later  on  filled  in  with  colour. 

Usually  the  composition  of  these  illuminations  follows  certain 
well-known  schematic  principles  of  balance.  In  most  of  them  the 
main  divinity,  always  relatively  larger,  stands  or  is  seated  in  the 
centre,  against  a  background  either  of  an  architectural  design  or  of 
an  oval  or  semi-round  aureole,  or  inside  a  terraced  temple  decora¬ 
tion,  flanked  evenly  on  two  sides  by  lesser  divinities  of  the  manfala. 
in  single  or  double,  straight  or  circular,  rows  as  their  number  may 
require.  When  the  main  divinity  occupies  one  side,  the  lesser  ones 
of  the  mandala  occupy  another.  Vacant  spaces  are  filled  by  flying 
semi-divine  beings,  vegetal  and  ornamental  decorations,  architec¬ 
tural  motifs,  or  similar  other  devices 

With  the  help  of  dated  MSS.  it  is  possible  to  arrange  these 
miniatures  in  a  rough  chronological  sequence,  but  such  a  sequence 
would  be  hardly  worth  while,  for  it  hardly  shows  any  stylistic  evolu¬ 
tion.  Formally  and  psychologically  they  are  conventional,  and  in¬ 
evitably  betray  a  traditional  outlook.  Indeed,  the  trend  and 
tendencies  seem  to  have  remained  fixed,  more  or  less,  during  the 
three  centuries  beginning  from  the  eleventh.  Life  seems  to  have  re¬ 
mained  stagnant  all  the  while  within  the  confines  of  the  monasteries. 

East  Indian  miniature  paintings  are,  stylistically  speaking, 
painted  equivalents  of  contemporary  plastic  art  of  the  Palas  and 
Senas,  both  in  outer  form  and  inner  meaning.  So  far  as  the  plasti¬ 
cally  modelled  mass  is  concerned,  what  the  sculptor  achieves  by 
gradations  in  three  dimensions  at  his  disposal,  the  painter  does  with 
his  colours  applied  with  varying  degrees  of  thinness  or  consistency, 
as  well  as  with  the  help  of  linear  inflexions.  The  modelled  mass 
is  held  by  definite  but  sinuous  lines,  flowing  steadily  and  modelled; 
the  flowing  curve  of  the  contour  of  the  body  and  the  lower  abdomen 
as  wrell  as  the  sensitivity  of  the  finger  curves  are  unmistakable  heri¬ 
tages  of  the  classical  tradition.  The  best  specimens  of  this  tradi¬ 
tion  can  be  seen,  for  example,  in  the  illuminations  of  two  Prajfid- 
pdramita  MSS.  executed  in  the  5th  and  the  6th  year  of  king  Mahlpala 
(Cambridge  Univ.  Coll.  No.  Add.  1464  and  ASB.  Coll.  No.  4713 — Figs. 
140  and  141 — respectively),  the  Gandavyuha  MS.  (Fig.  136)  in  the 
possession  of  Roerich,  and  another  Prajna-pdramitu  MS.  (ASB. 
Coll.  No.  A.  15)  dated  in  the  Nepalese  era  191  (A.D.  1071).  In  the 
best  examples,  subtle  transmission  in  the  modelling  of  colour  is  fully 
valid  (Fig.  142);  equally  valid  is  the  modelling  quality  of  the  sinuous 
line  increasing  and  decreasing  in  thickness  in  accordance  with  the 
degree  of  the  surging  roundness  of  the  contour.  But  even  in  such 

691 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


examples  there  are  indications  of  increasingly  thinning  down  of  the 
plasticity  or  stagnation  of  the  plastically  modelled  treatment.  The 
modelling  quality  of  the  line  in  such  examples  may  or  mayx  not  be 
left  untouched.  In  the  Cambridge  MSS.  referred  to  above,  tb4/faint 
and  stereotyped  colour  modelling  does  not,  however,  affect  the  line 
which  is  still  vital  in  its  modelling  capacity.  The  illuminations  of' 
a  MS.  in  the  Boston  Museum  (No.  20589)  dated  in  the  4th  year  of 
Gopala  (III  ?),  of  the  well-known  Sawamura  MS.  and  of  the  Vreden- 
burg  MS.  (Fig.  137),  for  example,  belong  to  this  category.  But  in 
certain  illuminations,  for  example,  in  the  Cambridge  MS.  No.  Add. 
1643  dated  A.D.  1015,  the  lines  are  weak,  brisk  and  faltering;  they 
seem  to  be  broken  or  desiccated  and  have  lost  their  steady  uninter¬ 
rupted  flux.  In  some  examples  they  are  even  sharp  and  hectic. 
Also,  whatever  modelling  in  colour  is  evident,  is  desiccated  and 
disintegrated.  But  in  the  same  MS.,  e.g.,  the  one  with  the  label 
“Samatate  Jayatuhga  Lokandtha  ”  the  line  is  not  so  crisp  and 
short-featured,  but  is  equally  unrefined  by  any  grace  or  senti¬ 
ment.  Modelling  in  colour  is  also  faint  and  thin  (c/.  Fig.  138). 
This  is  equally  evident  in  the  illuminations  of  another  MS. 
(ASB.  No.  4203)  dated  in  the  Nepalese  era  268  (A.D.  1148).  They 
seem  to  have  a  distinctly  Nepalese  flavour  and  idiom  which  is  mark¬ 
ed  by  the  absence  of  any  trace  of  modelling  in  the  coloured  surface, 
the  upward  stiffening  of  the  pale-like  erect  bodies,  and  the  curt 
and  broken,  almost  stagnant,  character  cf  the  line.  In  certain  ex¬ 
amples,  even  of  earlier  date,  the  tendency  towards  linearisation  is 
unmistakable,  and  this  tendency  appears  side  by  side,  sometimes 
even  in  the  same  painting,  with  the  thoroughly  ‘classical’,  i.e. 
plastic  treatment — undoubtedly  an  evidence  of  the  ‘mediaeval’ 
interpenetration  into  the  ‘classical'  conception.  An  illumination, 
reproduced  on  pi.  NXXIII  (right  topmost  panel)  of  Coomaraswamy’s 
Portfolio  of  Indian  Art,  illustrates,  even  better  than  those  already 
referred  to,  this  ‘mediaeval’  element  in  East  Indian  painting. 
But  the  clear  character  of  this  ‘mediaeval’  factor  can  best  be  seen 
in  a  few  twelfth  and  thirteenth  century  copper-plate  drawings,  those 
from  Sunderbans  and  Chittagong,  for  example.234  In  both  these 
drawings  the  modelling  quality  of  the  line  is  fully  valid;  it  is  still 
flowing,  alert  and  sweeping;  but  wherever  there  is  the  slightest  pre¬ 
text,  it  loves  to  indulge  in  brisk  curves  and  pointed  angles.  The 
lines  of  the  face,  when  shown  in  profile  or  three-quarters,  form 
angles  or  sharp  curves  in  a  beak-like  nose  or  in  an  almost  angular 
chin,  and  the  bow-like  curves  of  the  brows  or  rims  of  the  upper 
lips  are  extended  as  far  as  they  would  permit,  much  in  the  same 
manner  as  in  contemporary  West  Indian  miniatures. 

It  is  easy  to  discover  a  superficial  resemblance  between  this 


692 


ART 


linear  tradition  of  East  Indian  miniatures  and  drawings  and  that 
of  Western  India  and  Rajputana.  Certainly  both  belong  to  the 
‘mediaeval  conception  and  manner  of  treatment,  but  there  is  yet 
a  marked  difference.  The  line  in  the  Western  tradition  is  flaming 
and  pointed,  angles  are  sharp  almost  to  a  geometrical  point,  and 
though  there  is  the  same  predilection  for  brisk  and  extended  curves, 
they  are  not  unoften  broken  and  are  drawn  without  any  warmth  of 
feeling  or  emotion.  On  the  other  hand  the  East  Indian  line  is 
sensitive  and  emotional,  and  has  a  melodious  lyricism  even  in  its 
sharpness  and  desiccation.  The  ‘Western’  line  has  nothing  but  flat 
and  hardened  surface  to  control  within  its  limits,  but  the  East 
Indian  line,  with  its  sensitiveness,  tempered  lyricism,  and  short  or 
extended  curves  as  the  case  mav  be,  shows  off  the  roundness  of  the 
mass  that  is  confined  within  its  boundaries.  The  rich  and  glowing 
and  summarily  laid  colours  of  West  Indian  miniatures  have  nothing 
to  compare  with  the  subdued  tones  and  modelled  plasticity  of  East 
Indian  colours,  thinly  or  consistently  applied. 

East  Indian  manuscript-illuminations  refer  to  the  regnal  years 
of  the  Pala  kings,  but  those  from  Nepal  are  invariably  dated  in  the 
Nepalese  era,  and  Nepalese  paintings  comprise  not  only  MSS.-illu- 
minations  hut  also  prabhas,  painted  banners,  and  painted  wooden 
MSS.  covers.  Dated  and  illuminated  MSS.  are  known  onwards 
from  the  eleventh  century  and  dated  banners  from  the  sixteenth, 
though  painted  Nepalese  banners,  ascribed  to  dates  onwards  from 
A.  D.  900.  were  discovered  at  Tun-huang. 

The  Tun-huang  painting  banners  are  but  painted  counterparts 
of  contemporary  East  Indian  sculpture,  and  that  in  an  inferior 
version.  The  figures  are  thin,  as  if  without  a  substance.  The  line 
is  alert,  round  and  sweeping,  but  there  is  hardly  any  modelling  of 
colour  which  is  usually  massed  together  in  blotches  or  distributed 
on  flat  surfaces.  Whatever  the  postures,  the  attitude  of  the  figures 
has  hardly  any  inner  meaning — or  even  an  artistic  significance.  In¬ 
deed.  these  are  some  of  the  essential  features  that  characterise 
Nepalese  paintings  from  the  very  outset. 

These  features  are  also  evident  in  the  MSS.-illuminations;  in 
the  earlier  ones  (eleventh  century  A.D.)  the  line  has  a  largeness,  a 
simple  vivacity,  and  some  kind  of  an  emotional  quality.  At  this 
stage  Nepalese  painting  is  but  a  component  of  contemporary  East 
Indian  MSS.  painting.  The  paintings  of  the  ASB.  MS.  No.  A.  15  (Fig. 
139)  and  Cambridge  MS.  Add.  1643,  for  example,  belong  to  this  phase. 
But  already  in  the  twelfth  and  succeeding  centuries  there  is  a  pro¬ 
gressive  desiccation  of  colour-modelling,  and  a  lessening  of  the 
modelling  capacity  of  the  line  which,  moreover,  has  a  tendency  to* 


G93 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


wards  becoming  crisp,  dry,  and  brittle;  curves,  too,  become  shorter 
and  clipped.  Sharp  and  hectic  ‘Western’  lines  and  pointed  angles 
also  make  their  intrusion.  Not  only  do  Nepalese  paintings  at  this 
stage  throw  aside  the  refined  elegance  and  exuberance  and  the 
continuous,  sensitive  flux  of  the  ‘Eastern’  line,  but  compositional^, 
too,  they  bid  good-bye  to  the  continuous  and  sweeping  rhythm  of 
the  East  Indian  composition  and  adopt  one  that  is  clipped  and 
divided  in  single  units.  The  figures  stiffen  increasingly;  they  are 
erect  and  vigorous,  and  yet  without  any  substance,  accentuating  their 
angles  whenever  they  bend  sideways.  These  are  characteristic 
Nepalese  tendencies  that  are  evidenced  till  as  late  as  the  sixteenth 
century,  as  applied  to  Indian  themes  and  formulations.  The  paint¬ 
ings  of  the  ASB.  MS.  No,  4203  (dated  N.  S.  268=A.  D.  1148),  of 
the  Durbar  Library  MS.  of  the  Nitydhnikatilaka  (dated  N.  -S.  515 
—  A.D.  1395),  and  that  on  the  wooden  cover  of  a  MS.  of  about 
A.D.  1200,  for  example,  belong  to  this  phase. 


1.  Mayamata,  Chaps.  XIX  and  XXI;  ISGDP ,  Patala  XXX;  Tantra-samuchchaya, 
Patala  II;  Suprabhedagama,  Chap.  XXX  ( Kesara  of  this  text  is  apparently  a 
mistake  for  V esara ) ;  Kdmikagama,  Patala  XLIX;  Kasyapa-silpa,  Chap.  XXV; 
SR,  Chap.  XVI;  Samaranganasuiradhara,  Chap.  LVII  (this  text  replaces  Vesara 
by  Varata );  Ap.-p.  (MS.  in  S.  K.  Roy  collection,  Fol.  51)  omits  Vesara  and 
mentions,  along  with  Ndgari  and  Drdvidi,  Ldti  and  Vairati ;  an  inscription  from 
Holal  (Bellary  District)  adds  Kdlinga  to  the  list  of  N  agar  a,  Dravida ,  and  Vesara 
(Annual  Report  of  the  Assistant  Archaeological  Superintendent,  Southern  Cir¬ 
cle,  for  Epigraphy,  for  1915,  pp.  40-90). 

2.  Sarvdni  sarvadeseshu  bhavant-ityapi  kechana  (ISGDP);  Sarvam  sarvatra  sam- 
matam  (Kdmikagama) . 

3.  ISGDP;  SR;  Kasyapa-silpa;  Kdmikagama.  The  Ap.-p.  confines  the  Ndgari 
( Ndgara )  style  to  Madhyadesa  (Ndgari  Madhyadese  tu )  and  mentions  Ldti  ( Ldti 
Late  prakirtitd )  and  Vairati  (Vairati  tu  svadesaja),  evidently  of  Lata  and  Vi¬ 
rata  regions,  as  separate  styles,  along  with  the  Ndgari  and  Drdvidi.  On  the 
evidence  of  the  monuments  Lati  and  Vairati  should  be  considered  as  ramifica¬ 
tions  of  the  Ndgara  style.  Kalinga  of  the  Holal  inscription  is,  likewise,  a  regio¬ 
nal  manifestation  of  the  Ndgara  style. 

4.  ISGDP;  SR. 

5.  Kdmikagama ;  ISGDP;  SR.  The  interchange  of  the  Dravida  and  the  Vesara 
regions,  as  we  have  in  the  Kasyapa-silpa,  is  evidently  a  mistake. 

6.  SR;  Tantra-samuchchaya. 

7.  Kdmikagama;  Mayamata.  Here  stupi  means  the  top  of  the  sikhara  and  should 
not  be  confused  with  the  domical  crowning  member  (technically  called  stupi 
or  stupikd)  of  the  Dravida  temples. 

8.  Chaturasrayatdsram  yan-Ndgaravn  parikirttitam — Kdmikagama;  Mayamata. 

9.  IC,  VII,  pp.  74-75. 

9a.  Cf.  Volume  III,  p.  514. 

10.  Drdvidi  dakshine  bhage — Ap.-p. 

11.  Dravidasyochito  deso  Dravidah  sydnna  chdnyathd — ISGDP ;  SR. 

12 .  Krishnadi-Kanydntam — Kdmikagama. 

13.  Mayamata;  ISGDP;  Suprabheddgama;  Tantrasamuchchaya;  SR;  Kasyapa-silpa. 

14 .  Kdmikagama:  Mayamata. 

15.  The  description  of  the  ISGDP  that  a  Dravida  temple  may  also  be  square  below 
the  neck  and  octagonal  above  has  a  general  likeness  with  the  early  mediaeval 
temples  of  the  Dravida  country. 

15a.  Vol  III,  pp.  501-7,  514. 

16.  HII A,  figs.  116  and  117;  A.  Cunningham,  Coins  of  Ancient  India,  p.  68,  pi.  IV,  2. 

17.  J.  Fergusson,  HIE  A,  II,  p.  92. 

18.  N.  K.  Bose,  Canons  of  Orissan  Architecture,  Calcutta,  1932. 

19.  M.  Ganguly,  Orissa  and  her  Remains — Ancient  and  Mediaeval,  p.  307. 

694 


ART 


20.  R.  D.  Banerji,  History  of  Orissa.  II,  pp.  338-39. 

21.  JRASBL,  XV,  pp.  109-14. 

22.  HIE  A,  II,  p.  97. 

23.  R.  L.  Mitra,  Antiquities  of  Orissa,  II,  p.  91. 

24.  JRASBL,  XIII,  pp.  63-73.  See  above,  p.  211. 

24a.  Another  temple  of  this  type  maj'  be  seen  in  the  Dakra  Bhlmesvara  at  Bhuva- 
nesvara. 

25.  Cf.  HIIA,  p.  115.  This  date  is  usually  accepted  by  scholars. 

26.  The  author  is  indebted  to  Sri  N.K.  Bose,  Calcutta  University,  for  this  informa¬ 
tion. 

27.  JASB,  VII,  pp.  828-29,  pi.  XL. 

28.  Information  kindly  supplied  by  Sri  N.K.  Bose,  Calcutta  University. 

29.  ASI,  1928-29,  p.  16,  pi.  IV(a). 

30.  JBORS,  XV,  65-68,  pis.  IV  and  V;  ASC,  XIII,  118-19. 

31.  Sri  N.  K.  Bose,  Calcutta  Universitv,  kindly  supplied  the  information. 

32.  ASI,  1904-05,  pp.  116-20,  pis.  XXXVI  and  XXXVII. 

33.  For  a  general  account  of  the  Orissan  temples  the  following  may  be  consulted: 

R.  L.  Mitra,  Antiquities  of  Orissa,  2  vols.; 

HIE  A,  II,  pp.  92-111; 

R.D.  Banerji,  History  of  Orissa,  II,  chapter  on  Architecture. 

Percy  Brown,  Indian  Architecture  (Buddhist  and  Hindu),  pp.  122-32. 

34.  ASC ,  XVII,  p.  28;  ASI,  1909-10,  pp.  11-14;  1922-23,  pp.  49-50. 

34a.  See  Classical  Age,  Fig.  32. 

35.  ASC,  II,  pp.  201  If. ;  ASI,  1909-10,  pp.  15-16;  1924-25,  p.  33. 

36.  ASC ,  XVII,  d.  8;  ASIWC,  1903-04,  p.  50;  ASI ,  1909-10,  p.  16. 

37.  MAS  I,  No.  23.  pp.  61-62,  pi.  XVIII  (b). 

38.  Ibid.,  p.  66,  pi.  XVIII  (a). 

39.  HIE  A,  II,  pn.  133-34. 

40.  JDL,  XXIX,  Article  No.  8. 

41.  For  temples  at  Amarkantak,  MASI,  No-  23.  pp.  53-60,  pis-  XOT-XVI. 

42.  MASI,  No.  23.  pp.  48-53,  pis.  X-XII. 

43.  HIE  A,  II.  p.  141;  HIIA,  p.  104;  Br.  I.  A.,  p.  133. 

44.  It  should  be  remembered,  however,  that  the  sdndhdra  garbhagriha  and  anga- 
sikharas  on  the  main  tower  do  not  always  go  together,  the  former  being  re¬ 
cognised  only  in  a  few  temples  of  the  group.  Temples  of  the  sa.ndh.ar a  class 

are  also  found  in  Western  India. 

44a.  Vcl.  in.  pp.  501-507. 

45.  Stella  Kramrisch,  KHT,  II,  p.  367. 

46.  Ibid,  p.  372. 

47.  ASC,  II,  pp.  427-28,  430-31. 

48.  MASI,  No.  23,  pp.  32-35,  41.  pis.  I  and  VI. 

49.  ASC,  XI,  pt>.  46-47;  ASI ,  1908-09,  pp.  17-18. 

30.  Ibid,  pp.  20-21. 

51.  Ibid,  p.  20. 

52.  ASC,  VII,  pp.  160-62. 

53.  Ibid,  pp.  199-200. 

54.  Ibid,  IX,  pp.  60-74. 

55.  ASI,  1915-16,  pt.  1,  p.  18. 

56.  HIEA,  II,  p.  51. 

57.  P.C.  Mukherji,  Report  on  the  antiquarian  remains  in  the  Lalitpur  district ,  pi.  39. 

58.  ASC,  XIII,  pp.  132  ff. 

59.  HIEA,  II,  p.  51. 

60.  HIIA,  p.  110. 

61.  KHT ,  II,  p.  348. 

62.  For  a  general  account  of  these  temples  reference  may  be  made  to  ASI,  1906-07, 
p.  42;  1908-09,  pp.  100-115.  The  site  was  known  as  Ukesa,  as  known  from  a 
fragmentary  inscription  in  the  Mahavira  temple  at  Osia.  For  the  date  of  the 
Buchkala  Inscription  of  Nagabhata  II,  see  El,  IX,  199. 

63.  KHT,  II,  p.  404. 

63a.  The  Mahavira  temple  seems  to  have  an  interesting  history  covering  a  period  of 
several  centuries.  According  to  a  fragmentary  inscription,  the  original  shrine 
of  Mahavira  seems  to  date  back  to  the  period  of  Vatsaraja,  the  Gurjara  Pratl- 
hara  king  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  eighth  century  A.D.  Subsequently  it  fell 
into  disrepair  and  a  certain  amount  of  renovation  work  was  undertaken  by  a 
merchant,  named  Jinodaka,  in  Vikrama  samvat »  1013  (A.D.  956).  Finally, 

695 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


in  Vrkram  Samvat  1075  (A.D.  1018)  the  ornament  tor  ana  was  set  up  by  two 
individuals  whose  names  are  lost.  The  style  of  the  temple  with  the  sikhara  of 
the  sanctum  surrounded  by  clusters  of  ahga-sikharas  belongs  to  the  eleventh 
century  A.D.,  though  the  evidences  of  the  earlier  history  of  the  shrine  are  fully 
supported  by  the  varied  forms  of  the  pillars  of  the  mandapa,  of  the  porch  and 
of  the  tor  ana  in  front.  The  sikhara  itself  was  put  together  with  old  materials 
about  a  century  back,  but  it  essentially  retains  the  form  of  the  eleventh  century 
A.D.  The  original  shrine  of  Sachiya  Mata  may  go  back  to  the  eighth  century 
A.D.  But  the  present  temple  can  hardly  be  earlier  than  the  twelfth  when, 
according  to  an  inscription,  dated  Vikrama  Samvat  1234  (A.D.  1177)  the  jangha- 
ghara  was  furnished  with  certain  sculptures  by  a  banker  of  the  name  of  Gayapala. 

64.  Br.  I. A-,  p.  148. 

65.  KHT,  II,  pi.  LXXVL 

66.  Stella  Kramrisch,  Art  of  India ,  pis.  132-33. 

67.  Ibid,  p.  210- 

68.  For  a  general  account,  reference  may  be  made  to  HIE  A,  II,  pp.  36-13;  Henry 
Cousens.  AAWI,  pp.  46-49;  Percy  Brown,  Br.I.A .,  pp.  147-48,  149. 

69.  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI,  p.  46. 

70.  Ibid,  p.  47. 

71.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath ,  p.  37. 

72.  The  author  is  grateful  to  Sri  N.K.  Bose,  Calcutta  University,  for  this  in¬ 
formation. 

73.  Henry  Cousens  thinks  they  were  made  of  stone —  Somnath,  p.  37. 

74.  Ibid ,  p.  6. 

75.  HIIA,  p.  82. 

76.  Br.  I. A.,  p.  159. 

77.  James  Burgess,  Report  on  the  antiquities  of  Kathiawar  and  Kach,  p.  7;  HIIA , 
p.  82;  Br.I.A p.  159.  Recently  a  radio-carbon  test  of  the  wood  fragment 
found  in  the  Gop  temple,  was  conducted  by  Dr.  Shyamadas  Cliaterji  in  the  phy¬ 
sics  Laboratory,  University  College  of  Science  and  Technology,  Calcutta. 
According  to  the  test.  Dr.  Chaterji  reports,  the  wood  fragment  is  approximately 
1400  years  old.  The  view  of  the  archaeologists,  who  place  the  temple  in  the 
sixth  century  A.D-,  is  thus  confirmed  by  a  scientific  method  of  dating  objects- 
H.  D.  Sankalia  (AG,  p.  59)  is  inclined  to  ascribe  the  temple  to  the  fifth  century 
A.D. 

78.  H.D.  Sankalia,  AG.  pp.  57-591 

79.  Henry  Cousens.  Somnath,  ppf  6-7. 

SO.  Ibid,  pi.  XLVIII. 

81 .  Ibid ,  pp.  44-45. 

82.  Ibid.  o.  40. 

83.  Ibid,  p.  40;  H.D.  Sankalia,  AG,  pp.  59-62. 

84.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath,  pp.  38-39,  H.D.  Sankalia,  AG,  pp.  60,  63. 

85.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath ,  pp.  7,  41;  H.D.  Sankalia,  AG,  pp.  59,  62;  Sr.  I.A., 
p.  159. 

86.  H.D.  Sankalia.  AG,  p-  60. 

87.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath,  p.  40. 

88.  Ibid,  p.  40. 

89.  Ibid,  p.  41. 

90.  James  Burgess,  AANG ,  p.  109. 

91.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath ,  pi.  XC. 

92.  Ibid,  pp.  53-54,  pi.  LVI. 

93.  H.D.  Sankalia  (AG,  pp.  83-84)  is  inclined  to  include  the  Ranik  Devi  temple 
at  Wadhwan  and  the  above-mentioned  temple  at  Sandera  among  the  examples 
of  the  Solankl  temple.  But  the  above  distinctive  features,  characteristic  of  the 
early  Ndgara  temple,  are  too  emphatic,  and  it  is  difficult  to  class  them  otherwise. 

94  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath.  pp.  51-52,  pis.  LII,  LTV. 

95.  Ibid ,  p.  51. 

96.  Ibid ,  pi.  LI. 

97.  Br.  I. A.,  p.  145. 

98.  H.D-  Sankalia,  AG,  o.  74. 

99.  James  Burgess,  AANG,  p.  88;  pi.  LXVII. 

100.  Ibid,  p.  109. 

101.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath,  pp.  69-  70,  pi:  LXXXVIH. 

102.  James  Burgess,  AANG,  p.  107. 

103.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath .  p.  62  pi,  LXXI. 

104.  HIEA ,  II,  pp.  133-34,  Fig,  281.  Triple-shrined  temples,  though  rare  in  con- 


696 


ART 


ception,  are  found  over  a  wide  region,  as  for  example,  in  Central  India,  in 
Khandesh  and  in  the  Kannada  districts.  , 

105.  James  Burgess,  AANG,  p.  110.  Only  the  mandapa  is  now  left.  From  three 
entrance  porticos  H.D.  Sankaiia  is  inclined  to  class  it  with  the  triple-shrined 
group  (AG,  p.  43).  But  neither  the  plan,  nor  the  character  of  the  remains 
would  warrant  such  an  assumption. 

106.  James  Burgess,  AANG,  p.  11. 

107.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath,  p.  63. 

108.  James  Burgess,  AANG ,  pp.  75  ff;  HIIA,  p.  Ill;  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI,  pp.  37- 
39;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I.A.,  pp.  145-47;  H.D.  Sankaiia,  AG,  pp.  73.  84  ff;  Ben¬ 
jamin  Rowland,  AAI,  p.  178. 

109.  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI,  p.  39. 

109a.  An  individual  feature  of  the  typical  Solahki  temple  is  the  beaded  dmalakasila 
surmounting  the  sikhara.  That  such  a  member  was  also  the  crowning  element 
of  the  sikhara  of  the  sanctum  of  the  Modhera  temple  is  indicated  by  the  frag¬ 
ment  of  a  huge  amalaka  found  among  the  ruins  that  lie  scattered  round  about. 

110.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath ,  p.  36;  AAWI,  p.  42;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  148. 

111.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath,  pp.  57-58;  AAWI,  pp.  42-43;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A., 
p.  148. 

112.  James  Burgess,  AANG,  pp.  60-69  and  pis.;  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI,  pp.  36-37; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  148-49. 

113.  James  Burgess,  AANG ,  p.  84  and  pis.;  HIE  A,  II,  p.  136;  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI, 
pp.  36.  37- 

114.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath ,  pp.  1  ff;  AAWI,  pp.  40-42;  HIE  A,  II,  p.  134-35. 

115.  Henry  Cousens,  Somnath,  pis.  XII-XHI. 

116.  HIE  A,  II,  Fig.  281. 

117.  James  Burgess,  AANG,  p.  115. 

118.  Henry  Cousens,  CARD,  p.  92,  pi.  LXXXVH. 

119.  Ibid ,  pp.  41-44,  pis.  XIII-XV,  XXII. 

120.  Ibid,  pis.  IX,  XI. 

121.  Ibid,  pis.  XII,  XIII. 

122.  Ibid,  pis.  XL.  XLV. 

123.  Ibid ,  pp.  72-73,  pi.  LII. 

124.  Ibid,  p.  73,  pi.  LII. 

125.  Ibid ,  p.  73. 

126.  Ibid,  p.  72. 

127.  Ibid,  pp.  68-70,  pis.  XLIX,  L;  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI ,  pp.  24-25;  Percy  Brown. 
Br.  I. A.,  p.  83,  pis.  XLV,  XLVII.  ' 

128.  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  pi.  XXVI;  Stella  Kramrisch,  Art  of  India,  p.  203,  pi.  57- 

129.  Ibid,  p.  205,  pi.  76. 

130.  For  mediaeval  monuments  of  the  Dakhan  reference  may  be  made  to  Henry 
Cousens,  MTD;  AAWI,  pp.  51-57;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  152-55. 

131.  Stella  Kramrisch,  KHT,  I,  pp.  218-19. 

132.  Henry  Cousens,  MTD,  p.  7. 

133.  James  Fergusson,  HIE  A,  II.  p.  147;  Henry  Cousens,  MTD ,  pp.  1318  pis.  III-V, 
IX;  AAWI,  pp.  52-54,  pi.  43;  Percy  Brown,  Br.I.A.,  pp.  153-54,  pi.  XLV. 

134.  Henry  Cousens,  MTD,  pp.  23-24,  pis.  XVI,  XXI,  XXII,  A  AWL  p.  57,  pi.  46; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  154. 

135.  Henry  Cousens,  MTD,  pp.  24-25,  pis.  XVIII,  XXI;  AAWI,  p.  57;  Percy  Brown, 
Br.  I. A.,  p.  154. 

136.  Henry  Cousens,  MTD,  pp.  28-29,  pis.  XXV,  XXVII,  XXVIII. 

137.  James  Fergusson,  HIE  A,  II,  up.  144-46,  pi.  XXV,  Figs.  343;  344;  Henry  Cousens, 
MTD,  pp.  36,  39,  pis.  XLl£  XLHI,  XLVII,  XLIII;  AAWI,  pp.  54-55,  pi.  44; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  I.  A.,  p.  154,  pi.  XCIX. 

138.  Henry  Cousens,  MTD,  pp.  41-43,  pis.  LIU,  LV;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pL  XLV- 

139.  Henry  Cousens,  MTD,  p.  55,  pi.  LXXX. 

140.  ASC,  VH,  pi.  VI;  James  Fergusson,  HIE  A.  II.  p.  147,  Stella  Kramrisch,  KHT, 
I,  p.  256,  II,  pp.  389-96,  pis.  XUII-LII. 

140a.  See  above,  p.  68. 

140h.  Percy  Brown,  (Br.I.A.,  p.  139)  thinks  that  the  Udayapura  temple  show  “by 
its  style  an  affinity  to  the  Chandella  group  of  temples  at  Khajuraho.”  But 
none  of  the  temples  at  Khajuraho  exhibits  this  characteristic  design  which  is 
pre-eminently  Dakhanese. 

141.  Stella  Kramrisch,  KHT,  II,  p.  391. 

142.  Ibid,  p.  391. 

143.  ASR,  1912-13,  pt.  1,  pp.  27-29;  1915-16,  pp.  39-48. 

697 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


144.  ASR,  1905-06,  pp.  17  ff. 

145.  For  Chamba  temples  reference  may  be  made  to  ASC,  XIV,  pp.  109-114. 

146.  ASR,  1909-10,  pp.  18-24. 

147.  JISOA,  II,  pp.  135-36,  HBR,  I,  pp.  499-500,  figs.  82,  84,  104. 

148.  R.  D.  Banerji,  Eastern  Indian  School  of  Mediaeval  Sculpture ,  pis.  XIX(b), 
XC(a),  XCIV(b). 

149.  ASC ,  VIII,  p.  154;  JISOA,  I,  pp.  125-27, /pi.  XXXVI;  HBR,  I,  p-  499,  fig.  81. 

150.  ASR,  1934-35,  p.  43,  pi.  XIX(a);  HBR,  I,  pp.  500-01,  fig.  85. 

151.  ASC,  VIII,  p.  202;  ASR,  1921-22,  pp.  84-85;  1922-23,  pp.  58-59;  A.  K.  Coomara- 
swamy,  HIIA,  Fig-  213;  JISOA,  II,  pp.  139-40;  HBR,  I,  p.  501,  fig.  86. 

152.  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HU  A,  p.  108. 

153.  ASR,  1927-28,  p.  41. 

154.  JISOA,  II,  pp.  140-41;  HBR,  I,  p.  501,  fig.  88. 

155.  JISOA,  II,  p,  141;  HBR,  I,  pp.  501-02,  fig.  89- 

156.  A.  H.  Longhurst,  Pallava  Architecture  ( MASI ,  No.  17);  James  Fergusson,  HIEA, 
I,  pp.  331-38;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  96-97;  Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  pp. 
180-81;  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA,  pp.  102-104. 

157.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA.,  I,  p.  362;  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA,  p.  105;  Percy 
Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  98-99;  Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  p.  183. 

158.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  98. 

159.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  357-59;  A.K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA.  p.  104-105; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  I.  A.,  pp.  99-100;  Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  p.  183. 

160.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  100. 

161.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  359-60;  Percy  Brown,  Br.I.A.,  p.  100. 

162.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I.  A.,  p.  100. 

163.  A.  K-  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA,  p.  105- 
1G4.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  100. 

165.  Ibid. 

166.  Ibid. 

167.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  352-57;  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  pp.  61-66;  AAWI, 
pp.  22-23;  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA ,  p.  95;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  83-85; 
Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  p.  168. 

168.  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  pp.  29-32;  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA ,  p.  95;  above. 
Vol.  Ill,  p.  506. 

169.  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  pp.  60-61- 

170.  Ibid,  pp.  66-68. 

171.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  342-46;  A-  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA.,  pp.  104-05; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  J.A.,  pp.  89-90;  Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  pp.  183-86. 

172.  K.  A.  Nilakanta  Sastri,  Colas  (2nd  Edn.),  pp.  699-700. 

173.  Percy  Brown,  Br.I.A.,  pp.  102-03;  K.  A.  Nilakanta  Sastri,  Colas,  pp.  705-06. 

174.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I.  A.,  p.  103. 

175.  See  above  pp.  234  ff. 

176.  Sastri,  Colas,  p.  184. 

177.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  362-64;  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA,  p.  122; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  103-04;  Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  p.  189;  K.  A. 
Nilakanta  Sastri,  Colas,  pp.  710-13. 

178.  Percy  Brown,  Br.I.A.,  p  104. 

179.  Ibid / 

180.  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  HIIA,  p.  122;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  104-05;  K.  A- 
Nilakanta  Sastri,  Colas,  pp.  713-14. 

181.  Colas ,  p.  713. 

182.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  105. 

183.  Ibid,  p.  108;  K„  A.  Nilakanta  Sastri,  Colas,  pp.  717-19. 

184.  Colas,  pp.  720-22. 

185.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  109  ff;  Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  pp.  190-91. 

186.  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  p.  17. 

187.  The  only  exception  is  the  Sarasvatl  temple  at  Gadag  (Dharwar  District).  See 
Ibid,  pp.  110-12;  pi.  CXX. 

188.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  426-27;  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  pp.  75-76;  AAWI, 
p.  28;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  175-76. 

189.  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  pp.  77-79;  AAWI,  pp.  27-28;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A., 
p.  176. 

190.  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  p.  77. 

191.  Ibid,  pp.  83-84;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I.  A.,  p.  176. 

192.  Henry  Cousens,  CAKD,  p.  83. 

193.  Ibid,  pp.  85, 


698 


ART 


194.  Ibid,  p.  89 

195.  Ibid ,  p.  88. 

196.  James  Fergusson,  H1EA,  I.  pp.  428-29;  Henry  Cousens,  CARD,  pp.  79-82;  AAWI, 
pp.  29-30;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  176-77. 

197.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I.  pp.  424-25;  Henry  Cousens,  CARD,  pp.  100-02; 
AAWI,  pp.  30-31;  Percy  Brown,  Br.I.A p.  177. 

198.  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI,  p.  30. 

199.  Cousens  speaks  of  the  hall  as  having  sixty-eight  pillars-  Perey  Brown  also 
follows  his  description.  But  the  published  plan  (Henry  Cousens,  CARD , 
pi.  CV)  shows  only  fifty-six  pillars,  twenty-six  of  whieh  support  the  roof,  while 
the  remaining,  over  the  kakshasanas,  carry  the  eaves. 

200.  Meadows  Taylor,  Architecture  of  Dharwar  and  Maisur,  p.  47. 

201.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  429-31;  Henry  Cousens,  CARD,  p.  103;  Percy 
Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  177-78. 

202.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  429-31;  Henry  Cousens,  CARD,  pp.  109-113; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  I.  A.,  p.  178. 

203.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  431-32;  Henry  Cousens,  CARD,  pp.  114-15; 
AAWI,  p.  32;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  178, 

204.  Henry  Cousens,  AAWI,  p.  32. 

205.  Percy  Brown  would  class  the  Hcysala  temple  as  “distinct  from  all  others'’ 
because  of  this  conformation.  Br.  LA. ,  p.  168- 

206.  Ibid,  p.  170.  * 

207.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  437-38;  Percy  Brown,  Br.  LA.,  pp.  170-71;  Ben¬ 
jamin  Rowland,  AAI,  p.  193. 

208.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  438-441;  Percy  Brown.  Br.I.A ..  p.  171. 

209.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  444-50;  Percv  Brown,  Br.  LA.,  pp.  171-73- 

210.  Ibid,  p.  171. 

211.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I  pp.  442-43;  Percy  Brown.  Br.  LA.,  p.  172. 

212.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  p.  443. 

213.  Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  p.  173. 

214.  James  Fergusson,  HIEA,  I,  pp.  251-72;  A.  K.  Coomaraswamy,  H11A,  p.  143; 
Percy  Brown,  Br.  I. A.,  pp.  185-94;  Benjamin  Rowland,  AAI,  pp.  119-20.  For 
detailed  accounts  of  the  Kashmir  monuments  reference  may  be  made  to  R.  C. 
Kak’s  Ancient  Monuments  of  Kashmir. 

215.  ASI,  1922-23.  pp.  116-23;  1925-26,  pp.  107-13,  141;  1926-27,  pp.  140-149,  119; 
1927-28,  pp.  33-39.  144-45,  101-11;  1928-29.  pp.  97-98:  1930-34,  pt.  I,  pp.  113-18; 
Paharpur. 

216.  ASI,  1930-34.  pi.  xvii;  Paharpur ,  pi.  I. 

217.  Ibid,  p.  7. 

218.  ASI,  1935-36,  pp.  55-56,  pi.  xix-xxi;  1936-37,  pp.  47-50,  pi.  xxi. 

219.  Paharpur,  p.  25,  pi.  xx(b). 

220.  Ibid,  p.  8. 

221.  Dikshit  uses  the  word  ‘outline’  (Ibid,  p.  7)  which  pre-supposes  an  earlier  struc¬ 
ture  that  served  as  the  nucleus  for  additions  and  amplifications  at  different 
periods.  As  it  stands  now,  the  temple  belongs  wholesale  to  a  single  period  of 
construction  and  if  any  earlier  structure  existed  it  served  as  a  model  for  the 
present  monument,  which  was  conceived  on  a  much  grander  scale,  and  not  as  a 
nucleus  for  later  additions  and  accretions. 

222.  JGIS,  IX,  pp.  5-28. 

223.  The  problem  of  the  occurrence  on  the  basement  of  stone  sculptures  of  varied 
style,  a  few  of  the  earlier  dates,  has  been  discussed  in  detail  by  the  present 
writer  in  IC,  VII,  pp.  35-40  and  sketch,  and  also  in  HBR,  I,  pp.  508-09. 

224.  Illustrated  London  News,  January  29,  1927,  p.  160. 

225.  ASI,  1925-26,  p.  109. 

226.  Brihat-samhita,  LII,  36  also  relevant  commentary;  Matsya  Purdna,  Ch.  269,  34- 
35;  JISOA,  H,  p.  137. 

227.  ASI,  1925-26,  p.  113. 

228.  JGIS ,  IX,  pp.  5-28  and  plates. 

229.  ASI,  1927-28,  p.  39. 

230.  OZ,  1930,  PI.  33. 

231 .  See  above,  pp.  536  ff . 

232.  Brahmor  wood-carving  of  Chamba,  c.  A.D.  700.  Cf  Vogel,  Antiquities  of 
Chambd,  PI.  VH,  etc. 

232a.  HIIA,  Fig.  273. 

233.  Cf.  Vol.  IV.  p.  115. 

233a.  KIS,  Fig.  112. 

234.  HBR,  I,  555. 


699 


TEXT  FIGURES 


Fig.  1 

Bhuvanesvara,  Rajardni 
Temple:  Plan 


Fig.  2 

Bhuvanesvara,  Lingaraja 
Temple :  Plan 


TOO 


ART 


Fi2.  3 

Nurpur  Fort,  Temple:  Plan 


T01 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  4 

Khajuraho,  Devi  Jagadamba  temple:  Plan 


Fig.  5 

Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo 
temple:  Plan 


702 


ART 


Fig.  G 

Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  temple:  Section 


Fig.  7 

Khajuraho, 
Brahma  temple : 
Plan 


Fig.  8 

Khajuraho,  Mritang  Mahadeo 
Tempie:  Plan 


703 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Plan 


Fig.  10 

RdnVpur  Jharidl,  Circular  Yogiml  tempit:  Plan 

704 


Fig.  11 

Khajuraho,  Chaunshat 
Yoginl  temple:  Plan 


rminiwHtnm 


ART 


Fig.  12 

DilwdrA,  Vimala’g  temple:  Plan 


Fig.  13  Fig.  14 

Villesvara,  Siva  temple:  Plan  Villesvara,  Siva  temple :  Elevation 

705 


S.B  -t  S 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  15 

Sutrapada,  Sun  Temple:  Elevation 


Fig.  16 

Miani,  Ganapaii  and  Mahddeva  temples:  Plan  and  Elevation 


706 


ART 


«  l  a  )  «  5 


19 


IJF*(T  O  }  I 


4  MIT  1 44 


Fig.  17 

Sunak,  Nllakantha  Mahadeva  tem-ple:  Elevation 


Fig.  18 

Kasara,  Triple-shrined  temple :  Plan 

707 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  19 

Mo^hera,  Sun  Temple:  Plan 


Fig.  20 

Ghumli,  Navalakhd  temple:  Plan 
70S 


ART 


Fig.  21 

Sejakpur,  Navalakha  temple:  Plan 


Fig.  22 

Somanathapattana :  Somandtha  temple:  Plan 

709 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig. 

Girnur,  Triple-shrined  temple:  Plan 


no 


ART 


Fig  2-1 

Aihole.  Temple  No  9:  Elevation 


Fig.  25 

Pattadakal:  Papanatha  temple:  Plan 


711 


iff 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  26 

Ambarnatha ,  Siva  temple:  Plan 


712 


ART 


Fig.  27 

Balsane:  Temple  No.  1:  Plan 


Fig.  28 

B*l$ane,  Temple  No.  1:  Elevation 


713 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  29 

Patna,  Mahesvara  temple:  Plan 


ART 


Fig.  31 

Udayapura,  NilakcLnthesvaTQ,  tempi 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  32 

Kanchipuram,  Kaildsanatha  temple:  Plan 


Fig.  33 

Kanchipuram ,  Kaildsanatha  temple:  Section 


716 


AJRT 


Fig.  34 

Kanchipuram,  Vaikuntha  Perumal  temple:  Plan 


717 


bs,. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  35 

Kdnchipuram ,  Vaxkunfha  Perumal  temple:  Section 


ART 


Fig.  37 

Pattadakal,  Virdpdksha  temple:  Plan  and  Elevation 


Fig.  38 

Tanjore,  Brihadiivara  temple:  Plan 
719 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  39 

Tanjore,  Brihadisvara  temple:  Elevation 


7*0 


ART 


Fig.  40 

Kukkanur ,  Kalleivara  temple:  Plan 


Fig.  41 

Kukkanur ,  Kallesvara  temple:  Elevation 

721 


S.E. — 4® 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  42 

Lakkundi,  Jain  temple:  Plan 


*%  tm* 

LI 


Fig.  43 

Chauddadampur,  Muktesvara  temple:  Elevation 


722 


ART 


Fig.  44 

Haveri ,  Siddhesvara  temple:  Elevation 


Fig .  45 

Lakkundi ,  K&stvisv  esv  or  a  temple:  Plan 

728 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  46 

Ittagi,  Mahadeva  temple :  Plan 


Fig.  47 

Kuruvatti,  MaUiktirjuna  temple:  Plan 


724 


ART 


Fig.  48 

Kuruvatti,  Millikarjuna  temple:  Elevation 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  49 

Gadag,  Somesvara  temple:  Plan 


Fig.  50 

Dambal ,  Dodda  Basappa  temple:  Han 


726 


ART 


727 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Fig.  54 

Marian#,  Sun  temple:  Plan 


Fig.  55 

Marian#,  Sun  temple:  Section 
728 


ART 


Fig.  56 

Avantipura ,  Avantisvdmi  temple:  Elevation 


Fig.  57 

Pahdrpur ,  Great  temple:  Plan 


729 


CHAPTER  XXI 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

1.  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  SAILENDRA  EMPIRE 

The  rise  of  the  Sailendra  Empire  in  South-East  Asia  has  been 
described  above.1  At  the  beginning  of  the  eleventh  century  A.D. 
this  mighty  empire  was  being  ruled  by  Sri  Chudamani-varmadeva. 
In  A.D.  1003  he  sent  two  envoys  to  China  who  reported  that  a  Bud¬ 
dhist  temple  had  been  erected  in  their  country  in  order  to  pray  for 
the  long  life  of  the  Emperor.  This  probably  means  nothing  more 
than  a  common  courtesy  shown  by  one  Buddhist  king  to  another, 
but  may  be  taken  as  an  evidence  of  friendly  and  frequent  inter¬ 
course  between  the  two  countries. 

Chudamani-varman  also  maintained  friendly  relations  with  the 
great  Chola  Emperor  Rajaraja  the  Great.2  An  interesting  evi¬ 
dence  of  this  is  furnished  by  a  very  long  record  engraved  on  twenty- 
one  copper-plates,  now  preserved  in  the  Leiden  Museum,  and  there¬ 
fore  known  as  the  Leiden  Grant,  or  rather  Larger  Leiden  Grant, 
to  distinguish  it  from  another — Smaller  Leiden  Grant — in  the  same 
Museum,  recorded  on  three  plates.  The  Larger  Grant,  written  in 
Sanskrit  and  Tamil,  records  that  Chudamani-varman,  king  of 
Kadaram,  commenced  the  construction  of  a  vihara  or  Buddhist 
monastery  at  Nagapattana,  modern  Negapatam,  and  a  village  was 
granted  for  its  upkeep  by  the  Chola  king  Rajaraja  in  the  twenty- 
first  year  of  his  reign,  i.e.  A.D.  1006.  The  monastery,  which  was 
named  after  the  Sailendra  Emperor,  was,  however,  actually  com¬ 
pleted  by  his  son  and  successor  Sri  Maravijayottunga-varman. 
Rajaraja  also  probably  died  in  course  of  the  construction,  for  the 
actual  edict  for  the  grant  was  issued,  after  the  death  of  Rajaraja, 
by  his  son  Rajendra  Chola. 

This  interesting  record  naturally  recalls  to  our  mind  the  simi¬ 
lar  activity  of  another  Sailendra  Emperor,  Sri  Balaputra,  more  than 
a  century  and  a  half  earlier.3  He,  too,  built  a  vihara  at  Nalanda 
and  received  a  grant  of  five  villages  from  the  Pala  Emperor  Deva- 
pala.  These  two  instances  serve  as  unique  testimony  to  the  long 
and  familiar  intercourse  between  the  Sailendras  and  their  mother¬ 
land. 

Sri  Maravijayottunga-varman  ascended  the  throne  some  time  be¬ 
fore  A.D.  1008  when  he  sent  three  envoys  to  China.  The  Larger 


730 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

Leiden  Grant  has  preserved  some  particulars  about  him.  It  in¬ 
forms  us  that  he  was  ‘born  in  the  Sailendra  family,  was  the  lord  of 
Sn-vishaya,  had  extended  the  suzerainty  of  Kataha  and  had  Makara 
as  the  emblem  of  his  banner.’  Sri-vishaya  is  undoubtedly  the  same 
as  Sri-Vijaya,  mentioned  before4,  and  Kataha — written  as  Kadaram 
in  the  Tamil  portion — is  now  represented  by  Keddah  in  the  Malay 
Peninsula.  As  Chudamani-varman  is  referred  to  as  the  ruler  of 
Kadara  only,  it  may  be  concluded  that  Keddah  was  the  main  seat  of 
the  Sailendra  Empire  which  included  Sri-Vijaya. 

The  friendly  relation  between  the  Sailendra  Emperors  and  the 
Cholas  is  proved  not  only  by  the  Leiden  Grant,  but  also  by  refer¬ 
ences  in  old  Tamil  poems  to  the  commercial  relations  between  their 
countries.  An  old  Tamil  poem  refers  to  ships  with  merchandise 
coming  from  Kalagam  to  the  great  port  situated  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Kaveri  river.  Kalagam,  which  a  later  commentator  equates  with 
Kadaram,  is  almost  certainly  to  be  identified  with  Keddah. 

In  view  of  all  this  it  is  somewhat  strange  that  ere  long  war 
broke  out  between  the  Sailendras  and  the  Chalas,  The  cause  of  this 
war  is  unknown  and  we  are  dependent  for  such  information  as  we 
possess  of  it  on  the  Chola  records  alone.  The  earliest  reference 
to  it  occurs  in  a  Chola  record,  dated  A.D.  1017-8,  which  tells  us  that 
Rajendra  Chola’s  forces  crossed  the  ocean  and  conquered  Kataha. 
Full  details  of  this  expedition  are  given  in  several  inscriptions  of 
Rajendra  Chola,  dated  between  A.D.  1024  and  1043,  in  almost 
identical  words  which  may  be  translated  as  follows: — 

‘And  (who)  (Rajendra  Chola)  having  despatched  many  ships  in 
the  midst  of  the  rolling  sea  and  having  caught  Sangramavijayottuh- 
gavarman,  the  king  of  Kadaram,  along  with  the  rutting  elephants 
of  his  army,  (took)  the  large  heap  of  treasures,  which  (that  king) 
had  rightfully  accumulated;  (captured)  the  (arch  called)  Vidya- 
dhara-torana  at  the  “war-gate”  of  the  extensive  city  of  the  enemy; 
Sri-Vijaya  with  the  “Jewel-gate,”  adorned  with  great  splendour,  and 
the  “gate  of  large  jewels”;  Pannai,  watered  by  the  river;  the  ancient 
Malaiyur  (with)  a  fort  situated  on  a  high  hill;  Mayirudingam,  sur¬ 
rounded  by  the  deep  sea  (as)  a  moat:  Iiangasoka  undaunted  (in) 
fierce  battles;  Mappappalam.  having  abundant  (deep)  waters  as  de¬ 
fence;  Me vilimbangam ,  having  fine  walls  as  defence;  Valaippanduru, 
possessing  (both)  cultivated  land(?)  and  jungle;  Talaittakkolam, 
praised  by  great  men  (versed  in)  the  sciences;  Madamalingam,  firm 
in  great  and  fierce  battles;  Ilamuridesam,  whose  fierce  strength  was 
subdued  by  a  vehement  (attack);  Marakkavaram  whose  flower- 
gardens  (resembled)  the  girdle  (of  the  nymphs)  of  the  southern 

731 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


region;  Ka<J§ram,  of  fierce  strength,  which  was  protected  by  the 
neighbouring  sea/ 

Most  of  the  conquered  countries,  mentioned  in  the  above  pass¬ 
age,  cannot  be  definitely  identified,  but  Malaiyur  is  undoubtedly 
the  same  as  Malayu  (or  Jambi)  in  Sumatra,5  Manakkavaram  is 
Nikobar  Islands,  and  Ka^aram  is  of  course  Kataha  or  Keddah.  As 
to  the  rest,  most  of  them  have  been  located  with  great  probability 
either  in  Sumatra  or  in  Malay  Peninsula,  The  passage  seems  to 
indicate  that  Rajendra  Chola  first  conquered  various  subject-states 
of  the  Sailendra  Empire,  and  then  concluded  his  campaign  by 
taking  possession  of  Ka^ara  itself.  It  is  probable,  but  by  no  means 
certain,  that  there  was  an  encounter  at  the  very  beginning,  between 
the  main  forces  of  the  Sailendra  Emperor  and  Rajendra  Chola,  in 
which  the  former  was  defeated.  This  defeat  was  followed  by  the 
other  Chola  conquests  which  extended  practically  over  the  whole 
of  the  eastern  coast-region  of  Sumatra  and  the  Central  and  South¬ 
ern  parts  of  Malay  Peninsula,  including  the  two  capital  cities  Kataha 
(or  Ka<Jara)  and  Sr  I- Vi  jay  a.  The  view  that  the  conquered  countries 
were  vassal-states  of  the  Sailendras  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that 
many  of  these  are  included  in  the  list  of  subject-states  of  the  Sailen- 
dra  Empire  by  the  Chinese  writers  of  a  later  date,  such  as  Chau  Ju- 
Kua,  to  whom  reference  will  be  made  later. 

As  the  detailed  account  of  this  oversea  campaign  occurs  for 
the  first  time  in  an  inscription  dated  A.D.  1024-25,  which  otherwise 
repeats  the  accounts  of  the  (inland)  conquests  given  in  earlier  re¬ 
cords,  it  is  probable  that  the  great  and  decisive  victory  took  place 
not  long  before  that  date.  This  may  appear  to  be  inconsistent  with 
the  fact  that  the  conquest  of  Kataha  is  already  referred  to  in  a  record 
dated  A.D.  1017.  But  it  is  just  possible  that  the  war  was  a  prolong¬ 
ed  one.  It  commenced  in  or  shortly  before  A.D.  1017  with  a  success¬ 
ful  Chola  naval  attack  against  Kataha  in  that  year  and  ended  with 
the  decisive  victory,  mentioned  above,  five  or  six  years  later.  We 
learn  from  a  record  of  Vlrarajendra,  a  successor  of  Rajendra  Chola, 
that  the  latter  burnt  ‘Kataha,  that  could  not  be  set  fire  to  by  others’. 

It  is  as  difficult  to  account  for  the  sudden  outbreak  of  the  war 
as  for  the  almost  complete  collapse  of  the  Sailendra  power.  But 
a  few  salient  points  may  be  noted.  In  the  first  place,  the  Cholas  had 
completed  the  conquest  of  the  whole  eastern  coast  of  India  up  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Ganga,  before  sending  the  oversea  expedition  on  a 
large  scale.  Secondly,  the  geographical  position  of  the  Sailendra 
Empire  enabled  it  to  control  almost  the  whole  volume  of  maritime 
trade  between  Western  and  Eastern  Asia.  Perhaps  the  dazzling 
prospect  of  securing  this  rich  volume  of  trade  for  himself  prompted 


732 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

Rajendra  Choja  to  undertake  the  hazardous  conquest,  as  soon  as  the 
possession  of  the  naval  resources  of  the  entire  coast  of  India 
placed  at  his  disposal  well  equipped  ships  and  sailors  necessary 
for  this  purpose. 

But  whatever  may  be  the  cause,  the  Chola  success  was  complete 
for  the  time  being.  But  it  could  hardly  be  of  long  duration.  Apart 
from  the  inherent  difficulty  of  maintaining  hold  upon  distant  lands 
beyond  the  sea,  the  internal  troubles  of  the  Cholas  referred  to 
above6  made  the  task  almost  an  impossible  one.  Nevertheless,  the 
successors  of  Rajendra  Chola  tried  hard  to  maintain,  at  least  the 
nominal  suzerainty,  if  not  effective  power  over  these  lands.  Thus 
Vlrarajendra  (A.D.  1063-70)  claims  to  have  conquered  Ka^aram. 
But  this  very  fact  shows  that  in  spite  of  the  great  victory  of  Rajen¬ 
dra  Chola  and  his  claim  to  have  destroyed  Ka<Jara,  that  kingdom  did 
not  cease  to  exist  and  must  have  shaken  off  even  the  nominal  suze¬ 
rainty  of  the  Cholas.  According  to  the  record  of  Vlrarajendra,  he 
conquered  Ka^aram,  but  ‘was  pleased  to  give  (it)  back  to  (its)  king 
who  worshipped  (his)  feet/  But  this  did  not  end  the  struggle.  For 
Kulottunga  Chola  (A.D.  1070-1120)  again  claims  to  have  destroyed 
Ka^aram,  while  a  Chinese  account  represents  the  Choja  as  a  vassal 
of  the  Katfara  kingdom  or  its  succession  state  in  the  second  half  of 
the  eleventh  and  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century.  These  con¬ 
tradictory  statements  indicate  the  continuance  of  the  struggle  with 
alternate  success  and  reverse  of  both  the  parties. 

But  even  during  this  period  occasionally  there  was  quite  friend¬ 
ly  relation  between  the  two.  The  Smaller  Leiden  Grant  dated  in 
the  20th  year  of  Kulottunga  Chola  (A.D.  1089-90)  says:— 

“At  the  request  of  the  king  of  Ki<Jara,  communicated  by  his 
envoys  Rajavidyadhara  Samanta  and  Abhimanottuhga  Samanta, 
Kulottunga  exempted  from  taxes  the  village  granted  to  the  Bud¬ 
dhist  monastery  called  ^ailendra-Chu<Jamani-varma-vihara  (i.e.  the 
one  established  by  king  Chu^amani-varman  as  referred  to  in  the 
Larger  Leiden  Grant)”. 

After  Kulottunga  Chola  we  have  no  further  evidence  of  any 
pretension  of  the  Chola  rulers  over  their  oversea  empire.  The 
internal  history  of  the  Cholas  during  this  period,  sketched  above,7 
also  does  not  make  it  likely.  We  must  therefore  admit  that  after 
fruitless  efforts  of  a  century  •  the  Cholas  finally  abandoned  their 
claims  over  Sumatra  and  Malay  Peninsula.  Thus  ended  the  first 
and  the  last  enterprise  of  an  Indian  ruling  family  to  maintain  suze¬ 
rainty  over  countries  beyond  the  sea. 

The  Chinese  evidence  leaves  no  doubt  that  the  kingdom  of 
Kataha  or  Ka^aram  continued  and  soon  became  again  very  powerful. 

788 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


But  although  we  can  trace  the  existence  of  this  kingdom,  called  San- 
fo-tsi  by  the  Chinese,  for  nearly  three  centuries  more,  we  hear  no 
more  of  the  Sailendra  dynasty.  It  is  true  that  the  kingdom  of  the 
Sailendra  rulers,  noted  above,  is  called  San-fo-tsi  by  the  Chinese, 
and  Zabag  by  the  Arab  writers,  and  these  names  figure  continuously 
in  the  Chinese  and  Arab  documents  from  tenth  to  fourteenth  century 
A.D.  It  is,  therefore,  not  unlikely  that  the  Sailendras  continued  to 
rule  over  it  in  the  twelfth  century  or  even  later,  but  of  this  we  have 
no  positive  evidence.  The  name  Sailendra  occurs  only  in  the  re¬ 
cords  of  India,  Java  and  Malay  Peninsula,  but  as  these  sources  fail 
us,  so  far  as  the  history  of  this  kingdom  is  concerned,  we  cannot  be 
sure  if  the  rulers  still  belonged  to  the  Sailendra  family.  It  would 
be,  however,  convenient  to  designate  the  kingdom  of  San-fo-tsi  or 
Zabag  as  the  Sailendra  Empire  up  to  the  very  end  in  order  to 
emphasise  the  continuity  of  the  State  of  which  there  is  no  doubt. 
The  Arab  writers  Edrlsi  (A.D.  1154),  Kazwlni  (thirteenth  century), 
Ibn  Sa‘id  (thirteenth  century)  and  DimaskI  (fourteenth  century)  all 
refer  to  the  power  and  glory  of  Zabag,  but  it  is  not  certain  whether 
they  refer  to  conditions  in  their  own  time  or  merely  quote  from  old 
writers.  The  Chinese  chronicles  are  more  helpful.  Reference  is 
made  to  two  embassies  in  A.D.  1156  and  1178  showing  that  San-fo- 
tsi  still  maintained  diplomatic  relations  with  China.  Some  time 
about  A.D.  1225  a  Chinese  official  named  Chau  Ju-Kua  wrote  a  very 
interesting  account  of  this  kingdom,  based  exclusively  on  oral  in¬ 
formation  furnished  by  Chinese  and  foreign  traders.  According 
to  him  San-fo-tsi  was  a  great  centre  of  trade  and  the  seat  of  a 
powerful  empire.  The  possession  of  the  Strait  of  Malacca  enabled 
it  to  control  the  maritime  trade  between  the  Eastern  and  the 
Western  World.  Chau  Ju-Kua  also  gives  a  list  of  fifteen  States 
which  were  dependent  upon  San-fo-tsi.  These  were  mostly  in 
Malay  Peninsula,  but  a  few  were  situated  in  Java  and  Sumatra. 
We  may  thus  hold  that  at  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century  A.D.  and 
the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth,  San-fo-tsi  was  a  rich  and  powerful 
kingdom.  The  name  of  a  king  of  this  period  Maharaja  Srlmat- 
Trailokyaraja-mauli-bhushana-varma-deva  is  known  from  an  in¬ 
scription,  dated  A.D.  1183,  found  at  Chaiya  in  Malay  Peninsula. 
The  names  of  the  Sailendra  kings  also  ended  in  varma-deva,  but  it 
is  difficult  to  say  whether  Trailokyaraja  was  a  remote  descendant 
of  Chudamani-varma-deva. 

Another  king  Chandrabhanu  is  known  from  an  inscription  at 
Chaiya,  dated  A.D.  1230,  and  the  Ceylonese  chronicle  Chulavamsa. 
We  learn  from  the  latter  that  a  king  of  Javaka,  called  Chandra¬ 
bhanu,  sent  two  expeditions  against  Ceylon  between  A.D.  1236  and 
1256.  On  the  first  occasion  he  devastated  the  whole  island  but 


784 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

was  forced  to  withdraw.  On  the  second  occasion  Chandrabhanu’s 
army  was  reinforced  by  a  large  number  of  Pajndya,  Chola  and  other 
Tamil  soldiers.  After  some  initial  success  Chandrabhanu  was  com¬ 
pletely  defeated  and  fled  with  his  life  leaving  his  family  and 
treasures  behind. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Javaka  is  the  same  as  Zabag,  the  Arab 
name  of  the  Sailendra  Empire.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Ceylon  is 
included  among  the  vassal  states  of  San-fo-tsi  by  Chau  Ju-Kua,  and 
however  incredible  it  might  appear  at  first,  the  above  account  of 
the  Ceylonese  chronicles  offers  a  satisfactory  explanation.  It  may 
be  presumed  that  Chandrabhanu’ s  success,  grudgingly  admitted  by 
the  Ceylonese  chroniclers,  was  more  substantial  at  least  for  some 
time,  though  it  ended  in  a  disaster.  In  any  case,  the  strange 
episode  preserved  in  the  Ceylonese  chronicles  testifies  both  to  the 
substantial  accuracy  of  Chau  Ju-Kua’s  account  and  of  the  great 
power  of  the  Sailendra  Empire  in  the  first  part  of  the  thirteenth 
century  A.D. 

But  the  foolish  enterprise  of  Chandrabhanu  must  have  cost  the 
empire  dear.  In  an  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1264,  Jafavarman  VIra 
Pan^ya8  claims  to  have  defeated  and  killed  the  Savaka  king,  and 
in  another,  dated  the  following  year,  he  includes  the  king  of  Ka<Ja- 
ram  among  the  host  of  rulers  conquered  by  him.  There  is  hardly 
any  doubt  that  the  Savaka,  or  the  Javaka,  king  and  the  king  of  Katfa- 
ram  refer  to  one  and  the  same  ruler,  and  he  is  most  probably 
Chandrabhanu  himself  or  his  successor.  It  is  also  very  likely  that 
the  enmity  between  Chandrabhanu  and  the  Pantfya  ruler  was  not 
unconnected  with  the  ill-fated  expeditions  to  Ceylon.  The  defeat 
and  death  of  Chandrabhanu  also  most  probably  took  place  in  India, 
after  his  disastrous  retreat  from  Ceylon,  for  had  Jatavarman  sent 
a  naval  expedition  against  Malay  Peninsula  there  would  have  been 
more  explicit  references  to  it. 

It  appears  from  the  Chaiya  Inscription  that  Chandrabhanu  was 
originally  the  ruler  of  a  vassal  state  of  San-fo-tsi  and  seized  sup¬ 
reme  power  by  a  successful  rebellion.  Similar  defection  of  an¬ 
other  vassal  state  about  the  same  time  is  noticed  by  Chau  Ju-Kua. 
The  disruption  thus  begun  was  hastened  by  the  catastrophic  end 
of  Chandrabhanu,  and  full  advantage  was  taken  of  it  by  the  two 
rising  powers — the  Thai  state  in  Siam  and  the  kingdom  of  Malay u, 
backed  by  Java.  Hemmed  in  between  these  two  powerful  neigh¬ 
bours  in  the  north  and  the  south,  San-fo-tsi  lost  its  position  of 
supremacy  and  sank  into  a  local  power.  It  continued  this  in¬ 
glorious  existence  till  its  conquest  by  Java  some  time  before  A.D. 
1377.  From  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  A.D.  San-fo-tsi 


735 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


passes  from  our  view.  But  the  Annals  of  Keddah,  ancient  Ka$a- 
ram  or  Kataha,  the  homeland  of  the  Sailendra  Emperors,  have  pre¬ 
served  the  traditional  account  of  seven  Hindu  rulers  of  the  State, 
the  last  of  whom  adopted  Islam  in  A.D.  1474.  Such  was  the  ignoble 
end  of  the  great  maritime  empire  which  was  established  by  the 
Hindus  in  the  eastern  sea  and  ruled  in  glory  for  more  than  five 
hundred  years. 

2.  DECLINE  AND  FALL  OF  THE  KAMBUJA  EMPIRE 

The  death  of  Jaya-varman  V  in  A.D.  1001  was  followed  by 
civil  war  among  several  rival  candidates  to  the  throne  till  Surya- 
varman  I  finally  triumphed  over  his  rivals  about  A.D.  1010.  In 
order  to  prevent  a  similar  situation  in  future  the  king  made  his 
district  officers,  numbering  more  than  four  thousand,  to  take  an 
oath,  in  the  presence  of  the  sacred  fire,  the  Brahmanas  and  the 
achdryas,  offering  unswerving  and  lifelong  homage  and  allegiance 
to  the  king  and  dedicating  their  lives  to  his  service. 

The  king  probably  adopted  Buddhism,  for  his  inscription  con¬ 
tains  invocation  to  Buddha  as  well  as  to  Siva,  and  he  had  the  posthu¬ 
mous  name  Nirvanapada.  He  is  also  described  as  a  great  scholar, 
versed  in  Bhashya,  Kavya,  six  Darsanas  (systems  of  philosophy) 
and  Dharmasastras. 

The  precautions  adopted  by  this  scholarly  king  against  civil 
war  and  revolution  proved  illusory.  Troubles  broke  out  im¬ 
mediately  after  his  death  in  A.D.  1049.  He  was  succeeded  by 
Udayaditya-varman  who  “was  crowned  emperor  oy  his  ministers”. 
In  other  words  there  was  no  legitimate  or  peaceful  succession,  but 
an  influential  party  in  court  placed  its  nominee  on  the  throne. 
Revolutions  broke  out  almost  throughout  his  reign,  and  there  was 
a  disastrous  invasion  by  the  king  of  Champa.  In  the  midst  of  all  this 
tragedy  the  king  died  in  A.D.  1066,  and  the  royal  guru  (preceptor), 
along  with  the  ministers,  placed  his  younger  brother  Harsha- 
varman  on  the  throne. 

Harsha-varman’s  reign  is  chiefly  noted  for  his  two  unfortunate 
foreign  expeditions.  On  an  invitation  of  the  Chinese  Emperor  he 
sent  an  army  in  A.D.  1076  to  help  the  Chinese  military  expedition 
against  the  Annamite  kingdom  in  Tonkin.  But  it  had  to  retreat 
after  the  defeat  of  the  Chinese.  Some  time  before  A.D.  1080  he 
sent  an  army  to  invade  Champa,  but  it  was  defeated  and  its  com¬ 
mander  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 

These  disasters  probably  worsened  the  internal  political  situa¬ 
tion  in  Kambuja,  and  we  find  a  rival  king  Jaya-varman  VI  ruling 


786 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

in  the  north  and  north-east  in  A.D.  1082.  This  political  division 
continued  till  Surya-varman  II,  the  second  successor  of  Jaya- 
varman  VI,  again  brought  the  whole  kingdom  under  his  authority. 

Surya-varman  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1113.  The  Kam- 
buja  inscriptions  refer  to  his  great  victories  in  general  terms  and 
add  that  he  marched  into  the  countries  of  the  enemies.  Although 
very  vague,  the  claim  was  not  without  foundation,  for  details  of 
his  several  expeditions  to  Annam  and  Champa  have  been  preserved 
in  the  records  of  those  countries. 

Surya-varman’s  efforts  to  conquer  the  kingdom  of  Annam, 
to  the  north  of  Champa,  however,  proved  disastrous.  We  learn 
from  the  Annamese  Annals  that  between  A.D.  1128  and  1150  he 
sent  no  less  than  four  armies  with  auxiliary  fleet,  which  also 
received  help  from  the  Cham  army.  But  they  had  all  to  retreat 
with  serious  loss.  At  last  when  Champa  made  a  separate  peace 
with  Annam,  Surya-varman  decided  to  punish  her  and,  to  make 
amends  for  his  failure  in  Annam,  invaded  Champa.  His  early 
expeditions  were  successful,  and  the  northern  part  of  Champa  was 
made  a  vassal  state  of  Kambuja,  known  as  the  kingdom  of  Vijaya. 
But  his  attempt  to  reduce  the  southern  part  of  Champa  proved  a 
costly  failure.  He  sent  two  expeditions,  in  A.D.  1147  and  1148,  but 
both  were  defeated  by  king  Jay  a  Hari-varman  of  Champa.  Then 
the  latter  took  the  offensive  and  defeated  the  Kambuja  forces.  The 
Kambuja  ruler  of  Vijaya,  a  brother-in-law  of  king  Surya-varman 
II,  as  well  as  a  number  of  Kambuja  generals  fell  in  the  battle. 

But  in  spite  of  these  reverses  Surya-varman  must  be  regarded 
as  a  powerful  king  ruling  over  a  vast  empire.  He  resumed  diplo¬ 
matic  relations  with  China  which  were  interrupted  since  the  eighth 
century  A.D.,  and  sent  two  embassies  in  A.D.  1117  and  1121.  The 
Chinese  Emperor  conferred  high  titles  on  the  king  of  Kambuja 
whose  dominions  are  said  to  have  extended  from  Champa  to  Lower 
Burma  and  included  the  northern  part  of  Malay  Peninsula  up  to 
the  Bav  of  Bandon.  He  is  also  said  to  have  maintained  200.000 
war  elephants.  The  Chinese  account  thus  showTs  that  in  spite  of 
internal  troubles  the  Kambuja  empire  had  been  growing  in  power 
and  extent  since  the  eleventh  century  A.D. 

The  great  glory  of  the  empire  stands  today  before  the  world 
in  the  shape  of  its  monuments.  Surya-varman  II  has  earned  un¬ 
dying  fame  by  constructing  the  famous  temple  known  as  Angkor 
Vat,  which  is  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world. 
We  know  a  great  deal  of  the  religious  life  of  the  king.  He  was  ini¬ 
tiated  into  the  mysteries  of  Vrah  Guhya  (the  Great  Secret),  prob¬ 
ably  a  Tantrik  cult,  by  his  guru  Divakara  Pandita  and  performed 


S.E— 47 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


various  sacrifices  including  Koti-homa,  Laksha-homa  and  the  Maha- 
homa. 

I 

The  last  known  date  of  Surya-varman  is  A.D.  1145.  The  his¬ 
tory  of  Kambuja  during  the  next  35  years  is  very  obscure.  There 
were  revolutions  at  home  and  disasters  abroad.  Several  expeditions 
were  sent  against  Champa,  but  in  spite  of  initial  successes  they 
ended  in  costly  failures.  Then  the  king  of  Champa,  Jay  a  Indra- 
varman  VII,  took  the  aggressive  and  invaded  Kambuja  with  a  big 
army.  For  seven  years  the  war  went  on  without  any  decisive 
result.  At  last  the  Cham  king  equipped  a  fleet  and  sent  a  naval 
expedition  in  A.D.  1177.  He  seized  the  capital  city,  plundered  it, 
and  then  retired,  carrying  an  immense  booty  with  him.  The  king 
of  Kambuja,  Tribhuvanadifcya-varman,  was  killed  in  course  of  this 
conflict  or  shortly  after,  and  was  succeeded  by  Jaya-varman  VII  in 
A.D.  1181. 

Jaya-varman  VII  was  the  last  great  ruler  of  Kambuja,  and 
fortunately  we  know  a  great  deal  of  his  military  campaigns,  religi¬ 
ous  foundations  and  works  of  public  utility. 

The  most  notable  even  of  his  reign  was  the  long-drawn  war 
with  Champa.  In  A.D.  1190  Jaya  Indra-varman  VIII,  king  of 
Champa,  invaded  Kambuja.  The  Kambuja  king  sent  against  him 
a  strong  army  under  Sri  Surya-varma-deva,  a  refugee  from  Champa 
living  in  his  court.  The  Kambuja  general  obtained  a  complete 
victory  and  even  captured  the  king  of  Champa.  Champa  now  lay 
prostrate  before  the  victor.  Jaya-varman  VII  divided  the  kingdom 
into  two  parts.  He  appointed  his  own  brother-in-law,  Surya  Jaya- 
varma-deva,  ruler  of  the  northern  part  with  Vi  jay  a  as  its  capital, 
while  the  victorious  general  Surya-varma-deva  was  placed  in  charge 
of  the  southern  part  with  his  capital  at  Rajapura. 

But  soon  a  successful  revolution  in  the  north  placed  a  local 
chief  Kasupati  on  the  throne  of  Vijaya.  Jaya-varman  VII  sent  an 
expedition  against  Vijaya,  and  desiring  probably  to  conciliate  the 
Chams  by  making  the  captive  king  of  Champa  ruler  of  Vijaya,  sent 
him  along  with  the  expedition.  The  Kambuja  troops  were  joined 
by  Surya-varma-deva,  and  under  his  leadership  won  a  complete 
victory.  Rasupati  was  defeated  and  killed  and  Vijaya  was  captured. 
But  Surya-varma-deva  now  ascended  the  throne  of  Vijaya  and  unit¬ 
ed  the  whole  of  Champa  under  him.  The  disappointed  Cham  king 
Jaya  Indra-varman  VIII  advanced  against  Surya-varma-deva  but 
was  defeated  and  killed. 

In  A.D.  1193  and  1194  Jaya-varman  VII  sent  two  expeditions 
against  Surya-varma-deva  who  had  so  flagrantly  flouted  his  autho- 


73S 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 


rity,  but  the  latter  gained  an  easy  victory.  For  nearly  ten  years  he 
was  left  in  peace.  But  a  third  expedition  was  sent  under  Dhana- 
patigrama,  an  uncle  of  Surya-varma-deva,  who  also  was  a  refugee 
in  Kambuja  court.  Dhanapatigrama  defeated  his  nephew  and  be¬ 
came  the  ruler  of  Champa  in  A.D.  1203. 

But  the  new  ruler  had  a  hard  time  before  him.  Revolutions 
broke  out  in  various  parts  of  the  country,  and  as  soon  as  these 
were  put  down  war  broke  out  with  the  Annamites  in  A.D.  1207.  A 
series  of  battles  followed  during  the  next  eleven  years  or  more  in 
which  victory  more  often  inclined  to  the  Annamites. 

The  almost  continuous  series  of  wars  in  Champa  since  A.D.  1190 
must  have  proved  a  great  burden  to  Kambuja  and  at  last,  in  A.D. 
1220,  the  Kambujas  evacuated  the  country.  Most  probably  Jaya- 
varman  VII  was  not  alive  at  this  time  and  the  defeat  and  disgrace 
of  Kambuja,  both  in  Annam  and  Champa,  followed  a  few  years  after 
his  death.  But  in  any  case  he  is  entitled  to  the  credit  of  conquering 
Champa  and  making  it  a  vassal  state,  thereby  extending  the  frontier 
of  the  Kambuja  empire  to  the  China  Sea  on  the  east. 

On  the  west  also  Jaya-varman  VII  seems  to  have  attained 
conspicuous  success.  For  according  to  the  Chinese  chronicles  Pagan 
was  annexed  to  Kambuja  towards  the  close  of  the  twelfth  century 
A.D.  Pagan  was  at  that  time  the  seat  of  a  powerful  kingdom  in¬ 
cluding  nearly  the  whole  of  Burma.  It  is  not  likely  that  the  whole 
of  it  was  conquered  by  Jaya-varman  VII,  and  he  probably  annexed 
only  the  southern  part  of  it,  adjacent  to  Siam,  which  was  then  sub¬ 
ject  to  Kambuja.  Jaya-varman  VII  thus  ruled  over  a  vast  empire 
which  touched  the  Bay  of  Bengal  on  one  side  and  the  Sea  of  China 
on  the  other,  and  included  the  central  regions  of  Indo-China  and 
the  northern  part  of  Malay  Paninsula. 

The  religious  foundations  and  works  of  public  utility  undertaken 
by  Jaya-varman  VII  were  on  a  scale  befitting  the  mighty  empire 
over  which  he  ruled.  The  account  of  royal  donations  contained  in 
the  Ta  Prohm  Inscription  makes  interesting  reading  and  reveals  the 
magnitude  of  the  resources  and  depth  of  religious  sentiments  of  the 
king.  It  concerns  the  Rajavihara,  i.e.,  the  temple  of  Ta  Prohm  and 
adjuncts  where  the  king  set  up  an  image  of  his  mother  as  Prajna- 
paramita.  It  is  not  possible  here  to  record  all  the  details  but  a  few 
facts  may  be  noted.  Altogether  66,625  persons  were  employed  in 
the  service  of  the  deities  of  the  temple  and  3,400  villages  were 
given  for  defraying  its  expenses.  There  were  439  Professors  and 
970  scholars  studying  under  them,  making  a  total  of  1409,  whose 
food  and  other  daily  necessaries  of  life  were  supplied.  There  were 


739 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

altogether  566  groups  of  stone  houses  and  288  groups  of  brick. 
Needless  to  say  that  the  other  articles,  of  which  a  minute  list  is 
given,  were  in  the  same  proportion,  and  they  included  huge  quanti¬ 
ties  of  gold  and  silver,  35  diamonds,  40,620  pearls  and  4,540  other 
precious  stones.  All  these  relate  to  a  single  group  of  temples. 
The  inscription  informs  us  that  there  were  798  temples  and  102 
hospitals  in  the  whole  kingdom,  and  these  were  given  every  year 
117,200  khtirikas  of  rice,  each  kkdrikd  being  equivalent  to  3  mcunds 
8  seers.  In  conclusion  the  king  expresses  the  hope  that  by  his  pious 
donations,  his  mother  might  be  delivered  from  the  ocean  of  births. 

Of  the  102  hospitals  mentioned  above,  the  site  of  15  can  be 
determined  by  means  of  inscriptions  which  record  their  founda¬ 
tions.  These  inscriptions  are  almost  identical  and  lay  down  detailed 
regulations  about  the  hospitals.  They  give  us  a  very  good  idea  of 
the  system  of  medical  treatment  organised  by  the  state,  but  require 
separate  treatment  and  cannot  be  discussed  here. 

An  inscription  in  the  temple  at  Pra-khan  also  supplies  similar 
details.  It  refers  to  the  establishment  of  121  vakni-grihas  for  the 
convenience  of  pilgrims  and  other  travellers.  These  were  evidently 
of  the  nature  of  dharmasalas  in  India.  Reference  is  made  to  the 
images  of  deities,  20,400  in  number,  made  of  gold,  silver,  bronze, 
and  stone;  the  royal  endowments  for  their  upkeep  including  8,176 
villages  and  208,532  slaves;  and  514  separate  temples  and  2,068  minor 
or  accessary  constructions.  It  is  said  that  the  water  for  ablution  in 
the  annual  festival  of  the  temple  was  carried  by  Suryabhatta  and 
the  other  Brahmanas,  as  well  as  by  the  kings  of  Java  and  Annam, 
and  the  two  rulers  of  Champa. 

A  very  interesting  reference  is  made  to  the  queen  of  Jaya- 
varman  in  one  of  his  inscriptions.  When  the  king  first  went  to 
Champa  she  showed  her  conjugal  fidelity  by  performing  hard  auste¬ 
rities  of  diverse  types  and  of  long  duration.  She  was  then  initiated 
to  Buddhism  by  her  elder  sister.  It  is  said  that  the  queen  performed 
a  ceremony  by  which  she  could  see  before  her  the  image  of  her  ab¬ 
sent  husband.  After  her  death  the  king  married  her  elder  sister  and 
asked  her  to  teach  the  Buddhist  doctrine  in  various  convents. 

The  reign  of  Jaya-varman  VII  marks  the  end  of  the  most  glori¬ 
ous  period  in  the  history  of  Kambuja  which  may  be  said  to  have 
comprised  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  A.D.  It  was  during 
this  period  that  the  Kambuja  empire  reached  its  widest  extent  and 
produced  the  most  notable  monuments  which  still  extort  the  admi¬ 
ration  of  the  whole  world.  These  will  be  discussed  elsewhere  in 
this  chapter.  It  will  suffice  here  to  state  that  Jaya-varman  VII  made 
no  small  contribution  in  this  direction,  if,  as  is  now  generally  held, 


740 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

he  really  built  the  famous  capital  city  of  Angkor  Thom  whose  ruins 
cannot  fail  to  evoke,  even  today,  a  mixed  feeling  of  awe  and  reve¬ 
rence  in  the  minds  of  the  visitors. 

As  noted  above,  the  date  of  the  death  of  Jaya-varman  VII  can¬ 
not  be  fixed  with  certainty.  He  was  succeeded  by  Indra-varman  II 
who  died  in  A.D.  1243.  The  next  king  known  to  us  is  Jaya-varman 
VIII  who  abdicated  the  throne  in  A.D.  1295  98  in  favour  of  his  son- 
in-law  6nndra-varraan.  The  son  of  Jaya-varman  VIII  made  an  at¬ 
tempt  to  seize  the  throne,  but  was  defeated  by  sSrlndra-varman  who 
mutilated  and  imprisoned  him  and  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D. 
1296.  This  king  also  abdicated  in  A.D.  1308  and  was  succeeded  by 
^rindra- Jaya-varman  the  same  year.  Another  king  Jayavarma- 
Paramesvara  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1327.  He  is  the  last  king 
referred  to  in  the  Kambuja  inscriptions.  The  subsequent  history 
of  Kambuja  is  only  known  from  Khmer  chronicles  of  a  late  date 
which  cannot  foe  regarded  as  trustworthy  sources. 

The  history  of  Kambuja  during  the  thirteenth  century  is  thus 
veiled  in  obscurity.  The  withdrawal  from  Champa  and  defeats  in 
Annam  undoubtedly  indicate  the  loss  of  power  and  authority,  while 
frequent  abdications,  struggle  for  succession,  and  paucity  of  infor¬ 
mation  suggest  a  troublesome  period.  Tie  occupation  of  Siam  by 
the  Thais,  to  which  reference  will  be  made  later,  also  tells  the  same 
tale.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  growing  power  of  the  Thais  on  the 
west  and  the  Annamites  on  the  east  ultimately  spelt  ruin  to  Kam¬ 
buja.  But,  nevertheless,  Kambuja  remained  a  powerful  kingdom 
down  to  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  When  Kufolai  Khan, 
the  great  Mongol  Emperor,  conquered  Champa  and  sent  envoys  de¬ 
manding  allegiance  of  Kambuja,  she  had  the  courage  to  resist.  Next 
an  ambassador  was  sent  to  Kambuja  in  A.D.  1296,  evidently  with  the 
same  purpose.  Cfoeu  Ta-Kuan,  who  accompanied  the  ambassador, 
and  wrote  a  very  interesting  memoir  on  Kambuja,  says  that  the 
embassy  achieved  its  object.  But  this  may  be  doubted,  for  a  Chinese 
historian,  writing  in  A.D,  1520,  positively  asserts  that  neither  Java 
nor  Kambuja  paid  homage  to  the  Imperial  court  even  once  during 
the  Mongol  period.  Cheu  Ta-Kuan’s  description  of  the  capital  city 
and  of  the  wealth  and  splendour  of  the  king  and  the  nobles  leaves  the 
impression  that  Kambuja  was  still  a  powerful  kingdom  with  a  well- 
organised  administrative  system.  But  the  palace  intrigues  and 
conspiracies  which  were  particularly  rife  in  his  time  exercised  a 
baneful  influence  on  the  government.  All  this  will  be  evident  from 
Cheu  Ta-Kuan’s  graphic  account  of  the  king  (&nndra-varman)  which 
may  be  summed  up  as  follows: 


741 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


“I  have  heard  it  said  that  formerly  the  kings  seldom  went  out 
of  their  palace;  for  they  were  afraid  of  assassins.  The  new  king  is 
the  son-in-law  of  his  predecessor,  who  was  very  fond  of  his  daughter. 
She  stole  the  golden  sword  (insignia  of  sovereignty)  and  carried  it 
to  her  husband.  Her  brother  revolted  but  was  defeated  by  the  new 
king  who  cut  off  his  toes  and  kept  him  confined  in  a  dark  dungeon. 
The  new  king  always  covers  his  body  with  a  coat  of  mail  which 
neither  knife  nor  arrow  could  pierce.  Thus  clad  he  dares  go  out  of 
his  palace.  During  my  stay  for  more  than  a  year  I  have  seen  him 
come  out  only  on  four  or  five  occasions.  When  he  goes  out  the  pro¬ 
cession  is  led  by  a  body  of  horsemen,  followed  by  flags  and  music. 
Then  come  a  troop  of  palace-girls,  300  to  500  in  number,  clad  in 
embroidered  clothes  and  with  flowers  in  their  hair.  They  carry  big 
torches  (or  candles)  which  are  lighted  even  in  day  time.  These  are 
followed  by  two  other  troops  of  girls,  one  carrying  precious  vessels 
and  ornaments  of  gold  and  silver,  and  the  other,  the  body-guards  of 
the  king,  carrying  lance  and  shield.  Then  follow  carriages,  deco¬ 
rated  with  gold,  drawn  by  goats  and  horses,  princes,  mounted  on 
elephants,  queens  and  royal  concubines  in  palanquins  and  carriages 
or  on  elephants.  Lastly  comes  the  king  on  elephant,  holding  the 
precious  sword  by  his  right  hand  and  surrounded  by  a  large  number 
of  men  on  elephants  and  horses  to  protect  him.  The  elephants  have 
golden  trappings,  and  hundreds  of  white  and  red  parasols,  decorated 
with  gold,  and  some  of  them,  with  staff  of  gold,  add  to  the  beauty 
of  the  procession.” 

Cheu  Ta-Kuan  mentions  that  in  the  recent  wars  with  the  Sia¬ 
mese  the  region  round  Angkor  was  utterly  devastated.  As  we  shall 
see  later,  this  refers  to  the  growing  power  of  the  Thais,  who  had 
conquered  Siam  and,  under  their  great  king  Ram  Kamheng,  carried 
their  victorious  arms  to  Lower  Burma  on  the  west  and  to  the  heart 
of  Kambuja  on  the  east,  toward  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  century 
A.D.  The  Annamites  also  gradually  conquered  nearly  the  whole  of 
the  kingdom  of  Champa  by  the  fifteenth  century.  Being  hard  pressed 
by  these  two  pitiless  aggressive  neighbours  Kambuja  was  gradually 
shorn  of  power  and  prestige  and  sank  into  a  petty  state.  At  last 
the  king  of  Kambuja  threw  himself  under  the  protection  of  the 
French  in  A.D.  1854  and  the  once  mighty  kingdom  became  a  petty 
French  Protectorate. 


3.  FALL  OF  CHAMPA 

For  nearly  half  a  century  Champa  enjoyed  the  respite  from 
Annamite  invasions  brought  about  by  the  conciliatory  policy  of 
Hari-varman  II.9  Regular  embassies  were  sent  to  China,  and  though 


742 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 


in  A.D.  1021  the  Annamites  made  a  sudden  raid  on  the  camp  of 
Bo  Chanh  which  protected  the  northern  frontier  of  Champa,  the 
relation  between  the  two  countries  was  on  the  whole  a  cordial  one. 
But  there  could  be  no  doubt  that  the  Annamite  court  was  a  source 
of  potential  danger  to  Champa.  When  civil  war  broke  out  in  Champa 
during  the  reign  of  V ikranta- varman  IV,  at  first  his  son,  and  then 
the  entire  garrison  of  Bo  Chanh  sought  refuge  with  the  Annamite 
Emperor  (A.D.  1038-39).  But  the  final  rupture  was  brought  about 
by  the  insolent  aggression  of  Jay  a  Simha- varman  II  who  ascended 
the  throne  in  A.D.  1041.  In  A.D.  1043  he  harassed  the  Annamite 
coast  with  his  navy  but  was  forced  to  retreat.  Phat  Ma,  the  Anna¬ 
mite  Emperor,  now  sent  a  joint  expedition  by  land  and  sea  which 
completely  routed  the  Cham  army.  The  king  lay  dead  on  the  battle¬ 
field  with  30,000  soldiers  and  the  capital  city  was  ravaged  by  the 
victorious  army.  The  Annamite  Emperor  returned  with  a  huge 
booty  and  a  large  number  of  prisoners,  including  all  the  women  of 
the  palace.  It  is  said  that  one  of  these,  when  summoned  to  the  royal 
vessel,  threw  herself  into  the  sea,  preferring  death  to  dishonour,  and 
the  Emperor,  admiring  her  fidelity,  gave  her  a  posthumous  title 
meaning  “very  chaste  and  very  sweet  lady”. 

With  Jaya  Simha- varman  II  ended  the  dynasty  which  came  into 
power  in  A.D.  989  after  the  Annamite  usurpation.  It  was  not  till 
A.D.  1050,  six  years  later,  that  we  find  a  new  king  Jaya  ParameS- 
vara-varma-deva  I&varamurti,  who  was  descended  from  the  old  royal 
family  of  Champa.  Hie  new  king  was  faced  with  a  heavy  task.  Hie 
repeated  incursions  of  the  Annamites  had  exhausted  the  resources 
of  the  kingdom  and  weakened  the  central  authority.  Taking  ad¬ 
vantage  of  it  the  provinces,  particularly  Pangluranga  in  the  south, 
repeatedly  rebelled,  and  the  Kambuja  rulers  also  invaded  the  king¬ 
dom  at  least  twice,  during  the  last  half  of  the  tenth  century  A.D. 

The  new  king  sent  a  powerful  army  against  Pantjuranga  and 
completely  subdued  it.  It  is  said  that  “all  the  people  of  Pan$uranga 
were  seized,  together  with  oxen,  buffaloes,  slaves  and  elephants,” 
and  though  half  were  later  released  in  order  to  re-establish  the  city, 
the  other  half  were  distributed  as  slaves  to  various  religious  esta¬ 
blishments. 

The  king  next  turned  his  attention  to  Kambuja  which  was  then 
being  distracted  by  civil  wars.10  He  sent  an  army  under  Yuvaraja 
Mahasenapati,  who  had  distinguished  himself  in  the  campaign  against 
Pan^uranga.  The  Yuvaraja  inflicted  a  crushing  defeat  upon  the 
enemy  and  took  the  town  of  Sambhupura.  He  destroyed  a  large 
number  of  temples  there  and  distributed  the  Khmer  captives  among 
the  temples  of  Champa. 


743 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Jay  a  Parame£vara-varma-deva  also  considerably  repaired  the 
damages  done  to  religious  institutions  during  the  preceding  period. 
He  re-installed  the  image  of  the  famous  goddess  of  Po  Nagara,  and  a 
large  number  of  temples  and  mhSras  were  restored  or  newly  built 
and  suitably  endowed.  He  maintained  friendly  relations  with  both 
Annam  and  China  and  sent  regular  embassies  to  these  courts. 

The  reign  of  Jaya  Parame6vara-varma-deva  was  thus  a  very 
successful  one  and  largely  healed  the  wounds  from  which  Champa 
was  suffering.  Great  credit  is  due  to  the  king  who  found  the  king¬ 
dom  suffering  from  total  disintegration  and  left  it  a  happy,  peaceful, 
united,  and  powerful  state.  He  died  in  or  shortly  after  A.D.  1059. 

Unfortunately  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  kingdom  tempted 
Rudra-varman,  the  new  king  of  Champa,  to  throw  off  the  yoke  of 
the  Annamites.  In  A.D.  1082  he  sent  an  ambassador  to  China  asking 
for  help  against  the  Annamites,  but  without  any  success.  Neverthe¬ 
less  he  openly  commenced  hostilities  in  A.D.  1088.  The  result  was 
disastrous.  The  Cham  army  fought  bravely,  but  was  routed,  the 
king  himself  was  made  a  prisoner,  and  the  Annamite  Emperor  cele¬ 
brated  his  triumph  in  the  capital  city  Vi  jaya.  After  burning  this 
city  and  its  suburbs,  he  returned  to  Tonkin  with  the  royal  captive 
and  50,000  prisoners  of  war  (A.D.  1069), 

Rudra-varman  obtained  his  release  by  ceding  three  northern 
districts  of  his  kingdom  which  included  the  whole  of  Quang  Binh 
and  the  northern  part  of  Quang  Tri.  It  was  a  great  blow  to  the 
power  and  prestige  of  Champa,  and  paved  the  way  for  the  final  con¬ 
quest  of  this  kingdom  by  Annam. 

On  his  return  to  Champa  Rudra-varman  found  that  several  per¬ 
sons  had  proclaimed  themselves  kings  in  different  parts  of  the  coun¬ 
try.  This  state  of  chaos  and  confusion  continued  for  nearly  ten 
years,  after  which  Harx-varraan,  one  of  the  rival  claimants,  estab¬ 
lished  his  authority  over  the  greater  part  of  the  kingdom. 

Hari-varman  IV  was  now  faced  with  the  task  which  had  con¬ 
fronted  Jaya-Paramesvara-varman  twenty  years  before,  and  acquit¬ 
ted  himself  with  almost  equal  credit.  He  successfully  resisted  the 
Annamite  invasion  of  A.D.  1075.  He  defeated  the  Kamhuja  troops11 
at  Somesvara  and  captured  the  prince  &r!  Nandana~varma~deva  who 
commanded  the  army.  He  re-united  the  whole  kingdom,  with  the 
probable  exception  of  Panduranga  in  the  south.  He  then  restored 
the  temples,  as  well  as  religious  institutions  and  endowments,  and 
also  re-established  the  edifices  and  the  city  of  Champa  which  had 
suffered  so  much  in  the  hands  of  the  Annamites.  He  probably  as¬ 
sumed  the  title  Ut'kfishta-raja  (good  king)  at  the  time  of  his  coro¬ 
nation,  and  there  is  probably  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  the  official 


744 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

panegyric  that  ‘the  king  of  Champa  became  prosperous  as  of  old’. 
In  A.D.  1081  he  abdicated  the  throne,  at  the  age  of  41,  and  took  to 
religious  life.  But  he  died  within  a  month  and  was  followed  on  the 
funeral  pyre  by  14  of  his  wives. 

The  young  son  of  the  king,  a  boy  of  9,  ascended  the  throne 
under  the  name  of  Jaya  Indra-varman  V,  but  the  distracted  kingdom 
required  a  strong  man  at  the  helm  of  affairs.  So,  we  are  told,  the 
boy  king  with  all  the  generals,  Brahmanas,  Kshatriyas,  Pandits,  as¬ 
trologers,  learned  men,  masters  of  ceremonies,  and  the  wives  of  the 
late  king  Hari-varman  IV,  approached  his  younger  brother,  Yu  va¬ 
ra  j  a  Mahasenapati  Prince  Pah  with  a  request  to  assume  the  royalty. 
The  Yuvaraja  ascended  the  throne  under  the  title  Parama*bodhi- 
sattva  and  gave  a  good  account  of  himself.  He  quelled  the  disturb¬ 
ances  in  the  kingdom  and  recovered  Pandurahga  after  completely 
defeating  the  usurper  who  had  been  wielding  authority  there  since 
the  conquest  of  Champa  by  the  Annamites  in  A.D.  1069.  The  king, 
who  thus  once  more  restored  the  unity  of  Champa,  maintained 
friendly  relations  with  Annam  by  sending  regular  tributes. 

On  the  death  of  this  king  in  A.D.  1086  his  nephew  Jaya  Indra- 
varman  V,  who  had  abdicated  in  A.D.  1081,  again  ascended  the  throne. 
Once  more  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  kingdom  tempted  the 
Cham  king  to  try  his  strength  with  Annam  in  order  to  recover  the 
three  northern  districts  ceded  in  A.D.  1069.  As  usual,  he  tried  to 
induce  the  Chinese  Emperor  to  make  a  common  cause  with  him 
against  Annam,  but  failed.  Nevertheless,  being  instigated  by  a  re¬ 
fugee  from  Annam,  and  misled  by  his  false  statements  about  the 
internal  dissensions  in  that  country,  Indra-varman  invaded  Annam 
in  A.D.  1103  and  conquered  the  three  ceded  districts.  But  he  was 
soon  defeated  and  compelled  to  abandon  them.  To  avoid  further 
troubles  he  immediately  sent  tribute  to  Annam  and  lived  in  peace. 

For  more  than  thirty  years  after  this  Champa  enjoyed  peace 
and  prosperity.  But  troubles  broke  out  again  in  the  reign  of  Jaya 
Indra-varman  VI  who  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1139.  As  noted 
above,  Surya-varman  II,  the  contemporary  king  of  Kambuja,  was 
involved  in  a  long-drawn  war  with  the  Annamites  and  could  easily 
enlist  the  sympathy  and  support  of  Champa.  But  when  the  joint 
expeditions  repeatedly  proved  a  failure,  the  king  of  Champa  (the 
predecessor  of  Jaya  Indra-varman  VI)  withdrew  from  the  alliance 
with  Kambuja  and  resumed  payment  of  tribute  to  Annam.  Surya- 
varman  therefore  decided  to  punish  the  faithless  ally  and  invaded 
Champa  in  A.D.  1145.  He  gained  a  great  victory  and  made  himself 
master  of  Vijaya.  Jaya  Indra-varman  VI  was  either  killed  or  made 
a  prisoner.  In  any  case  he  passes  from  our  view.  But  a  new  king 


745 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


arose  in  Pan^uranga  in  the  south,  and  on  his  death  in  A.D.  1147  his 
son  and  successor  Jaya  Hari-varman  VI  continued  the  struggle 
against  Kambuja.  The  Kambuja  general  Sankara,  aided  by  the 
troops  of  Vijaya,  advanced  against  him,  but  was  signally  defeated 
in  A.D.  1147.  Next  year  “the  king  of  Kambuja  sent  an  army  thou¬ 
sand  times  stronger  than  the  previous  one”,  but  Hari-varman  again 
completely  defeated  them. 

Hari-varman  now  felt  powerful  enough  to  take  the  offensive 
and  advanced  towards  the  north  to  reconquer  Vijaya.  The  Kam¬ 
buja  king  hastily  consecrated  Harideva,  the  brother  of  his  first  queen, 
as  king  of  Vijaya  and  “commanded  various  generals”  to  protect  him. 
In  the  battle  that  followed  ‘Jaya  Hari-varman  destroyed  Harideva 
with  all  his  Cham  and  Kambuja  generals.”  Then  the  victorious 
king  was  duly  consecrated  and  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1149 
with  due  pomp  and  ceremony. 

But  the  troubles  of  Hari-varman  were  not  yet  over.  The  bar¬ 
barous  mountain  tribes  of  Champa,  collectively  known  by  the 
general  designation  of  ‘Kiratas’,  invaded  the  kingdom,  probably  at 
the  instigation  of  the  Kambuja  king.  Although  the  Kiratas  were 
defeated  in  a  pitched  battle,  Van^araja,  brother  of  Hari-varman’s 
queen,  joined  them  and  was  proclaimed  king.  Although  Vansaraja 
was  defeated  along  with  his  Kirata  allies,  he  sought  protection  in 
the  Annamese  court.  Hie  Annamese  Emperor  declared  him  king  of 
Champa  and  sent  him  back  with  a  large  army  which  was,  however, 
completely  defeated  by  Hari-varman  in  A.D.  1150.  Then  civil  war 
broke  out,  first  at  Amaravatl  (A.D.  1151)  and  then  at  Panduranga 
(A.D.  1155),  but  was  successfully  put  down.  Having  thus  complete¬ 
ly  triumphed  over  both  internal  and  external  enemies  the  great  and 
heroic  king  lived  in  peace,  devoting  his  attention  to  the  restoration 
of  temples  and  the  repair  of  damages. 

Hari-varman  was  far-sighted  enough  not  to  assume  a  haughty 
attitude  towards  Annam  in  spite  of  his  victory.  He  maintained 
friendly  relations  by  sending  tribute  and  rich  presents.  He  also 
demanded,  and  received,  from  the  Chinese  emperor  the  same  dignity 
which  his  predecessors  enjoyed. 

It  is  fortunate  that  no  less  than  seven  inscriptions  of  this  great 
king  have  been  preserved  which  enable  us  to  follow  in  minute  de¬ 
tails  his  truly  remarkable  career.  A  hero  of  hundred  fights,  he 
showed  remarkable  ability  alike  in  war  and  peace.  He  saved  the 
kingdom  when  it  was  threatened  with  ruin,  and  once  more  set  it 
on  the  way  to  peace  and  prosperity. 

Hari-varman  died  shortly  after  A.D.  1162  and  the  kingdom  was 
soon  occupied  by  an  usurper  named  Jaya  Xndra-varman  VH.  He 


746 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 


paid  regular  tributes  to  Annam  and  sent  an  ambassador  to  China 
asking  for  investiture  from  the  Emperor.  The  presents  which  the 
ambassador  offered  were  all  plundered  from  Arab  merchants.  As 
soon  as  the  Emperor  came  to  know  this,  from  the  complaints  of  the 
merchants  themselves,  he  refused  to  accept  the  presents  or  to  invest 
the  king.  This  is  an  interesting  incident  illustrating  the  inter¬ 
national  etiquette  of  those  days. 

The  most  notable  event  in  the  reign  of  this  king  was  his  long- 
drawn  war  with  Kambuja  ending  in  the  capture  of  its  capital  city 
by  means  of  a  naval  expedition  in  A.D.  1177  which  has  already  been 
described  above.12  The  king  also  made  rich  donations  to  various 
temples,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  old  power  and  prosperity  of  Champa 
were  revived.  An  interesting  record  of  this  reign  contains  the  text 
of  an  oath  of  allegiance  taken  by  three  dignitaries  of  the  realm  to 
the  effect  that  they  and  their  children  will  fight  for  the  king  in  case 
of  war  as  long  as  they  live.  There  was  a  similar  institution  in  Kam¬ 
buja  where  a  class  of  chiefs,  called  Sanjak ,  were  bound  by  oath 
of  allegiance  to  defend  the  person  of  the  king  or  prince.  We  have 
actual  records  that  the  life  of  a  prince  was  saved  on  two  different 
occasions  by  the  deliberate  self-sacrifice  of  four  Sanjaks.  The  king 
not  only  bestowed  wealth,  favours  and  honours  on  their  families, 
but  also  installed  their  statues  in  a  shrine.  When  the  prince  died 
his  statue  was  also  placed  in  the  same  shrine  by  the  side  of  those 
of  his  four  faithful  Sanjaks. 

The  aggressive  policy  of  Jaya  Indra-varman  VII  was  followed  by 
the  next  king  known  to  us,  viz.  Jaya  Indra-varman  VIII.  But  the 
ruler  of  Kambuja  with  whom  he  had  to  fight  was  made  of  different 
stuff.  The  Cham  king  was  not  only  defeated  but  taken  captive  to 
Kambuja  (A.D.  1190)  and  his  own  fate  and  that  of  his  kingdom  have 
been  described  above.13 

When  the  forces  of  Kambuja  withdrew  from  Champa  in 
A.D.  1220  after  an  occupation  of  thirty  years,  a  grandson  of  the 
famous  king  Jaya  Hari-varman  VI  ascended  the  throne  under  the 
title  Jaya  Paramesvara-varman  IV.  The  whereabouts  of  this  king 
and  his  father,  whom  his  records  refer  to  as  king  Hari-varman, 
during  the  reign  of  the  two  usurpers  Jaya  Indra-varman  VII  and 
VIII  are  unknown  to  us.  But  he  probably  concluded  a  peace  with 
Kambuja  where  he  had  lived  as  an  exile  for  some  time,  and  was 
formally  consecrated  to  the  throne  in  A.D.  1226.  He  ruled  in  peace 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Jaya  Indra-varman  X,  who  was 
murdered  by  his  sister’s  son  in  A.D.  1257.  The  regicide  then  ascend¬ 
ed  the  throne  and  was  formally  consecrated  in  A.D.  1266  under  the 
name  Indra-varman  XI. 


747 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


His  reign  is  chiefly  memorable  for  the  Mongol  invasion.  When 
the  great  Kublai  Khan  invited  the  king  of  Champa  (and  other  rulers 
of  Asia)  to  come  and  pay  homage,  the  latter  offered  submission. 
Kublai  thereupon  treated  Champa  as  part  of  his  empire  and  appoint¬ 
ed  two  viceroys  to  administer  it.  Although  the  king  submitted,  even 
to  this  humiliation,  his  proud  son  Harijit  refused  to  yield.  He 
organised  the  people  and  the  viceroys  left  the  country.  The  Cham 
king  gave  further  provocation  to  the  Khan  by  arresting  and  im¬ 
prisoning  his  ambassadors  to  Siam  and  Malabar.  Kublai  now  sent 
a  powerful  expedition  under  Sagatu,  and  as  Annam  refused  passage, 
the  troops  were  carried  in  1,000  vessels.  They  landed  unopposed, 
and  a  pitched  battle  took  place  in  January  1283.  The  Chains  fought 
obstinately  for  six  hours  and  then  retreated.  Sagatu  conquered  a 
large  part  of  the  country,  but  Xndra-varman  retired  with  his  army 
to  fastnesses  of  mountains  and  refused  to  yield.  It  was  also  report¬ 
ed  to  the  Mongol  camp  that  he  had  sent  embassies  to  Annam,  jKam- 
buja  and  Java  asking  for  military  aid.  Sagatu  attacked  the  en¬ 
trenched  position  of  the  king  on  the  mountains  and  inflicted  great 
losses  on  the  enemy,  but  Indra-varman  eluded  his  grasp.  In  A.D. 
1284  Kublai  sent  further  reinforcements,  but  things  continued  as 
before.  Kublai  thereupon  decided  to  send  a  strong  army  by  land, 
and  as  the  Annamese  Emperor  again  refused  homage  to  the  Khan 
and  passage  through  his  territory,  he  declared  war  against  Annam. 
The  Mongol  troops  advanced  from  China  in  the  north  and  Champa 
in  the  south,  but  were  decisively  defeated  by  the  Annamite  Emperor. 

Champa  was  thus  saved  from  further  troubles  and  Indra-varman 
placated  the  great  Khan  by  sending  rich  presents.  The  king,  who 
heroically  sustained  this  arduous  struggle,  died  shortly  afterwards 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son,  the  brave  prince  Harijit,  who  ascended 
the  throne  under  the  name  Jay  a  Sirhha-varman  IV. 

The  new  king  dispensed  with  all  marks  of  vassalage  of  Kublai 
Khan  and  also  stopped  the  usual  payment  of  tribute  to  Annam.  He 
had  married  a  princess  of  Java,  named  Tapasi,  and  was  eager  to 
marry  a  princess  of  Annam.  The  court  of  Annam  coldly  received 
his  proposal,  but  he  was  so  much  infatuated  that  he  even  ceded  two 
northern  provinces  of  his  kingdom  as  price  of  this  marriage.  Thus 
was  Champa  dismembered  a  second  time  in  favour  of  Annam.14 

Jays  Simha-varman  TV  died  in  A.D.  1307,  soon  after  this  marri¬ 
age,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Mahendra-varman.  The  cession 
of  the  two  northern  provinces  rankled  in  the  minds  of  the  people 
and  frequent  incursions  and  rebellions  followed.  Thereupon  the 
Annamite  Emperor  invaded  Champa  and  gained  an  easy  victory. 
Mahendra-varman  was  made  prisoner  and  his  brother  was  entrusted 


748 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

with  the  government  of  Champa  as  “Feudatory  Prince  of  the  Second 
rank”  (A.D.  1312). 

The  kingdom  of  Champa  had  now  practically  become  an  Anna- 
mite  province.  The  new  ruler  made  an  attempt  to  throw  off  the 
Annamite  yoke,  but  being  defeated  took  to  flight.  Thereupon  Champa 
was  ruled  by  military  chiefs  as  viceroys  of  the  Annamite  Emperor. 
These  viceroys,  however,  soon  declared  themselves  independent  and 
carried  on  a  prolonged  warfare  with  Annam,  with  occasional  truce, 
for  150  years  more.  In  AD.  1470  the  Annamite  Emperor  sent  a 
fleet  containing  100,000  men  and  himself  marched  at  the  head  of 
150,000  soldiers  against  Champa.  He  seized  the  capital  city  Vijaya 
and  annexed  all  the  territory  up  to  cape  Varella.  The  petty  chiefs 
that  ruled  over  the  small  territory  that  yet  remained  {viz.  the  modern 
districts  of  Khan  Hoa  and  Binh  Thuan)  were  at  the  absolute  mercy 
of  the  Annamites,  but  they  still  bore  the  proud  name  of  the  king 
of  Champa  and  received  Chinese  investiture  as  such.  One  of  them 
made  a  last  desperate  effort  in  A.D.  1543  to  get  rid  of  the  Annamese 
yoke  but  was  defeated  and  put  in  an  iron  cage.  The  Annamites 
annexed  the  Cham  territory  up  to  the  river  of  Phanrang  and  the 
seat  of  the  kingdom  of  Champa  was  removed  to  Bal  Chanar  at  Phanri. 
In  A.D.  1822  the  last  phantom  king  of  Champa,  unable  to  bear  the 
oppression  of  the  Annamites,  took  refuge  in  Kambuja  with  a  colony 
of  exiles.  Thus  ended  the  long  and  glorious  history  of  the  Hindu 
kingdom  of  Champa  which  lost  its  very  name  and  was  called  Annam 
after  the  conquering  tribe. 


4.  JAVA 

Java  was  rescued  from  the  great  catastrophe,  which  over¬ 
whelmed  it  in  A.D.  1007, 15  by  the  exertions  of  Airlangga,  the  son- 
in-law  of  the  late  king  Dharmavamsa.  Airlangga,  then  only  six¬ 
teen  years  old,  hid  himself  in  a  monastery  with  only  a  few  follow¬ 
ers,  for  three  years.  In  A.D.  1010  some  people,  evidently  parti¬ 
sans  of  Dharmavamsa,  met  him  there  and  hailed  him  as  the  legiti¬ 
mate  king.  He  was  formally  consecrated  in  A.D.  1019  and  prob¬ 
ably  established  his  authority  over  a  small  strip  of  territory  extend¬ 
ing  from  Surabaya  to  Pasuruhan.  By  A.D.  1028  he  grew  sufficiently 
powerful  to  make  an  attempt  to  recover  the  lost  kingdom.  He  had 
to  fight  with  a  number  of  chiefs  who  set  up  as  independent  rulers  in 
different  parts  of  the  country,  and  after  almost  continuous  warfare 
for  seven  years,  succeeded  in  re-establishing  his  authority  over  the 
whole  of  Java  (A.D.  1035). 

Airlangga  next  devoted  his  attention  to  restoring  the  material 
prosperity  of  the  country.  He  improved  trade  and  agriculture  and 


749 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


one  of  his  inscriptions  gives  a  long  list  of  foreign  countries  whose 
people  used  to  visit  Java  for  purposes  of  trade  or  other  reasons. 
They  include  a  large  number  of  localities  in  India  as  well  as  Annam 
and  Cambodia.  Airlangga  was  a  great  patron  of  literature,  and  in 
his  old  age,  abdicated  the  throne  and  took  to  religious  life  (A.D.  1042). 
The  details  of  his  life,  given  in  an  inscription  now  preserved  in  the 
Calcutta  Museum,  show  that  he  possessed  a  unique  personality  and 
had  an  eventful  career.  He  was  probably  buried  at  Belahan,  anddt 
is  generally  believed  that  the  line  image  of  Vishnu  on  Garuda,  found 
at  that  place,  is  the  actual  portrait  of  Airlangga,  and  the  first  of  a  long 
series  of  divine  images,  depicting  royal  portraits,  which  have  been 
found  in  Java. 

Before  his  death  Airlangga  had  divided  his  kingdom  into  two 
parts  and  bestowed  them  upon  his  two  sons.  Of  these  the  western 
kingdom  with  its  capital  at  Kadiri  rose  into  greater  importance  and 
ultimately  absorbed  the  other.  We  know  the  names  of  a  large  num¬ 
ber  of  kings  who  ruled  at  Kadiri  during  the  twelfth  century  A.D. 
Among  them  Jayavarsha,  Kamesvara  (I  or  II)  and  Jayabliaya  have 
been  immortalised  by  the  great  poets  who  flourished  in  their  courts. 
Indeed  the  Kadiri  court  witnessed  the  most  flourishing  period  of 
Indo-Javanese  literature  to  which  reference  will  be  made  later. 

It  appears  from  the  account  of  Chau  Ju-Kua16  that  the  king¬ 
dom  of  Kadiri  (which  he  refers  to  as  Sho-po  or  Yava)  was  very 
powerful  and  ruled  over  the  whole  of  Java  with  the  exception  of 
Sin-to,  i.e.  Sunda  in  W.  Java,  which  was  a  dependency  of  San-fo- 
tsi, 1 7  and  Su-ki-tan  which  cannot  be  exactly  located.  Chau  Ju-Kua 
gives  a  list  of  15  states,  in  and  outside  the  island  of  Java,  which 
i  were  all  dependencies  of  Sho-po.  Eight  of  these  were  situated  in 
islands  whose  inhabitants  were  mostly  barbarous.  The  two  most 
important  of  the  states  were  the  island  of  Bali  and  south-western 
part  of  Borneo,  and  the  rest  probably  refer  to  the  smaller  eastern 
islands  of  the  Archipelago. 

The\  Kadiri  period,  which  thus  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Java¬ 
nese  Empire,  also  witnessed  a  high  degree  of  development  both  in 
art  and  literature.  It  may  thus  be  regarded  as  a  prominent  land¬ 
mark  in  the  political  and  cultural  history  of  Java. 

Kritajaya,  the  last  king  of  Kadiri,  met  with  a  tragic  end.  A 
detailed  account  of  this  is  given  in  Pararaton,  a  historical  chro¬ 
nicle  of  Java,  which  is  not,  however,  always  reliable.  It  is  said 
that  the  king  asked  the  clergy  to  make  obeisance  to  him  and  so 
they  left  in  a  body  and  sought  refuge  with  Angrok,  the  son  of  a 
peasant  and  a  highway  robber  in  early  life,  who  had  murdered  his 


750 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

master,  the  governor  of  Tumapel,  married  his  widow,  and  made 
himself  ruler  of  the  territory  to  the  east  of  Mount  Kavi.  Taking 
advantage  of  the  quarrel  between  the  king  and  the  clergy,  Angrok 
openly  declared  himself  king  under  the  title  Rajasa.  He  twice 
defeated  Kritajaya  in  A.D.  1222  and  annexed  Ka^iri.  The  new 
kingdom  which  united  nearly  the  whole  of  Eastern  Java  came  to 
be  known  as  Singhasari,  after  the  name  of  its  capital. 

The  end  of  the  royal  dynasty  of  Katfiri,  which  traced  its  descent 
from  the  old  house  of  Mataram,  snapped  the  bond  with  old  tradi¬ 
tions  and  Central  Java.  This  is  probably  the  reason  why,  with  the 
foundation  of  Singhasari,  the  old  Hindu  culture  and  civilisation 
gradually  faded  away  and  purely  Javanese  elements  came  into  pro¬ 
minence. 

Rajasa,  as  well  as  his  two  sons  who  succeeded  him,  were 
assassinated.  Then  came  V ishnu-var dhana ,  who  died  a  natural 
death  in  A.D.  1268.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Kritanagara  whom 
he  had  already  anointed  king  and  associated  with  his  government 
in  A.D.  1254. 

Kritanagara  was  a  remarkable  king  in  many  respects  and  had 
an  eventful  reign.  Unfortunately  the  two  texts,  Ndgara-Kritagama 
and  Pararaton,  which  form  our  main  sources  of  information,  differ 
radically  in  their  estimate  of  the  king.  The  latter  represents  him 
as  a  foolish  and  worthless  debauchee  who  spent  all  his  time  in  eat¬ 
ing  and  drinking,  and  left  the  cares  of  government  in  the  hands  of 
wicked  men.  The  former,  which  is  also  the  earlier  text,  on  the 
other  hand  describes  him  as  ‘‘well-versed  in  the  sixfold  royal  policy, 
expert  in  all  branches  of  knowledge,  quite  at  home  in  Buddhist 
scriptures  and  eminently  righteous  in  life  and  conduct”.  The 
truth,  as  always,  seems  to  lie  in  the  middle.  Most  probably  the 
king  was  an  ardent  follower  of  Tantrayana  form  of  Buddhism  to 
whom  drinking  wine  and  some  other  obnoxious  practices  were 
parts  of  religious  rites  and  ceremonies. 

As  to  his  political  capacity,  Kritanagara  undoubtedly  was  a 
powerful  king  who  established  his  position  securely  at  home  and 
sent  expeditions  to  foreign  countries.  He  re-established  the  supre¬ 
macy  of  Java  over  Bali,  whose  king  was  brought  prisoner  to  Java 
in  A.D.  1284.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  in  Ndgara - 
Kritagama  that  his  authority  was  established  over  Pahang  (Malay 
Peninsula),  Malayu  (Central  Sumatra),  Gurun  (Gorang),  Bakula- 
pura  (S.  W.  Borneo),  Sunda  (W.  Java)  and  Madhura  (Madura 
Island).  Marco  Polo  (A.D.  1292)  also  describes  Java  as  a  prosper¬ 
ous  kingdom,  under  a  great  king.  It  was  very  rich  and  noted  for 
its  trade  and  commerce. 


751 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR 


PXRE 


t 


The  first  expedition  against  Malayu,  which  was  sent  in  AJD. 
1275,  established  the  authority  of  Java  in  the  very  heart  of  Sumatra. 
An  inscription,  dated  A.D.  1286,  found  at  Fadang  Roco  in  the  Batan- 
ghari  District  (Sumatra),  clearly  proves  that  the  kingdom  of  Malaya 
which  extended  far  into  the  interior  of  Sumatra,  formed  a  vassal 
state  of  Java.  As  subsequent  events  proved,  it  was  from  this  mili¬ 
tary  stronghold  in  Sumatra  that  Java  ultimately  extended  her  autho¬ 
rity  over  the  whole  of  that  island.  As  such  it  may  be  regarded  as  a 
great  achievement  of  Kpitanagara. 

Hie  Par  amt  on,  however,  attributes  the  downfall  of  the  king 
t©  this  unwise  military  expedition.  For  while  Java  was  thereby 
denuded  of  troops,  Jayakatvang,  the  governor  of  Ka^iri,  revolted 
and  marched  against  the  capital  city.  The  king  sent  his  main  army 
under  his  two  sons-in-law  against  the  rebel  army  coming  by  the 
northern  route,  which  was  defeated  and  driven  back.  But  a  more 
powerful  rebel  army  coming  stealthily  by  the  southern  route  sudden¬ 
ly  reached  the  capital  and  stormed  the  palace.  The  king  and  his 
minister,  who  were  found  drinking  wine,  were  both  killed  on  the 
spot,  and  Jayakatvang  established  (or  re-established)  the  supremacy 
of  Kadiri  over  Java. 

Whatever  we  might  think  of  the  details  in  the  above  account 
of  Paramton ,  the  main  facts  seem  to  be  correct.  The  king,  passio¬ 
nately  devoted  to  Tantrik  Buddhism,  evidently  neglected  adminis¬ 
tration,  for  we  hear  of  at  least  two  other  revolutions  before  the  final 
coup  de  grace  given  by  the  governor  of  Kadiri. 

The  success  of  Jayakatvang  of  Kadiri  was,  however,  shortlived. 
Vijaya,  one  of  the  two  sons-in-law  of  Kyitanagara  who  led  the  royal 
army  against  the  rebels  in  the  north,  founded  a  small  principality  at 
Majapahit  and  entered  into  a  conspiracy  with  the  governor  of  the 
island  of  Madura.  But  the  end  of  Jayakatvang  was  really  brought 
about  by  a  series  of  strange  events. 

In  A.D.  1281  the  great  Mongol  Emperor  Kublai  Khan  had  in¬ 
vited  the  king  of  Java  to  come  in  person  to  the  Imperial  court  to 
pay  homage  to  him.18  Kritanagara  refused,  and  at  last,  irritated  by 
repeated  orders,  sent  back  the  Chinese  ambassador  after  mutilat¬ 
ing  his  face.  Kublai  thereupon  sent  a  big  military  expedition  to 
Java  in  A.D.  1292.  Vijaya,  in  order  to  utilise  the  expedition  to  his 
favour,  offered  submission  and  joined  the  Mongols  against  Jayakat¬ 
vang  who  made  preparations  to  defend  his  country.  Jay  akat  vang’s 
army  was,  however,  defeated;  his  capital  city  was  stormed,  and  he 
himself  was  made  a  prisoner  and  later  killed  (A.D.  1293). 

Vijaya,  freed  from  Jayakatvang,  now  left  the  Chinese  camp  on 
some  pretext,  collected  a  large  force  and  attacked  the  Chinese  army 


752 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

on  its  way  back  from  Kadiri.  Vijaya  was  forced  to  fall  back,  but 
the  Chinese  generais  could  not  come  to  any  agreed  decision  about 
their  future  action;  so  they  got  the  troops  in  the  ships  and  returned 
to  China  (A.D.  1293). 

With  the  death  of  Jayakatvang,  the  kingdom  of  Kadiri  came 
to  an  end  and  Vijaya  became  undisputed  master  of  Java  with 
Majapahit  as  its  capital.  By  a  strange  irony  of  fate  the  Mongol 
expedition,  which  came  with  the  avowed  object  of  punishing  Kpta- 
nagara,  really  avenged  his  foul  murder  upon  his  enemy  and  helped 
the  re-establishment  of  his  family.  No  less  strange  is  the  fact  that 
Vijaya,  who  betrayed  the  Imperial  army,  succeeded  in  establishing 
friendly  relations  with  the  Chinese  Emperor  and  sent  embassies  in 
A.D.  1297,  1298,  1300  and  1308. 

The  kingdom  of  Majapahit,  which  was  brought  into  existence 
in  A.D.  1293  amid  strange  circumstance,  ere  long  became  the  nucleus 
of  a  mighty  Hindu  empire  which  continued  its  existence  till  the  six¬ 
teenth  century  A.D. 


5.  BALI 

The  island  of  Bali  enjoys  the  unique  distinction  of  being  the  only 
ancient  Hindu  colony  in  the  East  which  still  follows  the  Brahmani- 
cal  religion.  Bali  imbibed  Hindu  culture  and  civilisation  from  quite 
an  early  period  as  has  been  noted  above.19  It  was  intimately  connect¬ 
ed  with  Java  and  very  often  politically  subordinate  to  it,20  but  there 
is  no  doubt  that  originally  it  derived  its  culture  directly  from  India 
and  was  in  no  way  a  mere  product  of  the  Indo- Javanese  colony  or 
civilisation,  as  is  supposed  by  many.  This  is  best  proved  by  a  large 
number  of  inscriptions  on  stones  and  copper-plates,  and  other  anti¬ 
quities  going  back  to  the  eighth  century  A.D.  Both  the  language 
and  subject-matter  of  these  records  leave  no  doubt  that  the  civilisa¬ 
tion  flourishing  in  Bali  had  a  distinctive  character  of  its  own  and 
was  not  merely  an  offshoot  of  Indo-Javanese  culture. 

These  inscriptions  have  preserved  the  names  of  no  less  than  five 
Hindu  kings  and  a  queen  ruling  in  the  tenth  century  A.D.  The 
earliest  of  these  is  Ugrasena  whose  known  dates  are  A.D.  915  and 
933.  Then  follow  Tabanendra-varma-deva  (A.D.  955),  Chandra- 
bhayasingha-varma-deva  (A.D.  962),  Janasadhu-varma-deva  (A.D. 
975)  and  queen  Srl-Vijaya-mahadevI  (A.D.  983).  Another  inscrip¬ 
tion,  without  date  but  probably  belonging  to  the  tenth  century,  men¬ 
tions  Sri  Ke£ari-varman,  lord  over  all  neighbouring  provinces,  who 
overcame  Gurun  and  other  localities.  Neither  the  relation  between 
these  kings  nor  any  further  particulars  of  their  reign  are  known. 

753 

S.B.— 48 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

As  mentioned  above,21  Bali  was  conquered  by  Java  towards 
the  close  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.  and  was  ruled  by  Mahendra- 
datta,  alias  Gunapriyadharmapatnl,  along  with  her  husband  Uday- 
ana  (or  Dharmodayana-varma-deva) ,  the  parents  of  the  famous  king 
Airlangga.22  The  queen  died  before  A.D.  1011,  and  the  latter 
alone  ruled  till  at  least  A.D.  1025.  Next  we  hear  of  Marakata- 
pangkaja-Sthanottunggadeva,  but  whether  he  was  an  independent 
king  or  acknowledged  the  supremacy  of  Java,  it  is  difficult  to  say. 
Airlangga  no  doubt  ultimately  asserted  his  full  suzerainty  over  Bali, 
and  the  king,  mentioned  in  ten  copper-plates  with  dates  ranging 
between  A.D.  1049  and  1077,  was  most  probably  his  younger  brother. 

Bali  probably  regained  independence  in  the  twelfth  century  and 
we  know  the  names  of  several  kings  such  as  Sri  Suradhipa  (A.D.  1115- 
1119),  £n  Jayasakti  (A.D.  1133,  1150),  and  Paduka  Sri  Maharaja  Haji 
Jay  a  Pangus.  The  last  named  is  known  from  13  inscriptions  (one 
dated  in  A.D.  1177  and  the  rest  in  A.D.  1181)  which  describe  him  as 
the  suzerain  king  ruling  over  a  circle  of  seven  states  in  Bali  (Bali- 
dvipa-mandala) ,  but  the  genuineness  of  these  records  is  not  beyond 
question.  Next  we  hear  of  two  other  kings,  Sakalendu  (A.D.  1201) 
and  Bhatara  Paramesvara  (A.D.  1204).  Shortly  after  this  Bali  must 
have  been  conquered  by  Java.  Chau  Ju-Kua  includes  it  among  the 
vassal  states  of  Java,  though  he  expressly  says  that  Bali  and  Tanjung- 
pura  (S.  W.  Borneo)  were  the  most  important  among  them.  Bali  be¬ 
came  independent  again  soon  after  the  fall  of  Ka<Jiri  and  we  know 
of  king  Adilahchana  ruling  in  A.D.  1250.  But  Kj-itanagara  conquer¬ 
ed  it  again  and  captured  its  king.23 

The  tragic  end  of  Kritanagara  once  more  enabled  Bali  to  throw 
off  the  yoke  of  Java.  The  generals  of  Kublai  Khan,  while  return¬ 
ing  from  the  expedition  to  Java24  in  A.D.  1293,  brought  to  the  Em¬ 
peror  a  letter  in  golden  characters  and  rich  presents  from  the  king 
of  Bali.  For  nearly  half  a  century  Bali  remained  an  independent 
state.  But  the  growing  empire  of  Majapahit  tried  to  re-establish 
the  supremacy  over  this  island.  The  king  of  Bali  fought  hard  to 
maintain  his  independence,  but  was  totally  routed  by  a  strong  force 
sent  from  Java  in  A.D.  1343.  Henceforth  Bali  formed  an  integral 
part  of  the  Majapahit  Empire  for  nearly  a  century  and  half.  Then, 
towards  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century  A.D.,  the  king  of  Majapahit, 
unable  to  stem  the  tide  of  Islam,  took  refuge  with  his  followers  in 
Bali.  His  example  was  followed  by  many  Javanese  who  wanted  to 
retain  their  old  religion  and  culture.  Hie  history  of  Java  was  thus 
continued  in  Bali  which  retained  its  political  autonomy  till  the  Dutch 
established  their  suzerainty  over  the  whole  of  the  island  and  incorpo- 


754 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

rated  it  in  their  empire  in  A.D.  1911.  But  Bali  received  a  large  in¬ 
flux  of  Javanese  element  after  the  fall  of  Majapahit  and  soon  became 
the  last  stronghold  of  Indo-Javanese  culture  and  civilisation,  a  posi¬ 
tion  which  it  happily  maintains  even  today. 

So  strong  has  been  the  historic  association  with  Java  that  most 
of  the  inhabitants  of  Bali  style  themselves  with  pride  as  “men  of 
Majapahit'’,  and  only  a  few  primitive  tribes  are  called,  by  way  of 
contrast,  “indigenous  people  of  Bali.,, 

6.  BURMA 

Popular  tradition  or  philology  derives  the  word  Brahma  (the 
original  of  the  anglicised  form  Burma)  from  the  Sanskrit  word 
Brahma.  It  is,  however,  more  probable  that  it  was  the  Sanskritized 
form  of  the  tribal  name  Mramma  ( var .  Myamma  and  Bhama). 

The  Mrammas  form  the  principal  element  in  the  population  of 
Burma,  which  is  undoubtedly  a  mixture  of  many  peoples  and  tribes. 
They  came  from  their  original  homeland  in  Tibet  along  the  valley  of 
the  Brahmaputra  and  Chindwin  rivers,  and  it  has  been  suggested  that 
the  tribal  name  was  derived  from  the  Brahmaputra.  In  any  case, 
it  is  certain  that  the  Bur  mans  are  ethnically  connected  with  a  large 
number  of  tribes,  now  living  on  the  eastern  border  of  India,  such 
as  the  Nagas,  Kukis,  Mishmis,  Lepchas,  Abors  and  Bhutiyas.  It  is 
probable  therefore  that  they  came  into  contact  with  Indian  cul¬ 
ture  on  their  way  to  Burma.  If  the  traditions,  narrated  above,25 
are  to  be  believed,  they  received  one  or  more  bands  of  Indian  colo¬ 
nists  among  them  after  they  had  settled  in  the  country.  Later,  the 
Mrammas  came  into  contact  with  the  Hinduised  Pyus,  Mons  and 
other  primitive  tribes,  and  all  these  coalesced  into  the  modern  Bur- 
mans. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  even  up  to  the  tenth  century  A.D.  the 
Mrammas  were  rude  and  unlettered,  as  compared  with  the  Pyus  and 
Mons.  How  they  first  came  into  prominence  it  is  difficult  to  say. 
The  most  likely  explanation  seems  to  be  that  when  the  power  of 
the  Pyus  declined  on  account  of  pressure  from  the  Thais  in  the 
north  and  Mons  in  the  south,  the  Mrammas  poured  in  large  num¬ 
bers  and  gradually  acquired  political  ascendancy. 

The  Burmese  national  era  starts  from  A.D.  638  and  is  general¬ 
ly  believed  to  commemorate  the  foundation  of  the  Mramma  power  in 
Pagan.  But  this  is  very  doubtful.  The  association  of  the  Mram¬ 
mas  with  Pagan  probably  does  not  go  back  beyond  the  ninth  century 
A.D.,  and  according  to  some  chronicles  the  city  was  founded  by 
king  Pyanpya  in  A.D.  849.  The  Burmese  chronicles  contain 


755 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR 


PIRE 


Mi 


legends  of  a  number  of  kings  of  Pagan,  but  it  is  not  till  the  eleventh 
century  A.D*  that  we  can  clearly  follow  the  main  outline  of  their  his¬ 
tory  with  the  help  of  contemporary  inscriptions.  These  inscriptions 
enable  us  to  correct  the  dates  given  in  the  chronicles  and  to  restore 
the  Indian  form  of  royal  names.  To  take  a  concrete  example,  the 
chronicles  tell  us  that  Anawratha  became  king  of  Pagan  in  A.D.  1010. 
But  we  know  from  the  inscriptions  that  the  king’s  name  was  Anirud- 
dha  and  that  he  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1044;  further,  that  the 
classical  name  of  Pagan  was  Arimardanapura. 

The  accession  of  Aniruddha  may  be  said  to  have  introduced  a 
new  era  in  the  history  of  the  Mrammas.  Although  the  prevailing 
religion  was  a  debased  form  of  Tantrik  Buddhism  the  king  was 
converted  to  the  pure  Theravada  by  a  Brahma^a  monk  of  Thaton, 
and  gradually  this  new  form  ousted  the  old.  He  asked  for  the  co¬ 
operation  of  the  Mon  king  of  Thaton  in  this  great  religious  reform, 
and  sent  an  envoy  asking  for  copies  of  the  sacred  texts.  The  re¬ 
quest  was  refused  and  the  envoy  was  insulted.  Thereupon  Ani¬ 
ruddha  marched  with  an  army,  completely  conquered  the  Mon 
country,  and  brought  its  king  captive  to  Pagan.  But  the  defeated 
Mons  really  conquered  the  Mrammas.  Aniruddha  brought  back 
with  him  from  the  Mon  country  all  the  Buddhist  monks  along  with 
sacred  texts  and  relics  carried  by  32  elephants,  as  well  as  a  large 
number  of  artisans  and  craftsmen.  This  brought  about  a  complete 
transformation  of  the  culture  of  the  Mrammas.  They  adopted  the 
Mon  religion  and  scripture  and  learnt  the  art  of  writing  with  the 
help  of  the  Mon  script.  Thus  the  Mon  form  of  Hindu  culture  com¬ 
menced  a  new  career  in  Pagan.  Even  the  classical  example  of  van¬ 
quished  Greece  captivating  Rome  was  surpassed  by  the  way  in  which 
the  Mrammas  thoroughly  imbibed  the  Hindu  civilisation  from  the 
Mons. 

Aniruddha  extended  his  kingdom  in  all  directions.  Nearly  the 
whole  of  Burma,  excluding  Tenasserim,  was  brought  under  his  rule; 
even  the  Shan  chiefs  in  the  east  acknowledged  his  suzerainty.  He 
conquered  N.  Arakan  and  probably  advanced  within  the  frontiers 
of  India.  The  Burmese  chronicles  represent  Paftikera  in  Tippera 
District,  Bengal,  as  bordering  on  his  kingdom.  The  king  married 
an  Indian  princess  and  the  chronicles  give  a  long  account  of  her 
journey  to  Burma. 

The  two  outstanding  achievements  of  Aniruddha  were  the 
political  union  of  Burma  and  the  introduction  of  the  Hlnayana 
form  of  Buddhism  which  still  prevails  in  that  country.  He  carried 
out  great  irrigation  works  and  built  numerous  temples  and  monas¬ 
teries.  His  name  and  fame  spread  to  the  island  of  Ceylon  whose 


756 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

king  asked  for  his  help  in  both  political  and  religious  matters.  He 
set  Burma  on  the  path  to  regeneration  through  Hindu  culture  which 
it  has  followed  ever  since. 

On  the  death  of  Aniruddha  in  A.D.  1077  the  Mens  of  Pegu 
made  an  attempt  to  recover  their  independence.  They  advanced 
up  to  Pagan  and  killed  the  new  king.  But  they  were  defeated  by 
Kyanzittha,  another  son  of  Aniruddha,  born  of  the  Indian  princess, 
who  was  formally  crowned  in  A.B.  1084  under  the  title  &ri 
Tribhuvanaditya-dharrnaraja.  During  his  rule  many  Buddhists 
and  Vaishnavas  from  India  settled  in  Burma.  The  king  is  said  to 
have  fed  eight  Indian  monks  with  his  own  hands  for  three  months, 
and  on  hearing  from  them  the  description  of  Indian  temples  designed 
the  famous  Ananda  temple.  Whatever  we  might  think  of  this  story, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  this  masterpiece  of  Burman  architecture  was 
designed  on  Indian  model.  The  king  not  only  built  other  temples, 
but  also  repaired  (‘newly  constructed’  according  to  chronicles)  the 
holy  temple  of  Bodh-Gaya  in  India.  He  married  a  Clio] a  princess 
and  sent  a  diplomatic  mission  to  China  which  was  given  precedence 
over  that  of  the  Cholas.  He  sent  an  expedition  to  South  Arakan 
which  acknowdedged  his  supremacy.  Tenasserirn  was  also  added 
to  his  kingdom. 

Kyanzittha  was  succeeded  by  his  daughter’s  son  Alaungsithu 
(A.D.  1112-1187).  His  reign  was  full  of  troubles.  Rebellions  in  South 
Arakan  and  Tenasserirn  were  suppressed,  but  the  king  in  his  old 
age  was  murdered  by  his  son  Narathu  who  also  killed  many  members 
of  the  royal  family  including  his  step-mother,  the  princess  of  Patti- 
kera  (Tippera  District),  The  father  of  this  lady  took  revenge  by 
sending  eight  of  his  best  guards,  who  entered  the  palace  in  the  dis¬ 
guise  of  priests  and  killed  Narathu  (A.D.  1170).  His  son  Narasimha 
succeeded  him,  but  was  killed  after  three  years  by  his  younger  bro¬ 
ther  Narapatisithu.  During  the  reign  of  this  king  Ceylonese  Bud¬ 
dhism  was  introduced  in  Pagan  in  A.D.  1192,  and  ultimately  re¬ 
placed  the  Mon  Buddhism  which  had  prevailed  since  the  days  of 
Aniruddha. 

The  three  kings  who  reigned  after  Narapatisithu  were  all  de¬ 
voted  to  religious  activities,  and  one  of  them,  Jayasiihha,  built  the 
Mahabodhi  temple  in  imitation  of  the  famous  temple  at  Bodh- 
Gaya.  The  next  two  kings  were  of  opposite  character.  The  second 
of  these,  Narasirhhapati,  who  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  1254,  boast¬ 
ed  that  he  swallowed  three  hundred  dishes  of  curry  daily  and  had 
three  thousand  concubines.  In  A.D.  1271  Kublai  Khan  sent  envoys 
asking  Burma  to  accept  his  suzerainty.26  Not  only  did  the  Burmese 
king  refuse  the  demand  and  execute  a  Chinese  ambassador  sent  to 


757 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


him  in  A.D.  1273,  but  he  also  twice  invaded  some  border  states 
which  had  submitted  to  China.  On  the  second  occasion  (A.D. 
1283)  the  Burmese  army  was  defeated  with  heavy  loss  and  the  king 
fled  from  his  capital  city.  Revolt  broke  out  on  all  sides  and  the 
king  was  murdered  (A.D.  1287).  The  Mongols  now  struck  a  deci¬ 
sive  blow.  A  grandson  of  Kublai  Khan  marched  to  Pagan  which 
perished  “amid  the  blood  and  flame  of  the  Tartar  terror”. 

The  Mongol  conquest  was  followed  by  a  complete  political  dis¬ 
integration  and  cultural  decay.  The  country  was  divided  into  a 
number  of  petty  principalities  and  the  stories  of  the  interminable 
fights,  intrigues,  cruelty  and  treachery  of  their  chiefs  fill  the  pages 
of  the  chronicles.  Thus  passed  away  the  united  kingdom  of  Burma, 
set  up  by  Aniruddha,  after  a  glorious  existence  of  more  than  two 
centuries,  and  nearly  three  centuries  elapsed  before  it  regained  any¬ 
thing  like  its  former  position  in  the  sphere  of  politics  and  culture. 

7.  SIAM 

The  beginnings  of  Hindu  colonisation  in  Siam  may  be  traced 
to  the  first  two  centuries  of  the  Christian  era.  Archaeological  re¬ 
mains  and  other  evidences  leave  no  doubt  that  here,  too,  as  in  the 
neighbouring  regions  in  Indo-China,  the  Hindu  culture  and  civili¬ 
sation  were  firmly  established  and  entirely  transformed  the  charac¬ 
ter  of  the  people.  But  our  knowledge  of  its  political  history  is  very 
meagre.  Its  northern  part  came  under  the  influence  of  the  Mons, 
and  we  have  referred  above  to  the  kingdom  of  Dvaravati  that  flourish¬ 
ed  in  the  seventh  century  A.D.  and  various  small  principalities, 
known  from  local  annals,  that  grew  up  in  Laos  in  later  times.  The 
southern  part  of  Siam  formed  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Kambuja 
from  early  times  and,  as  noted  above,  the  Kambuja  empire  at  its 
greatest  extent  included  the  whole  of  that  country.  It  is  only 
after  the  decline  of  that  empire  in  the  thirteenth  century  A.D.  that 
Siam  became  an  independent  political  unit.  But  this  was  accom¬ 
plished,  not  by  the  children  of  the  soil,  but  by  a  new  race  of  immi¬ 
grants  from  the  north,  known  as  the  Thais.  As  this  race  dominated 
the  history  of  Indo-China  during  the  next  five  centuries  and  caused 
the  overthrow  of  the  Hindu  kingdoms  of  Kambuja  and  Champa,  it 
is  necessary  to  review  their  history  at  some  length. 

The  Thais  are  a  Mongolian  tribe,  probably  ethnically  related  to 
the  Chinese,  and  originally  lived  in  the  southern  and  south-western 
part  of  what  is  now  known  as  China.  They  migrated  in  early  centu¬ 
ries  before  and  after  the  Christian  era,  and  set  up  various  principali¬ 
ties  spreading  over  the  whole  of  the  uplands  of  Indo-China  to  the 
east  of  Burma  and  the  north  of  Siam,  Kambuja  and  Champa.  Two 


758 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 


groups  of  these,  which  settled  in  Yunnan  and  Tonkin,  came  to  be 
more  powerful  than  the  rest.  The  latter,  known  as  the  Annamites, 
whose  long  struggle  with  Champa  has  been  referred  to  above 
derived  their  civilisation  from  China.  The  former,  however,  came 
under  the  influence  of  Hindu  culture  and  civilisation  from  an  early 
period.  Their  country,  corresponding  to  modern  Yunnan  in  South 
China,  was  called  Nan-chao  by  the  Chinese,  but  it  was  known 
in  Indo-China  as  Gandhara.  One  part  of  it  was  also  called 
Videha-rajya,  and  its  capital  was  known  as  Mithila.  The  people 
used  an  alphabet  of  Hindu  origin.  Local  traditions  in  Yurman  affirm 


that  Avalokitesvara  came  from  India  and  converted  the  region  to 
Buddhism.  It  is  said  that  when,  towards  the  close  of  the^eigbth 
century  A.D.,  the  ruler  of  this  kingdom  became  enamoured  oi 
Chinese  civilisation,  seven  religious  teachers  of  India  rebuked  the 
king.  In  the  first  half  of  the  ninth  century  A  D.  a  Hindu  monk  named 
Chandragupta,  born  in  Magadha  and  therefore  designated  Magadha, 
led  a  brilliant  career  of  a  thaumaturgist  in  Yunnan.  There  was  in 
Yunnan  the  famous  Pippala  cave,  the  Bodhi  three,  the  sacred  hill 
Gridhraku$a  and  many  other  localities  associated  with  Buddhism.  A 
Chinese  traveller  of  the  tenth  century  A.D.  refers  to  a  local  tradition 
that  Sakyamimi  obtained  Bodhi  near  Lake  Ta-li  in  Yunnan.  The 
Buddhist  influence  in  Yunnan  is  still  attested  by  two  bells  of  the 
eleventh  century  with  inscriptions  in  Chinese  and  Sanskrit.  The  king 
of  Nan-chao  had  the  title  Maharaja  and  also  another  Hindu  title, 
which  means  the  king  of  the  east.  According  to  local  tradition  the 
royal  family  was  descended  from  Asoka.  Basid-ud-dln,  writing  in 
the  thirteenth  century,  not  only  calls  the  country  Gandhara  but  as¬ 
serts  that  its  people  came  from  India  and  China.  All  these  demons¬ 
trate  that  the  Thais  of  Yunnan  had  imbibed  Hindu  culture  and  civi¬ 
lisation  to  a  very  large  extent. 


The  Thai  kingdom  of  Nan-chao  or  Gandhara  threw  off  the  yoke 
of  China  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century  A.D.  and  soon  grew 
very  powerful.  A  century  later  the  state  was  strong  enough  to 
invade  China  and,  after  repeated  successes,  its  ruler  assumed  the  title 
of  Emperor  in  A.D-  850.  The  Tang  Emperor  took  this  as  an  insult 
to  him  and  a  prolonged  war  followed,  in  which  China  was  repeatedly 
defeated.  In  A.D.  884  the  Emperor  of  Gandhara  married  a  daughter 
of  the  Chinese  Emperor  and  peace  was  established  between  the  two 
powers. 

The  Hinduised  Thai  kingdom  of  Gandhara  flourished  till  A.D. 
1253  when  it  was  conquered  by  the  Mongol  Chief  Kublai  Khan.  The 
extinction  of  this  great  Thai  state  coincides  with,  and  perhaps  ac¬ 
counts  for,  the  general  movement  of  the  Thais  towards  the  south 
and  west.  One  branch  of  them,  the  Ahoms,  proceeded  north  and 


759 


the  struggle  for  empire 

conquered  Assam,  while  another,  the  Shans,  got  possession  of  Upper 
Burma,  A  third  branch  went  south  and  conquered  gradually  the 

whole  of  Laos  and  Siam. 

There  were  Thai  kingdoms  on  the  eastern  borderland  of  Burma, 
as  well  as  in  the  Mekong  valley,  long  before  the  thirteenth  century. 
But  these  were  petty  principalities,  and  it  is  not  till  the  thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury  that  we  hod  powerful  Thai  states  m  both  these  regions.  The 
history  of  the  Thais  in  Burma  (known  as  the  Shans)  need  not  det ain 
us  here,  as  we  are  concerned  here  with  the  Thais  in  Siam. 

The  first  Thai  kingdom  of  importance  was  that  of  Sukhodaya 
(Sukotai)  in  central  Siam.  It  was  then  the  seat  of  Kambuja  governor 
in  Siam.  When  a  revolt  broke  out,  the  Kambuja  general  sent  to  quell 
it  was  defeated  by  two  Thai  chiefs  who  occupied  the  town.  One  of 
them,  Run  Bang  Rlang,  was  consecrated  as  king  of  Sukhodaya  with 
the  title  of  Indraditya,  some  time  about  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth 
century  A.D.  During  his  reign  the  country  received  a  tremendous 
wave  of  Thai  immigrants,  presumably  those  who  fied  from  Nan-cho 
or  Gandhara  after  its  conquest  by  Kublai  Khan. 

Partly  on  account  of  these  reinforcements,  and  partly  on  ac¬ 
count  of  the  weakness  of  Kambuja,  Indraditya  was  able  to  extend 
his  dominions  on  all  sides  by  constant  fights  with  his  neighbours. 
But  it  was  during  the  reign  of  his  son  Ram  Kamheng  that  the  new 
kingdom  reached  its  widest  extent.  This  king,  whose  known  dates 
are  A.D.  1283  and  12S#2,  has  left  a  long  inscription  which  gives  us  a 
detailed  account  of  his  life  and  reign. 

The  record  gives  a  long  list  of  conquered  countries  which  in¬ 
clude,  besides  a  number  of  Thai  states  in  Siam,  Hamsavati  or  Pegu 
in  Lower  Burma  and  Nakhon  Sri  Thammarat  in  Malay  Peninsula. 
It  appears  that  after  the  Kambujas  had  lost  their  power  in  Siam, 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  a  number  of  independent  Thai  states  arose 
there  and  probably  most  of  them  had  xo  acknowledge  the  suzerainty 
of  Ram  Kamheng.  Two  Thai  states,  which  sent  many  embassies 
to  China  between  A.D.  1282  and  1323,  are  called  by  the  Chinese 
Si-en  and  Lo*hu.  There  is  no  doubt  that  they  represent  respectively 
Shy  am  and  Lvo  or  Lopburi.  Shy  am,  which  has  been  anglicised  into 
Siam,  originally  denoted  only  the  northern  part  of  the  country,  and 
stands  here  for  the  kingdom  of  Sukhodaya.  It  is  no  doubt  due  to 
the  supremacy  of  this  kingdom  that  gradually  the  whole  country 
came  to  he  known  as  Shyam  or  Siam.  But  the  Chinese  account  shows 
that  even  towards  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century,  Lopburi,  to  the 
south  of  Sukhodaya.  in  the  Lower  Menam  Valley,  was  an  important 
state,  and  bore  a  separate  name.  But  in  spite  of  the  existence  of  one 
or  more  such  independent  or  semi-independent  states  we  may  well 


760 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

believe  that  Ram  Kamheng  established  a  very  powerful  kingdom 
whose  influence  was  felt  as  far  as  Lower  Burma  in  the  north  and 
Malay  Peninsula  in  the  south.  It  was  almost  certainly  Ram  Kam¬ 
heng  who  carried  his  victorious  arms  to  Kambuja  and  devastated 
the  region  round  Angkor  as  testified  to  by  Chen  Ta-Kuan.27 

But  these  brilliant  victories  alone  do  not  constitute  the  sole 
claim  of  Ham  Kamheng  to  the  title  ‘Great’.  His  record  gives  a  long 
list  of  his  works  of  public  utility  which  would  do  credit  to  any  ruler. 
He  erected  large  and  beautiful  temples  and  placed  in  them  bronze 
images  of  Buddha,  one  of  which  was  18  cubits  high.  Palaces,  monas¬ 
teries,  lakes,  parks  and  groves  of  fruit-trees  beautified  the  city  and 
the  people  enjoyed  peace  and  prosperity.  In  a  long  passage  the 
king  enunciates  his  ideals  of  charity  and  justice.  In  particular  he 
mentions  the  device  of  hanging  a  bell  in  front  of  the  gate  by  ringing 
which  all  petitioners  for  justice  could  have  direct  access  to  the  king. 

Ham  Kamheng  also  claims  to  have  introduced  the  art  of  writing 
among  his  people.  Although  the  words  of  the  inscription  are  not 
quite  dear,  it  would  seem  that  he  did  not  invent  the  Thai  script 
but  a  particular  style  of  it  which  was  known  after  him  and  came 
into  general  use.  This  Ram  Kamheng  script  is  derived  from  a  cur¬ 
sive  form  of  the  Khmer  script  of  Kambuja  and  was  a  great  improve¬ 
ment  upon  the  Thai  script  which  was  in  use  before  his  time. 

Even  making  due  allowance  for  the  natural  exaggerations  in 
a  royal  prasasti  the  long  record  of  Ram  Kamheng,  found  at  Sukho- 
daya,  presents  before  us  a  unique  personality,  great  in  arts  of  war 
and  peace,  and  an  enlightened  ruler  with  progressive  ideas  much  in 
advance  of  his  age. 

It  is  not  necessary  for  our  present  purpose  to  follow  the  subse¬ 
quent  history  of  the  Thai  kingdom  in  full  details.  The  grandson  of 
Ram  Kamheng  took  the  pompous  name  Suryavaihsa  Rama  Maha- 
dharmara j adhira  j a  at  the  time  of  coronation  in  A.D.  1347.  He  was 
a  devout  Buddhist  who  studied  the  Tripitakas  and  at  the  same  time 
set  up  images  of  &iva  and  Vishnu.  But  he  was  not  successful  as  a 
ruler  and  gradually  the  Thai  principality  of  Uton,  which  took  the 
place  of  Lopburi  after  conquering  it,  rose  into  importance.  In  A.D. 
1350  its  ruler  proclaimed  himself  to  be  an  independent  king.  He 
transferred  his  capital  to  a  new  city  called  Ayodhya  (Ayuthia)  and 
assumed  the  title  Ramadhipati.  Soon  Ayodhya  became  the  leading 
state  and  the  rulers  of  Sukhodaya  became,  at  first  vassal  chiefs,  and 
then  merely  hereditary  governors. 

The  kingdom  of  Ayodhya  gradually  extended  its  authority  over 
Laos  and  a  considerable  part  of  Kambuja.  It  occasionally  suffered 
serious  reverses  in  the  hands  of  Burmese  kings,  and  the  city  of 


761 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Ayodhya  was  destroyed  by  one  of  them  in  A.D.  1767.  The  capital 
was  the  removed  to  Bangkok  where  a  representative  of  the  old 
dynasty  still  occupies  the  throne.  As  in  Burma,  Buddhism  is  still 
the  prevailing  religion  in  Siam,  and  this  has  kept  up  her  cultural 
association  with  India  and  Ceylon. 

8.  CULTURE  AND  CIVILISATION 

The  Hindu  civilisation,  which  had  taken  deep  root  in  the  soil, 
continued  its  progress  unabated  during  the  period  under  review, 
practically  in  all  the  countries  whose  political  history  has  been 
discussed  in  the  preceding  sections.  The  general  picture  of  society 
and  religion,  sketched  above,28  mostly  holds  good  for  this  period 
also,  and  we  shall  therefore  confine  ourselves  to  a  few  characteristic 
features  which  distinguish  this  period. 

1.  Religion 

Of  the  three  principal  religious  sects,  Saivism  still  maintained 
the  dominant  position,  but  Buddhism  made  a  great  headway  in 
Kambuja.  King  Surya-varman  I29  had  the  posthumous  name  Nir- 
vanapada.  It  was  a  fairly  general  practice  to  give  such  posthumous 
names,  indicative  of  religious  persuasion,  to  deceased  kings.  We 
may,  therefore,  regard  him  as  the  first  Buddhist  king  of  Kambuja. 
Another  great  Buddhist  king  was  Jaya-varman  VII,30  the  grand 
monarch  of  Kambuja.  The  Ta  Prohm  Inscription  throws  a  great 
deal  of  light  on  the  principles  and  practices  of  Buddhism.  After 
mentioning  the  rich  donations  made  to  a  temple3 1  the  king  expresses 
the  hope  that  as  a  result  of  this  piety,  “his  mother  might  be  delivered 
from  the  ocean  of  births”.  It  is  full  of  noble  sentiments  befitting 
a  pious  Buddhist  king.  The  motive  which  inspired  him  to  establish 
the  hospitals,  102  in  number,  is  described  as  follows: — 

“The  bodily  pain  of  the  diseased  became  in  him  (king  Jaya-var¬ 
man  VII)  a  mental  agony  more  tormenting  than  the  former.  For 
the  real  pain  of  a  king  is  the  pain  of  his  subjects,  not  that  of  his 
own  (body).”  This  noble  sentiment  combines  the  idealism  of  the 
Kautilyan  king  with  the  piety  and  humanity  of  Asoka, 

But  the  darker  side  of  Buddhism  also  made  its  appearance.  The 
degraded  form  of  Mahayana,  known  as  Tantrayana,  took  deep  root 
in  the  soil,  especially  in  Java  and  Sumatr^.  Its  influence  can  be 
traced  in  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  *A.D.  by  the  parts  play¬ 
ed  by  Tantrik  teachers  during  the  reigns  of  Airlangga  and  Jaya- 
bhaya.  The  further  progress  of  this  debased  form  of  religion  in 
the  thirteenth  century  is  illustrated  by  king  Kritanagara.32  This 
great  king  was  undoubtedly  endowed  with  talents  of  a  high  order, 


762 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

and  was  believed  to  be  an  incarnation  of  Jina,  but  he  indulged,  per¬ 
haps  in  sincere  faith,  even  in  such  obnoxious  practices  as  pancha - 
maker  a  and  sadhana-chakra.  A  terrible  and  repulsive  image  of  Bhai- 
rava,  now  at  Leiden,  is  regarded  by  some  as  a  representation  of  this 
king,  but  whether  this  is  true  or  not,  this  hideous,  naked  and  corpu¬ 
lent  figure,  amid  human  skulls,  personifies  the  obnoxious  religious 
faith  of  the  time. 

It  is  probable  that  this  Tantrik  form  was  introduced  from 
Bengal  where  we  find  similar  degradation  of  Buddhism  during  the 
later  Pala  period.  As  in  Bengal,  here  also  Tantrik  ideas  permeated 
Saivism,  and  there  was  a  rapprochement  between  the  two  notably 
in  Kambuja  and  Java.  The  process  reached  its  logical  conclusion 
by  the  identification  of  Siva,  Vishnu  and  Buddha,  as  well  as  of  their 
Saktis  (goddesses).  In  modern  Balinese  theology  Buddha  is  regard¬ 
ed  as  a  younger  brother  of  ^iva,  and  a  similar  ^iva-Buddha  cult  also 
existed  in  Java. 

This  syncretism  is  well  illustrated  by  king  Kritanagara  who 
was  known  both  as  Narsimha -murtti  (an  incarnation  of  Vishnu) 
and  ^iva-Buddha,  and  was  represented  after  his  death  by  an  image 
of  Siva-Buddha.  His  father  was  also  represented,  after  death,  by 
the  images  of  both  Siva  and  Buddha,  and  the  latter’s  cousin,  though 
called  Narasimha-murtfi,  was  represented  by  an  image  of  Siva. 
These  not  merely  indicate  toleration  of,  and  even  faith  in,  different 
gods,  but  also  a  belief  that  these  different  gods  are  identical. 

We  have  many  other  instances  of  the  apotheosis  of  the  kings 
and  queens,  and  the  construction  of  divine  images,  named  and 
fashioned  after  them.  The  queen  of  Angrok,33  and  the  queen- 
mother  of  Jaya-varman  VII34  were  represented  as  the  Buddhist  god¬ 
dess  Prajnaparamita,  the  Vishnu  of  Belahan  probably  represents 
Airlangga,35  while  the  Hari-Hara  image  of  Simping  preserves  the 
physical  features  of  king  Kritanagara.  There  are  probably  other 
portrait-images  of  gods  and  goddesses  which  cannot  be  definitely 
identified. 

It  may  be  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Tantrik  ideas,  that  the 
royal  gurus  (preceptors)  occupied  a  pre-eminent  position.  In  any 
case  we  come  across  quite  a  large  number  of  them,  particularly  in 
Kambuja,  who  wielded  great  power  and  authority  even  in  political 
matters.  Sankara  Pandita  had  played  a  leading  part  in  placing 
Harsha-varman  III36  on  the  throne,  while  Divakara  Pandita  was  a 
prominent  figure  during  the  reign  of  Jaya-varman  VI37  and  his  two 
successors.  Sometimes  we  hear  of  kings  getting  priests  from  abroad 
in  order  to  perform  special  ceremonies.  An  inscription  records  how 
such  a  priest  was  brought  by  a  fleet  of  barges  and  grand  festivities 


763 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

held  in  his  honour  were  attended  by  kings  from  other  islands. 
Most  likely  this  priest  was  brought  from  India,  for  intimate  asso¬ 
ciation  continued  between  these  countries.  Acharya  Chandra klrti,  the 
High  Priest  of  Suvarnadvlpa,  proceeded  to  Vijrasana  (Bodh-Gaya) 
in  order  to  acquire  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  Dharma.  His  fame 
was  so  great  that  even  Dlpahkara38  went  to  Suvarnadvlpa  and  stay¬ 
ed  there  for  twelve  years  as  his  pupil. 

To  what  extent  pomp  and  ceremony  became  a  part  of  Buddhism 
is  indicated  by  the  description  of  the  spring-time  festival  in  seven 
verses  of  the  Ta  Frohm  Inscription  of  Jaya-varman  VII.39  It  was 
celebrated  every  year  from  the  8th  to  the  15th  day  of  the  bright  half 
of  the  month  of  Chaitra.  Dancing  by  girls  formed  an  important  part 
of  the  ceremony,  and  offerings  were  made  to  the  three  gurus ,  thou¬ 
sand  Devatas,  and  to  the  819  divinities,  while  1000  learned  persons 
such  as  Bhikshus  and  Brahmanas  were  entertained.  Bhagavan  and 
Bhagavati,  together  with  the  gods  Vlra,  Sakti  and  others,  were  to 
make  the  pradakshina  (circumambulation). 

The  account  of  Cheu  Ta-Kuan40  also  shows  that  Buddhists  no 
longer  followed  the  puritan  code  of  old  times.  The  monks  ate  fish 
and  meat  and  offered  them  to  the  Buddha.  Some  of  them  had  palan¬ 
quins  with  golden  pole  and  gold-handled  umbrellas  and  the  king 
consulted  them  about  serious  affairs.  There  were  no  Buddhist  nuns. 

The  same  authority  tells  us  that  the  Taoists,  i.e.  the  followers 
of  the  Brahmanical  sects,  are  called  Pa-sseu-wei,  which  probably 
stands  for  the  Pasupatas.  They  worshipped  only  a  block  of  stone 
(i.e.  a  lihga)  and  their  religion  was  not  so  prosperous  as  Buddhism.. 
There  were,  however,  Taoist  nuns. 

It  would  thus  appear  that  towards  the  close  of  the  thirteenth  cen¬ 
tury  A.D.  Buddhism  was  growing  at  the  cost  of  Saivism.  Evidently 
this  process  continued  till,  in  course  of  a  few  centuries,  Buddhism 
ousted  all  other  forms  of  religion,  as  we  see  in  Cambodia  today. 

In  Burma,  too,  Brahmanical  religion  was  completely  ousted  by 
Buddhism.  Here,  as  in  Siam  and  Ceylon,  the  prevalent  form  was 
Theravada  or  Hinayana  Buddhism  ,  though  the  Mahay  ana  or  Tan- 
trayana  doctrines,  which  so  strongly  affected  Sumatra,  Java,  Kam- 
buja  and  Champa,  were  not  altogether  unknown.  There  is  another 
common  feature  in  Burma  and  Ceylon.  Both  the  countries  adopted 
Pali,  the  language  of  the  sacred  texts,  as  a  classic  which  has  evolved 
a  new  literature  and  continued  its  unbroken  career  down  to  the 
present  time.  The  same  thing  is  also  true  of  Siam,  though  to  a 
much  less  extent. 


764 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

2.  Social  and  Economic  Condition 

The  caste  system  still  formed  the  basis  of  the  society.  The 
Buddhist  king  Surya-varman  I41  is  said  to  have  ‘established  the  divi¬ 
sion  of  castes’,  while  Harsha- var man4 2  caused  the  duties  of  the  four 
castes  to  be  strictly  observed.  But  the  rules  about  the  inter-mar¬ 
riage  were  somewhat  different  as  we  find  even  Brahmana  girls  being 
married  to  Kshatriyas. 

The  social  condition  on  the  whole  does  not  differ  substantially 
from  that  in  the  preceding  period.43  But  fortunately  we  have  a  de¬ 
tailed  account  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  Kambuja,  the  most 
flourishing  Indian  colony  at  this  period,  written  by  Cheu  Ta-Kuan 
in  A.D.  1296-97. 44  Such  an  account  by  discerning  eye-witness  is 
of  inestimable  value  in  forming  a  correct  idea  of  the  culture  and 
civilisation  of  a  people,  and  we  may  therefore  quote  a  few  important 
points  from  his  sketch. 

The  king,  the  nobles,  and  the  high  officials  formed  an  aristo¬ 
cracy  which  was  sharply  distinguished  from  the  mass  of  people. 
Even  the  size  and  structure  of  a  house  were  determined  by  the  offi¬ 
cial  rank  of  its  owner.  The  common  people  did  not  dare  use  tiles 
for  their  roofs  which  were  thatched. 

The  most  striking  thing  about  the  dress  of  the  people  was  that 
women  as  well  as  men  (including  king  and  queen)  kept  the  upper 
part  of  their  bodies  uncovered  and  walked  barefooted.46  Rich  and 
poor  alike  used  only  a  loin  cloth,  adding  a  scarf  when  they  went  out. 
All  had  their  hair  tied  up  in  a  knot. 

Cheu  Ta-Kuan  describes  the  wealth  and  luxury  of  the  upper 
classes.  The  palace  and  other  buildings  were  magnificent.  He 
refers  to  a  golden  bridge  with  two  golden  lions  on  each  side,  golden 
Buddhas,  golden  towers,  golden  window  frames,  tiles  made  of  lead 
and  square  columns  with  50  mirrors  in  the  council  chamber.  Pearls 
and  jewellery  were  worn  by  the  rich  in  profusion  while  the  highest 
officials  used  palanquins  with  a  golden  pole  and  four  umbrellas  with 
golden  handles. 

The  king  maintained  a  big  harem  in  addition  to  five  queens. 
He  sat  with  his  principal  queen  at  the  golden  window  of  his  palace 
so  that  the  people  from  below  might  see  them.  There  were  vari¬ 
ous  amusements  and  festivities  in  the  palace  such  as  fire-works  on 
New  Year  eve,  bathing  of  Buddha  images,  collected  from  all  over 
the  country,  on  a  particular  day  in  the  fifth  month,  music,  dancing, 
boar  and  elephant  fights  in  the  eighth  month,  and  a  jovial  proces¬ 
sion  of  the  people  before  the  palace  in  the  ninth  month. 

The  king  personally  tried  cases.  Trial  by  ordeal  was  in  vogue 


765 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

and  for  serious  crime  the  accused  was  buried  alive  in  a  ditch,  or 
mutilated. 

Four  harvests  were  gathered  in  a  year.  The  valuable  products 
were  ‘plumes  of  the  king-fisher,  ivory,  horn  of  the  rhinoceros  and 

wax. ’  The  chief  imports  were  gold  and  silver,  silk  stuffs,  tin, 
porcelain,  vermilion,  paper  and  saltpetre.  The  trade  was  carried 
on  chiefly  by  women. 

Astronomy  was  very  popular  and  even  women  could  make 
calculations  about  auspicious  and  inauspicious  days. 

The  monks  were  in  charge  of  the  education  of  the  laity,  and 
even  the  school-going  children  were  instructed  by  them.  The 
general  spread  of  education  is  testified  to  by  inscriptions,  from 
which  we  learn  that  knowledge  was  held  in  high  respect,  and  even 
many  of  the  kings  were  highly  learned.  We  get  frequent  reference 
to  learned  divines  and  a  large  number  of  eminent  Brahmana  fami¬ 
lies  who  for  generations  kept  up  a  high  standard  of  scholarship. 
The  ministers  and  high  officials,  including  ladies,  followed  in  the 
footsteps  of  the  kings  and  the  high  traditions  of  the  earlier  period40 
were  fully  maintained. 

But  in  spite  of  the  high  level  of  culture  there  were  disquieting 
signs  of  the  coming  doom.  It  was  evident  that  the  source  of  the 
stream  that  fed  up  the  civilisation  of  the  colonies  in  this  distant 
region  was  gradually  being  dried  up.  Indian  inspiration  being 
gradually  weakened,  the  primitive  indigenous  elements  began  to 
assert  themselves.  This  can  be  easily  discerned  in  the  gradual 
transformation  of  art  and  literature.  In  general  the  indigenous 
language  came  to  the  forefront  and  began  to  replace  Sanskrit,  and 
new  local  elements  introduced  in  art  led  to  its  rapid  degradation. 
Though  all  this  was  not  fully  apparent  during  the  period  under  re¬ 
view,  signs  of  the  coming  change  were  not  wanting. 

In  the  social  and  moral  life  also  we  come  across  some  elements 
which  seem  to  be  an  assertion  of  primitive  instincts  over  artificial 
refinements  introduced  by  Hindu  civilisation.  Reference  may  be 
made  for  instance  to  certain  customs  which  are  noted  by  Cheu  Ta- 
Kuan  as  being  common  among  all  classes  of  people  in  Kambuja. 
We  are  told  that  men  and  women  of  the  family,  without  any  clothes 
on,  took  their  bath  together  in  a  big  cistern.  Sometimes  even  two 
or  three  families  used  the  same  cistern  and  bathed  together  in  this 

way.  Even  in  the  river  outside  a  town  thousands  of  naked  women, 
including  those  of  noble  birth,  took  their  bath  before  the  full  gaze 
of  the  public  who  could  “see  their  whole  body  from  head  to  foot”. 
Even  more  obnoxious  was  the  practice,  universally  prevalent, 
whereby  a  virgin  had  to  be  deflowered  by  a  monk,  either  Buddhist 


766 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

or  Saiva,  who  was  specially  engaged  by  the  parents  for  the  purpose. 
Customs  like  these  were  not  absolutely  unknown  in  India,  but  they 
were  confined  to  a  very  small  section  of  people  and  looked  upon 
with  opprobrium.  Whether  Kambuja  owed  them  to  India,  or  made 
a  gift  of  them  to  the  motherland,  it  is  difficult  to  say.  It  would  also 
appear  from  what  Cheu  Ta-Kuan  says  that  the  ideal  of  chastity, 
even  among  the  married  women  in  Kambuja,  was  not  very  high. 
On  the  whole  there  is  hardly  any  doubt  that  there  was  a  great 
lowering  of  the  ethical  standard  specially  in  relation  to  sexual 
morality. 

3.  Literature 

The  study  of  Indian  literature  was  widely  prevalent  in  all  the 
colonies,  but  nowhere  else,  except  in  Java,  it  led  to  the  growth  of 
a  powerful  indigenous  literature.  The  Indo- Javanese  literature 
passed  through  three  distinct  stages.  Its  earliest  phase  is  generally 
known  as  Old- Javanese  literature  which  flourished  for  nearly  five 
hundred  years  from  A.D.  1000  to  1500.  This  phase  came  to  an  end 
with  the  passing  away  of  Hindu  rule  in  Java  and  was  replaced  by 
what  is  called  New- Javanese  literature.  The  phase  of  literary  acti¬ 
vity  in  Bali,  introduced  by  the  Javanese  who  had  migrated  to  that 
island  after  the  Muslim  conquest,  is  known  as  Middle- Javanese. 

The  Old- Javanese  literature,  with  which  alone  we  are  concern¬ 
ed  here,  derives  its  subject-matter  mainly  from  Indian  literature, 
though  there  is  often  considerable  deviation  from  the  Sanskrit 
original  texts  with  which  we  are  familiar  today.  Its  poetry  follows 
rules  of  Sanskrit  metre  and  it  has  a  strong  predilection  for  using 
Sanskrit  words  and  quoting  Sanskrit  verses. 

The  earliest  specimen  of  this  literature,  so  far  known,  is  an 
Old- Javanese  version  of  a  Sanskrit  work  Amaramala,  a  lexicon  like 
Amarakosa,  written  under  the  patronage  of  king  Jitendra  of  the 
Sailendra  dynasty  who  is  not  known  from  any  other  source.  But 
the  most  famous  work  in  this  literature  is  the  Old-Javanese  Ramd- 
yana  which  was  probably  composed  by  Yogisvara  in  A.D.  1094.  It 
is  not  a  translation  of  the  Sanskrit  work,  but  is  based  on  the  story 
of  Rama  which  ends  with  the  reunion  of  Rama  and  Slta  at  Lanka, 
and  shows  some  divergence  from  the  text  of  Valmiki. 

Next  in  point  of  importance  is  the  prose  translation  of  Maha- 
bharata  which  closely  follows  the  original  epic  but  is  more  con¬ 
densed.  The  three  parvas,  Adi-,  Virata-,  and  Bhlshma-,  were  writ¬ 
ten  under  the  patronage  of  Airlangga47  towards  the  beginning  of 
the  eleventh  century  A.D.  while  five  other  parvas  were  added  later. 

Then  follow  a  large  number  of  political  works  known  as  Kaka- 


767 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


win  (from  Kavi  meaning  Kavya) ,  based  on  some  epic  theme.  The 
Arjuna-vivaha  (eleventh  century)  gives  the  story  of  Arj  una’s 
asceticism  and  his  fight  with  Siva,  disguised  as  a  hunter,  and 
Nivata-Kavacha,  the  demon  who  attacked  the  gods,  as  well  as  his 
amours  with  Menaka,  Suprabha,  Tiiottama  and  others.  The 
Krishn&yana  deals  with  the  famous  episode  of  the  abduction  of 
Rukmi^I  by  Krishna  and  his  consequent  fight  with  Jarasandha.  The 
death  of  Indumatf,  the  queen  of  Aja,  as  soon  as  a  garland  of  flowers 
fell  from  heaven  upon  her  body,  forms  the  theme  of  Sumanasdntaka. 
Both  works  were  written  at  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century. 
The  greatest  work  of  this  class,  which  has  always  enjoyed  a  very 
high  reputation  in  Java,  is  Bh&rata-yuddha  written  by  Mpu  Sedah 
in  A.D.  1157,  This,  as  well  as  Harivamsa,  deals  with  the  well-known 
episode  of  the  Mahdbhdrata,  and  was  written  during  the  reign  of 
Jayabhaya,  king  of  Ka^iri.  Among  other  works  of  this  class  may 
be  mentioned  Smaradahana  (burning  of  the  cupid  by  Siva),  hub - 
dhaka  (glorification  of  givaratri  festival),  Bhomakdvya  (defeat  of 
Naraka  by  Krishna),  and  Krishndntaka  (death  of  Krishna  and  the 
destruction  of  his  family).  All  these,  except  the  last,  were  written 
during  the  Ka^iri  period.48  There  are  many  other  works  of  this 
class  which  cannot  be  dated  even  approximately.  In  addition  to 
these,  there  are  other  Kakawins  not  dealing  with  epic  themes. 
These  include  lexicons,  works  on  metre,  and  works  of  didactic, 
philosophic  and  erotic  character. 

There  is  also  a  large  number  of  prose  works.  Some  of  these 
are  based  on  themes  derived  from  the  epics.  Others  belong  to  the 
Purana  class  of  which  the  most  important  is  the  Brahmanda-purana 
which  closely  follows  the  Sanskrit  model,  and  even  repeats  the 
usual  preamble,  viz.  the  recitation  of  the  text  by  Romaharsha^a, 
during  the  rule  of  Adhisimakrishna.  The  other  Pur  anas,  such  as 
AdUpurana  and  Bhuvana-purunci,  contain  many  well-known 
Puranic  myths  and  legends  but  we  cannot  trace  these  texts  to  any 
Sanskrit  original. 

The  texts  dealing  with  religious  doctrines,  mode  of  worship 
and  philosophical  principles  form  an  important  class  of  Old- Java¬ 
nese  literature.  The  secular  works  include  historical,  linguistic, 
medical  and  erotic  texts.  It  is  impossible  even  to  refer  to  them 
in  the  short  compass  of  this  chapter.  But  enough  has  been  said  to 
indicate  the  vast  mass  and  the  varied  contents  even  of  the  first  phase 
of  the  Indo-Javanese  literature,  known  as  Old-Javanese  literature. 
It  may  be  added  that  the  stories  contained  in  the  Sanskrit  original 
or  the  Old-Javanese  works  based  on  them,  were  illustrated  in 
sculptures  in  Java.  In  Kambuja  and  other  colonies  also  we  find 


768 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

the  themes  of  the  two  great  epics  illustrated  in  sculptures.  All 
these  show  the  great  influence  which  Indian  literature  exercised 
upon  the  art  and  literature  of  the  various  colonies. 

(i)  4.  Art  Kambuja 

In  the  domain  of  art  Kambuja  towers  head  and  shoulder  above 
the  rest.  A  general  view  of  the  city  of  Angkor  Thom49  and  of  the 
monuments  round  about  it  creates  a  solemn  impression  of  dazzling 
brilliance  which  does  not  suffer  any  diminution  on  a  closer  exami¬ 
nation  of  the  remains.  Indeed  it  may  be  said  with  perfect  truth, 
that  no  other  equal  space  on  earth  can  show  anything  comparable 
to  Angkor  monuments  in  massive  grandeur.  It  is  not  possible 
here  to  attempt  such  a  description,  even  of  the  most  famous  monu¬ 
ments  of  Kambuja,  as  would  convey  a  fair  idea  of  their  nature  and 
artistic  excellence.  I  shall  therefore  refer  only  to  a  few  typical 
specimens. 

The  Angkor  Vat  is  justly  regarded  as  the  grandest  of  the  monu¬ 
ments  in  Kambuja.  The  name  simply  means  the  temple  (Vat)  of 
the  city  ( Angkor —nagara).  It  was  built  by  Surya-varman  II60  and 
dedicated  originally  to  god  Vishnu.  The  whole  monument  looks  like 
an  island  in  a  lake,  being  surrounded  by  a  moat,  still  full  of  water. 
This  moat,  which'  runs  round  the  boundary  walls  of  the  temple,  has 
a  total  length  of  two  miles  and  a  half,  and  is  more  than  650  feet 
wide.  It  is  spanned  by  a  stone  causeway,  36  ft.  wide,  which  leads 
to  a  huge  gopuram  or  gateway  of  large  dimensions.  A  paved  avenue, 
520  yds.  long  and  raised  some  7  ft.  above  the  ground,  connects  this 
gateway  with  the  temple  situated  in  the  centre  of  an  extensive 
courtyard. 

The  main  temple  consists  of  a  series  of  concentric  courts,  rising 
in  several  stages,  one  above  another,  from  the  centre  of  the  topmost 
of  which  rises  the  shrine  with  a  high  sikhara  that  dominates  the 
whole.  Each  of  the  courts  is  surrounded  by  a  gallery,  i.e.  a  long 
running  chamber  with  vaulted  roof  supported  by  a  wall  on  one 
side  and  square  columns  on  the  other.  It  has  a  verandah  on  the 
inner  side  with  a  half-vaulted  roof  of  lower  height.  The  first  or 
lowest  gallery  measures  265  yds.  from  east  to  west  and  224  yds. 
from  north  to  south.  A  staircase  from  it  leads  to  the  second  gallery 
which  is  similar  in  character,  but  supports  four  grand  towers  at  the 
four  corners.  A  grand  staircase  leads  to  the  third  or  highest  gallery 
which  supports  a  conical  tower  at  each  corner  and  encloses  a  square 
courtyard  measuring  200  ft.  on  each  side.  The  sanctuary,  placed 

769 


S.E.— 40 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

in  the  centre  of  this  courtyard,  and  connected  by  four  galleries  with 
the  four  sides  of  the  third  gallery,  is  crowned  by  a  sikhara  or  tower 
which  rises  to  a  height  of  215  ft.  and  dominates  the  whole  surround¬ 
ing  area  by  its  majestic  grandeur. 

In  addition  to  the  principal  galleries  there  are  other  connecting 
galleries,  and  the  walls  of  all  of  these  are  covered  with  continuous 
friezes  of  bas-reliefs  and  other  sculptures.  The  scenes,  largely  drawn 
from  the  Indian  epics,  cover  a  wide  range,  embracing  almost  all 
phases  of  human  and  animal  lives,  and  are  full  of  life  and  move¬ 
ment.  The  vast  lengths  of  galleries,  covered  by  these  graceful  and 
refined  bas-reliefs,  show  the  decorative  art  of  Kambuja  at  its  best. 
The  Angkor  Vat  thus  combines  vastness  of  dimension  with  minute 
decoration,  and  it  may  be  truly  said  of  its  artists  that  they  conceived 
like  giants  and  finished  like  jewellers. 

There  are  many  other  temples  of  huge  dimensions,  marked  by 
the  two  chief  features  which  distinguish  Angkor  Vat,  viz.  the  pyra¬ 
midal  character  and  the  galleries.  But  there  is  no  space  to  refer  to 
them,  except  Bay  on,  which  is  regarded  as  the  masterpiece  of  Kam¬ 
buja  architecture.  It  has  the  form  of  a  pyramid  of  three  stories 
crowned  by  a  tower.  The  first  storey  consists  of  a  gallery  about 
500  ft.  long  from  east  to  west  and  330  ft.  from  north  to  south.  The 
plan  is  complicated  by  porches  in  the  second  gallery  with  other 
smaller  galleries  running  at  right  angles  to  the  main  gallery.  The 
third  storey  supports  a  central  tower,  conical  in  shape  and  with  a 
circular  base.  It  has  balconies  on  all  sides  and  is  crowned  by  four 
diademed  heads,  probably  of  Brahma.  Its  summit  is  at  a  height  of 
about  150  ft.  from  the  ground-level.  There  are  terraces,  balustrades, 
cells,  verandahs  and  separate  buildings  in  the  courtyard  and  the 
sculpture  is  of  a  high  quality. 

No  description  of  the  monumental  grandeur  of  Kambuja  can 
be  concluded  without  some  account  of  Angkor  Thom,  the  capital 
city  built  by  Jaya-varman  VII,  about  a  mile  north  of  Angkor  Vat. 
We  have  a  description  of  this  city  from  the  pen  of  Cheu  Ta-Kuan 
who  was  deeply  impressed  by  its  wealth  and  grandeur.  The  actual 
remains  today  also  convey  a  fair  idea  of  its  past  glory. 

The  town  was  surrounded  by  a  high  wall  made  of  limonite, 
and  just  beyond  it,  by  a  ditch  about  110  yds.  wide.  There  were  five 
huge  gates  in  the  wall,  two  on  the  east  and  one  each  on  the  other 
sides,  which  gave  access  to  the  heart  of  the  city  by  means  of  five 
grand  avenues  each  33  yds.  wide.  Each  gateway  was  preceded  by 
a  paved  causeway  over  the  ditch. 

The  ditch  has  a  total  length  of  nearly  8£  miles  and  its  sides 
are  paved  with  enormous  blocks  of  stones.  The  balustrade  of  the 


770 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 


causeway  wTas  made  of  figures  of  giants  pulling  at  the  body  of  a  huge 
serpent  whose  expanded  hoods  must  have  formed  its  ends.  But  all 
these  are  now  ruined. 

The  gateway  consists  of  a  huge  arched  opening  more  than  10 
yds.  high  and  15  ft.  wide  with  chambers  on  both  sides.  This  open¬ 
ing  is  surmounted  by  four  huge  heads  placed  back  to  back,  with 
smaller  figures  in  the  intervening  spaces,  and  in  a  line  below  the 
chins.  Lower  dowm,  the  opening  is  flanked  on  either  side  by  a  small 
projection  composed  of  a  nicely  decorated  figure  of  an  elephant  with 
three  heads,  its  huge  broad  feet  trampling  on  lotus  leaves  and  the 
three  trunks  plucking  at  aquatic  flowers.  This  decoration,  the  huge 
opening  and  the  majestic  figures  of  heads  above  render  the  gate  of 
Angkor  Thom  one  of  the  most  impressive  and  artistically  superb  in 
the  whole  world. 

The  old  capital  was  almost  square  in  shape,  each  side  measuring 
nearly  two  miles.  The  grand  avenues  passing  through  the  gates  on 
the  south,  west  and  east  (centre)  converge  towards  the  temple  of 
Bayon  described  above  which  occupied  almost  the  central  position 
of  the  city. 

To  the  north  of  the  Bayon  is  the  great  public  square,  a  sort 
of  forum  about  765  yds.  long  and  165  yds.  wide,  the  border  of  which 
is  occupied  either  by  monuments  or  their  principal  gateways.  Two 
grand  avenues,  one  from  the  northern  and  another  from  one  of  the 
eastern  gateways,  converge  to  this  forum.  The  buildings  around  it 
are  the  Bapuhon,  the  Phimeanakas,  the  Terrace  of  Honour,  Prah- 
Pithu  and  two  other  structures,  commonly,  but  not  very  accurately, 
referred  to  as  the  ware-house  and  the  terrace  of  the  leprous  king. 
To  the  north  of  the  enclosure  of  the  Phimeanakas  are  the  ruins  of  an 
edifice  known  as  Prah-Pahlay.  These  are  all  Brahmanical  struc¬ 
tures.  But  a  few  Buddhist  chapels  are  found  scattered  about  all 
over  the  dense  jungles  which  now  spread  everywhere  over  the  ruins 
of  this  splendid  city  of  old. 

No  great  town  has  probably  suffered  greater  devastation  from 
man  and  nature  than  Angkor  Thom.  This  magnificent  city,  which 
would  favourably  compare  with  Rome  in  the  days  of  Nero,  was  for 
centuries  entirely  covered  with  vegetation  and  forests.  But  the 
huge  quantities  of  potteries,  bricks  and  tiles  scattered  all  over  the 
area  indicate  the  density  of  population  in  the  palmy  days  of  the 
city.  From  a  study  of  the  extant  ruins  it  has  been  inferred  that  the 
people  mostly  lived  on  the  five  grand  avenues  and  round  the  numer¬ 
ous  tanks  whose  beds  still  lie  scattered  over  the  whole  area. 


771 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 
(ii)  Other  Colonies 

The  undoubted  grandeur  and  brilliance  of  the  monuments  of 
Kambuja  should  not  blind  us  to  the  fact  that  the  period  under  re¬ 
view  witnessed  great  activities  in  art  in  almost  all  the  colonies. 
In  Java  the  end  of  gailendra  dynasty  closed  a  brilliant  epoch  such 
as  never  occurs  twice  in  any  country.  But  great  monuments  were 
built  in  Eastern  Java  such  as  the  temples  known  as  Chandi  Kidal, 
Chandi  Singhasari  and  Chandi  Jago,  all  built  in  the  thirteenth 
century.  The  roof  of  the  first,  which  is  the  earliest  of  the  three,  is 
built  of  horizontal  courses,  but  its  pyramidal  shape  gives  it  a  distinct 
character  and  introduces  us  to  a  new  type  of  art  in  which  we  can 
clearly  mark  the  triumph  of  local  ideas  over  Indian  tradition.  The 
plan  of  the  other  two  and  the  reliefs  of  the  third  are  still  more 
East-Javanese  in  character,  and  mark  a  definite  break  with  the  art- 
traditions  of  Central  Java.  Thus  began  the  decadence  which  was 
not,  however,  fully  manifest  till  the  subsequent  centuries.  The  same 
conclusion  may  be  drawn  from  sculptures,  but  with  an  important 
exception.  The  sculptured  reliefs  show  a  very  much  debased  charac¬ 
ter,  and  a  great  gulf — greater  than  in  architecture, — separates  them 
from  those  of  Central  Java.  But  curiously  enough  the  divine  images 
in  the  round  are  of  old  style  and  show  considerable  excellence  and 
continuity  of  art  tradition.  The  Vishnu  of  Belahan  and  the  Hari- 
Hara  of  Simping,  both  representing  royal  features,51  are  very  beauti¬ 
ful,  but  the  finest  in  the  whole  series  is  the  image  of  Prajnaparamita 
found  in  a  Singhasari  temple,  and  now  at  Leiden.  Her  lovely  form 
and  calm  divine  expression  recall  the  best  days  of  Javanese  art,  but 
the  rapturous  praise,  sometimes  bestowed  upon  it,  seems  to  be  some¬ 
what  extravagant.  For  it  lacks  the  vitality,  refined  elegance,  and 
the  mystic  touch  of  divinity  that  clearly  distinguish  the  Buddha 
images  of  Barabudur.  It  is  a  great  work  of  art,  but  much  inferior 
to  the  masterpieces  of  Central  Java. 

Many  temples  and  images  were  made  in  Champa,  but  none  of 
them  is  of  conspicuous  merit  or  calls  for  any  special  consideration. 
In  Burma,  the  rise  of  the  kingdom  of  Pagan  in  the  eleventh  century 
ushered  in  a  great  period  of  artistic  activity,  and  many  pagodas  or 
temples  were  built  by  successive  kings.  There  are  remains  of  no 
less  than  800  or  1000  temples  in  the  city  of  Pagan  itself  which  ex¬ 
tended  along  the  Irawadi  with  an  average  depth  of  two  miles.  The 
greatest  of  them  all  is  the  Ananda  Temple  of  Pagan,  which  was  built 
by  Kyanzittha52  and  is  justly  regarded  as  the  masterpiece  of  Burman 
architecture.  It  occupies  the  centre  of  a  spacious  courtyard  which 
is  564  ft.,  square.  The  main  temple,  made  of  bricks,  is  square  in 
plan,  with  a  gabled  porch  projecting  from  the  centre  of  each  face, 


772 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 


and  the  total  length,  from  end  to  end,  on  every  side,  is  about  290  ft. 
It  contains  a  colossal  standing  Buddha  image,  31  ft.  high.  The 
walls  of  the  temple,  39  ft.  high,  are  crowned  by  a  battlemented  para¬ 
pet  above  which  rise  in  succession  two  roofs  having  a  curvilinear 
outline.  Above  these  are  four  receding  narrow  terraces  which  serve 
as  the  basement  of  a  North  Indian  sikhara  crowned  by  a  complete 
stupa  instead  of  an  amalaka.  There  are  ringed  pagodas,  small  stupas 
and  figures  at  the  comers  of  the  successive  stages  of  the  roof.  Apart 
from  the  graceful  proportion  and  the  symmetry  of  design,  the 
beauty  of  the  Ananda  temple  is  enhanced  by  sculptured  stone  slabs 
and  glazed  terracotta  plaques  that  adorn  its  walls.  The  stone- 
reliefs,  eighty  in  number,  and  some  of  the  plaques  illustrate  the 
principal  episodes  of  Buddha’s  life,  and  926  plaques  depict  the 
Jataka  stories. 


In  spite  of  the  somewhat  unique  character  of  the  plan  there  is 
no  doubt  about  its  Indian  origin.  This  is  clearly  emphasised  by 
Duroiselle  who  has  made  a  special  study  of  the  subject  in  recent 
times  and  written  a  monograph  about  it.  He  remarks: 

“There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  architects  who  planned  and 
built  the  Ananda  were  Indians.  Everything  in  this  temple  from 
sikhara  to  basement,  as  well  as  the  numerous  stone  sculptures  found 
in  its  corridors  and  the  terracotta  plaques  adoring  its  basement  and 
terraces,  bear  the  indubitable  stamp  of  Indian  genius  and  craftsman¬ 
ship.  . .  In  this  sense,  we  may  take  it,  therefore,  that  the  Ananda, 
though  built  in  the  Burmese  capital,  is  an  Indian  temple.” 

We  do  not  know  much  of  the  early  artistic  activities  in  Siam, 
but  the  remains  clearly  indicate  that  Indian  art  served  as  the  main 
influence  and  model,  both  in  architecture  and  sculpture.  The  most 
distinctive  architectural  type  in  Siam  is  what  is  know  as  Prang, 
a  square  temple  with  a  very  high  roof  consisting  of  a  number  of 
low  stages  which,  taken  together,  have  the  aspect  of  a  curvilinear 
sikhara.  This  has  been  a  fashionable  mode  of  building  since  the 
fourteenth  century,  and  was  no  doubt  evolved  from  earlier  examples 
which  were  made  up  of  a  curious  blend  of  the  sikharas  of  North  and 
South  India. 


1.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  411-415. 

2.  See  above,  p.  234. 

3.  Vol.  IV,  p.  414. 

4.  Vol.  IV,  p.  411. 

5.  Vol.  HI,  pp.  639  f. 

6.  See  pp.  243  f. 

7.  See  pp.  245  ff. 

8.  See  above,  p.  258. 

9.  Vol.  IV,  p.  426. 

10.  See  above  p.  736. 

11.  See  above,  p.  736. 


12.  See  p.  738. 

13.  See  p.  738. 

14.  See  above,  p.  744. 

15.  Vol.  IV,  p.  431. 

16.  See  above,  p.  734. 

17.  See  p.  734. 

18.  See  above,  p.  741. 

19.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  642. 

20.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  429  f 

21.  Vol.  IV,  p.  429. 

22.  Vol.  IV,  p.  431. 


773 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE. 


23.  See  p.  751. 

24.  See  p.  753. 

25.  Vol.  Ill,  p.  637;  IV,  pp.  431  f. 

26.  See  above,  p.  741. 

27.  See  above,  p.  741. 

28.  Vol.  IV,  Ch.  XIV,  VI. 

29.  See  p.  736. 

30.  See  above,  p.  738. 

31.  See  above,  p.  740. 

32.  See  p.  751. 

33.  See  p.  750. 

34.  See  p.  740. 

35.  See  p.  750. 

36.  See  p.  736. 

37.  See  p.  736. 

38.  Vol.  IV,  p.  447. 


39.  See  p.  740. 

40.  See  above,  p.  741. 

41.  See  p.  736. 

42.  See  p.  736. 

43.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  433  f. 

44.  See  above,  p.  742. 

45.  This  practice  still  prevails 
and  was  evidently  also 
Java  in  old  times. 

46.  Vol.  IV,  pp.  441  ff. 

47.  See  p.  749. 

48.  See  p.  750. 

49.  See  p.  741. 

50.  See  p.  737. 

51.  See  pp.  750,  763. 

52.  See  p.  757, 


in  Bali, 
true  of 


774 


LIST  OF  BIBLIOGRAPHIES 

GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 
I.  Original  Sources:  Literary  Texts  and  Translations. 

(1)  Indian  Sources: 

( A)  Brahmanical : 

(i)  Epics; 

(ii)  Pur&nas; 

(iii)  Philosophy 

(1)  Mlmamsa 

(2)  Nyaya 

(3)  Samkhya 

(4)  Vaiseshika 

(5)  Vedanta 

(6)  Yoga 

(iv)  Dharmasastra; 

(v)  Historical  Works; 

(vi)  Polity; 

(vii)  Lexicography; 

.  (viii)  Grammar; 

(ix)  Astronomy,  Astrology  and  Mathematics; 

(x)  Medicine; 

(xi)  Poetics,  Dramaturgy  and  Metrics; 

(xii)  Erotics,  Music,  Architecture,  etc.; 

(xiii)  Prose  Romances  and  Champiis; 

(xiv)  Katha; 

(xv)  Anthologies; 

(xvi)  Belles-Lettres. 

(B)  Buddhist: 

Pali  and  Sanskrit 

(C)  Jain: 

Maharashtri  and  other  Prakrits 

(D)  Apabhraihsa: 

(E)  Muslim: 

(2)  Non-Indian  Sources: 


(A) 

Arabic 

(B) 

Chinese 

(C) 

Tibetan 

II. 

Original 

Sources 

(1) 

Inscriptions 

(2) 

Coins 

III. 

Modem  Works 

(i) 

Histories  of  the  Period 

(2) 

Histories  of  Literature 

(3) 

Religion  and  Philosophy 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 
Chapter  I 
Chapter  II 

»» 

Chapter  XXI 
775 


Mahabhdrata 


R&mayana 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 

I.  ORIGINAL  SOURCES: 

LITERARY  TEXTS  &  TRANSLATIONS 
(1)  Indian  Sources 
(A)  BRAHMANICAL 
(i)  EPICS 

(Bom.  Ed.)  with  the  comm,  of  NUakantha. 
Ed.  by  R.  Kinjawadekar.  Poona,  1929-33. 

(Cal.  Ed.)  Ed.  by  N.  Siromani  and  others.  BI. 
Calcutta,  1834-39. 

(Kumbhakonam  Ed.)  Ed.  By  T.  R.  Krishna- 
charya  and  T.  R.  Vyasacharya.  Bombay, 
1905-1910. 

(Southern  Recension)  Ed.  by  P.  P.  S.  Sastri. 
Madras  1931  ff 

(Critical  Edition)  I.  Adiparvan.  Ed.  by  V.  S. 
Sukthankar.  Poona,  1927-33. 

II.  Sabhaparvan.  Ed.  by  F.  Edgerton.  Poona, 
1943-44. 

III,  IV.  Aranyakaparvan.  Ed.  by  V.  S.  Suk¬ 
thankar.  Poona,  1941-42. 

V.  Virataparvan.  Ed.  by  Raghu  Vira.  Poona, 
1936.  ' 

VI.  Udyogaparvan.  Ed.  by  S.  K.  De.  Poona, 
1937-40. 

VII.  Bhlshmaparvan.  Ed.  by  S.  K.  Belval- 
kar.  Poona,  1945-47. 

VIII-IX.  Dronaparvan.  Fasc.  25,  28.  Ed.  by 
S.  K.  De.  Poona,  1953-55  (in  progress). 

X.  Karaaparvan.  Ed.  by  P.  L,  Vaidya.  Poona, 
1950-54. 

XI.  Salyaparvan.  Ed.  by  R.  N.  Dandekar. 
Poona,  1955  (in  progress). 

XII.  Sauptikaparvan.  Ed.  by  H.  D.  Velankar, 
along  with  Strlparvan.  Ed.  by  V.  G.  Paran- 
iane.  Poona,  1956. 

XIII-XVI.  Santinarvan.  Ed.  by  S.  K.  Belval- 
kar.  Poona,  1949-55. 

Eng,  trans.  by  K.  M.  Ganguly.  Published  bv 
P.  C.  Rov.  Calcutta,  1884-96;  New  Ed.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1926-32. 

Eng.  trans.  by  M.  N.  Dutt.  Calcutta,  1895-1905. 

(Bengal  Recension)  Ed.  by  G.  Gorresio.  Turin. 
1843-67. 

(North-Western  Recension)  Ed.  by  Pandit  Ram 
Labhaya,  Bha^avad  Datt  and  Vishva  Ban- 
dhu  Sastri.  Lahore,  1923-47. 


776 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Agni  Purana 


Bhdgavata  Purana 


Bhavishya  Purana 

Brahma  Purana 

Brahmdnda  Purana 
•  •  •  • 

Brahmavaivarta 

Purana 

Brihannaradiya 

Purana 

Garuda  Purana 


Harivamsa 
Kiirma  Purana 

Linga  Purana 
Markandeya 
Purana 


(North  and  South)  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Ramabhirami  by  Vasudevacharya.  Bombay. 
1902. 

(South)  Published  by  R.  Narayanaswami 
Aiyar,  wTith  the  help  of  S.  Kuppuswami  Sas- 
trigal,  S.  Krishna  Sastrigal,  Padmanabha 
Sastrigal  and  Ramachandra  Dikshitar.  With 
Index.  Madras,  1933. 

(Critical  Edition)  Ed.  by  Raghu  Vira.  First 
Fasc.  Lahore,  1938. 

(Critical  Edition)  Balakanda.  Ed.  by  A.  B. 

Chandorkar.  Poona,  1953. 

Eng.  Trans,  by  M.  N.  Dutt.  Calcutta,  1892-94. 
Trans,  into  English  verse,  by  R.  T.  H.  Griffith. 
Benares,  1915. 

(ii)  PURANAS 

Ed.  by  R.  Mitra.  3  vols.  BI.  Calcutta,  1873-79. 
Ed.  ASS.  Poona,  1900.  Eng.  trans.  by  M.  N. 
Dutt.  Calcutta,  1903. 

Ed.  with  French  trans.  by  E.  Burnouf,  and  con¬ 
tinued  by  Hauvette-Besnault  and  Raussel. 
5  vols.  Paris,  1840-98. 

Ed.  with  Sridhara’s  comm,  by  V.  L.  Panshikar. 

12  vols.  Bombay,  1920. 

Eng.  trans.  by  M.  N.  Dutt.  Calcutta,  1895. 

Eng.  trans.  by  Swami  Vijnanananda.  SBH. 
Allahabad,  1921-23. 

Eng.  trans.  by  S.  Subba  Rao.  Tirupati,  1928. 
Eng.  trans.  by  J.  M.  Sanyal.  Calcutta,  1930-34. 
Published  by  Venkateswar  Press.  Bombay, 
1910. 

Ed.  ASS.  Poona,  1895.  Venkateswar  Press. 
Bombay,  1906. 

Pub.  by  Venkateswar  Press.  Bombay,  1913. 
Pub.  Venkateswar  Press.  Bombay,  1909-10. 
Ed.  ASS.  Poona,  1935.  Eng.  trans.  bv  R.  N. 

Sen.  2  vols.  SBH.  Allahabad,  1920-22. 

Ed.  by  P.  Hrishikesha  Sastri.  BI.  Calcutta, 
1891. 

Ed.  by  R.  S.  Vaidya,  Bombay,  1962  V.S.  (1906). 

Ed.  with  a  comm,  by  V.  L.  Panshikar.  Bombay, 
1924.  Eng.  trans.  by  M.  N.  Dutt.  Calcutta, 
1908. 

Ed.  by  R.  Kinjawadekar.  Poona,  1936. 

Ed.  by  Nilamani  Mukhopadhyaya.  BI.  Calcutta, 
1890. 

Ed.  by  J.  Vidyasagara.  Calcutta,  1885. 

Ed.  by  K.  M.  Banerjee.  BI.  Calcutta,  1855-62. 
Eng.  "trans.  by  F.  E.  Pargiter.  BI.  Calcutta. 
1888-1905. 


777 


Matsya  Purdna 

Padma  Purdna 

Siva  Purdna 
* 

Skanda  Purdna 
Vardha  Purdna 

Vdyu  Purdna 

Vishnu  Purdna 

V  ishnudharrnottara 
Purdna 

Parthasarathi 

Misra 

>> 

Anandajnana 
Gangesa 
Kesava  Misra 

Vardhamana 

V  i  j  nanabhikshu 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Ed.  by  J.  Vidyasagara.  Calcutta,  1876. 

Ed.  ASS.  Poona,  1907. 

Eng.  trans.  by  a  Taluqdar  of  Oudh.  SBH.  2 
vols.  Allahabad,  1916-17. 

Ed.  by  V.  N.  Mandlik.  ASS.  4  vols.  Poona, 
1893-94. 

Pub.  by  Venkateswar  Press.  7  vols.  Bombay, 
1927. 

Pub,  by  Venkateswar  Press.  Bombay,  n.d. 

Ed.  by  G.  P.  Raverkar,  Bombay,  1909-11. 

Ed.  by  P.  Hrishikesha  Sastri.  BI.  Calcutta, 
1893. 

Ed.  by  R.  Mitra.  BI.  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1880-88. 
Ed.  ASS.  Poona,  1905. 

Bombay,  1889. 

Eng.  trans.  by  H.  H.  Wilson.  5  vols.  London, 
1864-70. 

Eng.  trans.  by  M.  N.  Dutt.  Calcutta,  1894. 

Pub.  by  Venkateswar  Press.  Bombay,  1912. 

(iii)  PHILOSOPHY 

(1)  Mimdmsd 

Nydya-ratna-mdla.  Ed.  by  Gangadhar  Shastri. 
Ch.  SS.  Benares.  1900. 

Sastradipikd.  Ed.  with  two  comms.  by  L.  S. 

Dravid.  Ch.  SS.  Benares,  1913-16. 

Eng.  trans.  of  Tarkapdda ,  by  V.  Venkata- 
ramayya.  GOS.  Baroda,  1940. 

Tantra-ratna.  Ed.  by  Ganganatha  Jha. 
PWSBTS,  No.  31.  Allahabad,  1930-33. 

(2)  Nydya 

Tarka-samgraha.  Ed.  with  intr.  by  T.  M.  Tri- 
pathi.  GOS,  3.  Baroda,  1917. 
Taitva-chintdmani.  Ed.  by  Kamalakanta  Tar- 
kavagisa.  BI.  Calcutta,  1888-1901. 
Tarka-bhdshd.  Ed.  by  S.M.  Paranjape.  Poona, 
1909.  Eng.  trans.  by  G.  Jha.  IT,  ii.  Ed.  by 
N.  N.  Kulkarni,  with  Eng.  trans.  by  G.  Jha. 
Poona,  1924. 

Nyaya-nibandha-prakdsa.  Nydy  a- vdrttikat  dt¬ 
pary  a-parisuddhi  of  Udayanacharya,  with 
a  gloss  called  Nydya-nibandha-prakasa  by 
Vardhamanopadhyaya.  Ed.  by  V.  P.  Dvive- 
din  and  L.  S.  Dravida.  BI.  Calcutta,  1911-24. 

(3)  Sdmkhya 

Sdmkhya-pravachana-hhdshya.  Ed.  by  R. 
Garbe.  HOS-,  2.  Cambridge,  Mass.,  1895. 
German  trans.  by  R.  Garbe.  Leipzig,  1889. 


778 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Sivaditya 


Vardhamana 


Amalananda 

Madhva 

Nimbarka 


Ramanuja 


Sriharsha 

Srlkantha 

Vallabha 

Bhoja 


(4)  Vaiseshika 

Sapta-paddrthi.  Ed.  by  A.  Winter.  Leipzig. 
1893;  Ed.  with  notes,  by  V.  S.  Ghate.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1909.  German  trans.  ZDMG ,  LIII.  328 
ff. 

Kiray&vaU-prakdsa.  KiraridvaU  with  the 
comm,  of  V ardhamanopadhyava ,  Ed.  by  MM. 
Sivachandra  Sarvabhushana.  BI.  Calcutta, 
1911-12.  Ed.  by  Badri  Natha  Sastri. 
PWSBTS,  No.  45.  Benares,  1933. 

(5)  Vedanta 

V edanta-kalpataru  on  Bhdmatl  ( Brahmasuira 
Sank ara- b has hy a  with  Bhdmatl  of  Vachas- 
pati  Misra,  Kalpataru  of  Amalananda  and 
Parimala  of  Appayya  DIkshita).  Re-edited 
by  Pt.  Bhargava  Sastri.  Bombay,  1938. 
Siltra-bhashya  on  V eddnta-sutra.  Ed.  by  Ra- 
ghavendracharya.  4  vols.  Mysore,  1911-22. 
Eng.  trans.  by  S.  Subba  Rau.  Madras,  1904. 
Veddnta-parijdta-saurabha ,  a  comm,  on  the 
Vedtinta-siitras.  Ed.  by  V.  Dvivedin.  Ch. 
SS.  Benares,  1910. 

Eng.  trans.  of  Veddnta-pdrijata-saurabha  of 
Nimbarka  and  Veddnta-kaustnbha  of  Srini¬ 
vasa  with  annotations  by  Roma  Bose.  2 
vols.  BI.  Calcutta,  1940  ff. 

Sri -  bhashya,  a  comm,  on  the  Vedantasutras. 
Ed.  by  Ramanatha  Tarkaratna.  BI.  Calcut¬ 
ta,  1888-91. 

Ed.  with  notes  in  Sanskrit  by  Vasudeva  Sastri 
Abhyankar.  BSS.  Bombay,  1914-16. 

Ed.  by  J.  J.  Johnson.  Benares,  1816. 

Eng.  trans.  by  G.  Thibaut.  SBE,  XLVIII.  Ox¬ 
ford,  1904. 

Eng.  trans.  by  M.  Rangacharya  and  M.  B. 

Varadaraja  Aiyangar.  Madras,  1899. 
Khayidana-khanda-khadya.  Ed.  with  the  comm, 
of  Anandapurna,  etc.  by  Ganganatha  Jha, 
Ch.  SS.  Benares,  1904-14. 

Saivu-bhashya,  a  comm,  on  the  V edantasutras . 
Ed.  in  Pandit ,  vi-vii. 

Anu-bhdshya,  a  comm,  on  the  V e ddntasu t vas . 
Ed.  by  H.  C.  Vidyaratna.  BI.  Calcutta,  1888- 
97.  Ed.  with  a  comm,  by  S.  T.  Pathak.  BSS. 
Bombay,  1921-26. 

(6)  Yoga 

Rajamartanda.  Ed.  and  Trans,  by  R.  Mitra. 
BI.  Calcutta,  1883. 

Yoga-sutras  with  Rdjamartanda  and  other 
comms.  Ed.  by  Dhundiraja  Sastri.  Kashi  SS. 
Benares,  1930. 


779 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Aniruddha 

>> 

Apararka 

Ballalasena 

Bhavadevabhatta 

*  • 

Devan  nabhatta 
*  *  •  • 


Govindaraja 

Haiayudha 

Hemadri 

Jlmutavahana 


Kullukabhatta 
«  « 

Lakshmidhara 


(iv)  DH  ARMA  6  ASTRA 

Haralatd.  Ed.  by  Kamalakrishna  Smrititirtha. 
BI.  Calcutta,  1900. 

Pitridayita.  Ed.  in  Sanskrit  Sahitya  Parishad 
Series,  No.  6.  Calcutta,  n.d. 

Comm,  on  Ydjnavalkya-smriti.  ASS.  2  vols. 
Poona,  1903-04. 

Ddnasagara  (partially  published).  Ed.  with 
Bengali  intr.  and  trans.  by  S.  C.  Kaviratna. 
Calcutta,  1914-19. 

Prayaschitta-prakarana.  Ed.  by  Girisa  Chan¬ 
dra  Vedantatlrtha.  Rajshahi,  1927. 
Smriti-chandrilca.  Ed.  by  L.  Srinivasacharya. 

6  vols.  Mysore,  1914-21. 

Ed.  by  J.  R.  Gharpure.  Bombay,  1918. 

Eng.  trans.  by  T.  K.  Iyer.  Madras,  1867. 

Eng.  trans.  by  J.  R.  Gharpure.  Bombay,  1948  ff. 
Comm,  on  Manu-smriti  (Printed  in  Manu- 
smriti  with  the  comms.  of  Medhatithi,  etc. 
Ed.  by  V.  N.  Mandlik.  3  vols.  Bombay,  1886). 
Brahmana'Sarvasva.  Ed.  Benares,  V.  S.  1935. 
Ed.  by  Tejaschandra  Vidyananda.  Calcutta, 
1924. 

Chatnrvarga-chintamani.  Ed.  by  Bharata- 
chandra  Siromani.  BI.  Calcutta,  1873-1911. 
Daya-bhaqa,  with  the  comm,  of  Krishna  Tar- 
kalahkara.  Calcutta.  1829. 

Eng.  trans.  by  H.  T.  Colebrooke.  Reprinted. 
Calcutta,  1910. 

Kdla-viveka.  Ed.  by  Madhusudana  Smritirat- 
na  and  Pramathanatha  Tarkabhushana.  BI. 
Calcutta,  1897-1905. 

Vvavahdra-mdtrikn.  Ed.  by  Asutosh  Mooker- 
jee.  MASB,  II.  5.  Calcutta,  1910-14. 
ManvarthamuktavalT  (comm,  on  Manu-smriti). 
Ed.  by  J.  Vidyasagara.  Calcutta,  1874.  Ed. 
Bombay,  1929. 

Kritya-kalvataru.  Ed.  with  an  intr.,  etc.,  by 
K.  V.  Rangaswami  Aiyangar.  GOS.  Baroda. 

I.  Brahmachari-kan<Ja ,  1948. 

II.  Grihastha-kanda,  1944. 

III.  Niyatakala-kanda,  1950. 

IV.  Sraddha-kanda,  1950. 

V.  Dana-kanda,  1941. 

VIII.  Tirthavivechana-kanaa,  1942. 

IX.  Vrata-kan^a,  1953. 

X.  Suddhi-kanda,  1950. 

XI.  Rajadharma-kanda,  1944. 

XII.  Vyavahara-kan<Ja,  1953. 

XIV.  Moksha-kanda,  1945. 


780 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Sriclhara 


Varadaraja 

Vijhanesvara 


Ackarddarsa.  Bombay,  V.  S.  1941. 

Smrityartha-sdra.  Ed.  by  Ranganatha  Sastri 
Vaidya.  ASS.  Poona,  1912. 

Vyavakara-nirnaya.  Ed.  with  an  intr.,  etc., 
by  K.  V.  Rangaswami  Aiyangar  and  A.  N. 
Krishna  Aiyangar.  Adyar,  1942. 

Mitdkshard,  a  comm,  on  the  Yajiiavalkya- 
smriti.  Ed.  by  Babu  Rama.  Calcutta,  1812. 

Ed.  by  Bapu  Snastri  Moghe.  Bombay,  1882. 

Ed.  with  Viramitrodaya,  by  Narayana  Shastri 
Khiste.  Ch.  SS.  Benares,  1924-29. 

Eng.  trans.  (Acharadhyaya)  by  S.  C.  Vasu. 
SBH.  Allahabad,  1909-18;  (Vyavaharadh- 
yaya,  fasc.  1)  by  M.  L.  Sandal.  SBH.  Allaha¬ 
bad,  1927;  by  J.  R.  Gharpure.  Bombay, 
1936  ff. 


Arisirhha 
Balaehandra  Suri 

Bilhana 


Hemachandra 


Jayanaka 


Jonaraj'a 

Kalhana 


(v)  HISTORICAL  WORKS 

Siikrita-sarhkirtana.  JASS.  Bhavnagar,  1917. 

Vasanta-vilasa.  Ed.  by  C.  D.  Dalai.  GOS. 
Baroda,  1917. 

Vikramdnkadeva-charita.  Ed.  with  an  intr.  by 
G.  Biihler.  BSS.  Bombay,  1875. 

Ed.  by  Ramavatara  Sarma.  Benares,  1927. 

Ed.  by  Shastri  M.  L.  Nagar.  PWSBTS,  No.  82. 
Benares,  1945. 

Kumdrapdla-charita  or  Dvyasraya-kdvya.  San¬ 
skrit  (cantos  i-xx)  Ed.  by  A.  V.  Kathvate.  2 
parts.  Bombay,  1885,  1915. 

Prakrit  (cantos  xxi-xxviii)  Ed.  by  S.  P.  Pandit. 
BSS.  Bombay,  1900. 

2nd  revised  Ed.  by  P.  L.  Vaidya.  Poona,  1936. 

Prithvirdja-vijaya.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Jo- 
naraja  by  S.  K.  Belvalkar.  BI.  Calcutta, 
1914-22. 

Ed.  by  G.  H.  Ojha  and  C.  S.  Guleri.  Ajmer, 
1941. 

Dvitiya-Rdjataranginl.  Ed,  by  P.  Peterson. 
BSS.  Bombay,  1896. 

Rajatarangim,  Calcutta,  1835  (also  consists  of 
the  works  of  Jonaraja,  Srivara  and  Prajya- 
bhatta).  Ed.  with  critical  notes  by  M.  A. 
Stein.  Bombay,  1892. 

Ed.  by  Durgaprasad.  BSS.  2  parts.  Bombay, 
1892-94. 

Eng.  trans.  by  J.  C.  Dutt.  2  parts.  Calcutta, 
1879-87. 

Eng.  trans.  with  an  intr.,  comm,  and  appendi¬ 
ces,  by  M.  A.  Stein.  Westminster,  1900. 

Eng.  trans.  by  R.  S.  Pandit.  Allahabad,  1935. 

French  trans.  (Historie  des  rois  du  Kachmir) 
with  comm,  and  notes  by  A.  Troyer.  Paris, 
1840. 


781 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Merutunga 


Padmagupta  alias 
Parimala 

Sandhyakaranandi 

Bhoja 

Chandesvara 

Hemaehandra 

Sukra 


Bhoja 

Dhananjaya 

Hemaehandra 

n 

}} 

Kesavasvamin 

Mahesvara 

Mahipa 

Mankha 


Prabandha-chintamani.  Ed.  by  Ramachandra 
Dinanatha.  Bombay,  1888. 

2nd  Ed.  Re-edited  by  Durgashanker  Sastri. 
Bombay,  1931. 

Ed.  by  Muni  Jinavijaya.  SJS.  Santiniketan, 
1933. 

Eng.  trans.  (Wishing-stone  of  Narratives)  by 
C.  H.  Tawney.  BI.  Calcutta,  1894-1901. 
Navasdhasdnka-charita.  Ed.  by  V.  S.  Islam- 
purkar.  BSS.  Bombay,  1895. 

Rdma-charita .  Ed.  by  H.  P.  Sastri.  MASB,  v. 
Calcutta,  1910. 

2nd  Ed.  Ed.  by  R.  C.  Majumdar,  R.  G.  Basak 
and  N.  G.  Banerji.  Rajshahi,  1939. 

(vi)  POLITY 

Yukti-kalpataru.  Ed.  by  Isvara  Chandra  Sastri. 
COS.  Calcutta,  1917. 

Niti-ratnakara  (or  Rajaniti-).  Ed.  by  K.  P. 

Jayaswal.  Patna,  1924.  2nd  Ed.  Patna,  1936. 
Laghv-Arhannlti.  Ahmedabad,  1906. 

Nitisdra.  Ed.  by  G.  Oppert.  Madras,  1882. 

Ed.  by  B.  K.  Sarkar.  New  York,  1915. 

Eng.  trans.  by  M.  N.  Dutt.  Calcutta,  1896. 

Eng.  trans.  by  B.  K.  Sarkar.  2nd  Ed.  Allaha¬ 
bad,  1923. 

(vii)  LEXICOGRAPHY 

Ndmamdlika.  Ed.  by  E.  D.  Kulkarni  and  V.  D. 
Gokhale.  Poona,  1955. 

Ndmamdld.  Ed.  by  Shambhunath  Tripathi. 
Banaras,  1950. 

Abhidhdna-chintdmani.  Ed.  by  Babu  Rama 
and  Vidyakara  Misra.  Calcutta  (1807) 

Ed.  by  Bohtlingk  and  Rieu.  St.  Petersburg, 
1847. 

Ed.  by  Hargovindas,  Bechardas  and  Muni  Jina¬ 
vijaya.  2  vols.  Bhavnagar,  1914-19. 
Anekartha-samgraha.  Vienna,  1893. 
Desindmamald.  Ed.  by  R.  Pischel  and  G.  Buh- 
ler.  BSS,  XVII.  Bombay,  1880.  2nd  Ed.  by 
P.  V.  Ramanujaswami.  Poona,  1938. 
Ndndrthdrnavasamkshepa.  Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati 
Sastri.  TSS.  Trivandrum,  1913. 

Visvaprakdsa .  Ed.  by  Pandit  Rathagopala 
Bhatta.  Ch.  SS.  Benares,  1911. 
Anekdrthatilaka.  Ed.  by  M.  M.  Patkar.  Poona, 
1947. 

Mankhakosa.  Ed.  with  extracts  from  the 
comms.  and  three  indices  by  Th.  Zachariae. 
Vienna,  1897. 


782 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Medimkara 

Purushottama 

Yadavaprakasa 

Anubhutisvaru  pa- 
chary  a 

Bopadeva 

n 

Hemachandra 

11 


Kshlrasvamin 

Lakshmldhara 

Markan$eya 

Purushottama 

Purushottamadeva 

Saranadeva 

Sarvananda 

Trivikrama 

Vardhamana 

(ix) 

Ballalasena 


Medimkosha.  Calcutta,  1884;  Kashi  SS.  Bena¬ 
res,  1916. 

TrikancUisesha.  Ed.  with  a  comm,  by  C.A.  See- 
lakkhandha.  Bombay,  1916. 

Vaijayanti.  Ed.  by  G.  Oppert.  Madras,  1893. 

(viii)  GRAMMAR 

Sdrasvata-vyakarana.  Ed.  by  J.  Vidyasagara. 
Calcutta,  1874. 

Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Chandrakirti  by  S. 

Kudal.  4th  Ed.  Bombay,  1926. 

Mugdhabodha.  Ed.  by  Bohtlingk.  St.  Peters¬ 
burg,  1847.  Many  editions  in  Bengal. 
Kavikalpadruma.  Ed.  by  G.  B.  Palsule.  Poona, 
1954. 

Dhdtupdtha.  Ed.  with  the  author’s  own  comm. 

by  J.  Kirste.  Vienna,  1899. 
Siddhahemasabdamisdsana.  With  a  comm,  by 
the  author  and  Haima  Dhdtupdtha.  6ri  Jain 
Yasovijaya  Series.  Benares,  1905. 

Ed.  with  a  comm,  by  the  author  by  Shri  Vijaya 
Gani.  Botad,  1952. 

Kshiratarangini  (comm,  on  Panini’s  Dhatupa - 
tha)  Ed.  by  Br.  Liebich.  Breslau,  1930.  See 
below  under  “Sarvananda”. 
Shadbhashachandrika.  Ed.  with  critical  and 
expl.  notes  by  K.  P.  Trivedi.  BSS,  71.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1916. 

Prdkritasarvasva.  Pub.  in  Granthapradarsani, 
No.  3.  Vizagapatam,  1927. 

Prdkritdnusdsana.  Ed.  with  notes  by  Luigia 
Nitti-Dolci.  Paris,  1938. 

Paribhasha-vritti ,  Jnapaka-samuchchaya ,  and 
Kdr aka-chakra.  Ed.  with  intr.,  app.,  etc.  by 
D.  C.  Bhattacharya.  Rajshahi,  1946. 
Durghata-vritti.  Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati  Sastri. 
TSS.  Trivandrum,  1909.  Ed  et  traduit  par  L. 
Renou.  Vols.  I-II.  Paris,  1940  ff. 

Tikasarvasva  (Amarakosa,  ed.  with  Amara- 
kosodghdtana  of  Kshlrasvamin  and  Tlkdsar- 
vasva  of  Vandyaghatlya  Sarvananda  by  T. 
Ganapati  Sastri.  TSS.  Trivandrum,  1914-17). 
Prdkrxta-sdbddnusdsana.  Ed.  with  his  own 
comm.,  with  intr.,  etc.,  by  P.  L.  Vaidya. 
Sholapur,  1954. 

Ganaratnamahodadhi.  Ed.  by  J.  Eggeling. 
London,  1879. 

ASTRONOMY.  ASTROLOGY  AND 
MATHEMATICS 

Adbhuta-sdaara.  Ed.  by  Murali  Dhar  Jha. 
Benares,  1905. 

788 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Bhaskaracharya 

Satananda 

Sridhara 

Bhoja 

Chakrapanidatta 

Palakapya 

(xi) 

Allaraja 

Bhoja 

Hemachandra 

*  y 

Hemachandra  and 
others 

Jayadeva 

Jayaklrti 


Siddhanta-sir  omani:  Ganitddhydya.  Ed.  by  B. 

D.  Sastri.  Kashi  SS.  Benares,  1929. 
Goladhyaya .  Ed.  by  G.  D.  Sastri.  Kashi  SS. 

Benares,  1929. 

Bhasvati.  Benares,  1883. 

Ganitasdra  or  Trisatt.  Ed.  by  M.  Ramanuja- 
charya  and  G.  R.  Kaye.  Leipzig,  1913. 

(x)  MEDICINE 

Rajamartanda.  Ed.  by  Vaidya  Jadavji.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1924. 

Chikitsa-sdra-samgraha.  Ed.  by  J.  Vidyasagara. 
Calcutta,  1888.  Ed.  with  Sivadasa’s  comm. 
Lahore,  1925;  2nd  Ed.  Lahore,  1931. 

Hasty  ay  urveda.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta.  ASS.  Poona, 
1894. 


POETICS,  DRAMATURGY  AND 
METRICS 

Rasa-ratna-samuchchaya.  Ed.  with  intr.,  notes, 
and  app.  by  R.  N.  Dandekar.  SJS.  Bombay, 
1945. 

Sarasvati-kanthabharana.  Ed.  by  A.  Borooah. 
Calcutta,  1883-4.  Ed.  KM.  Bombay,  1934. 

Srihgara-prakdsa.  Ed.  by  G.  R.  Josyer. 
Mysore,  1955. 

Chhandonusasana.  Bombay,  1912.  Chs.  IV- 
VII.  Ed.  by  H.  D.  Velankar.  JBBRAS , 
XIX. 27-74;  XX.  1-46;  also  in  “Jayadaman” 
(see  below). 

Kavyanusasana.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and  Parab. 
KM.  Bombay,  1901.  Ed.  with  comms.,  intr., 
etc.  by  R.  C.  Parikh  and  R.  B.  Athavale.  2 
vols.  Bombay,  1936. 

Jayadaman  (comprising  Jayadevachchhandah , 
Chhandonusasana  of  Jayakirti  and  of  Hema¬ 
chandra,  and  Vrittaratnakara  of  Kedara). 
Ed.  with  intr.,  list  and  index  of  Sanskrit 
metres,  etc.,  by  H.  D.  Velankar.  Bombay, 
1949. 

Chandraloka.  Ed.  by  J.  Vidyasagara.  2nd  Ed. 
Calcutta,  1906.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Ap- 
payya  Dikshita  by  Govinda  Shastri.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1895.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Padma- 
nabha  Misra  by  N.  S.  Khiste.  Kashi  SS. 
Benares,  1929. 

Jayadevachchhandah  (See  above  under  “Hema¬ 
chandra  and  others’’ ). 

Chhandonusasana  (See  above  under  “Hema¬ 
chandra  and  others”). 


784 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Kedara 


Kshemendra 


Mahimabhatta 


Mammata 


Ramachandra  and 
Gunachandra 

Ruyyaka 

Saradatanaya 

Sobhakara  Misra 

Vagbhata 

Vidyadhara 


Vrittaratnakara.  Ed.  with  a  comm,  of  R.  K. 
Bharati  by  C.  A.  Seelakkhandha  Maha  Stha- 
vira.  3rd  Ed.  Bomoay,  192b.  Ed.  with  a  comm, 
of  Bhatta  Narayana  Bhatta  and  intr.  and 
notes  by  Y.S.  VaraKale.  Kashi  SS.  Benares, 
1927.  See  also  above  under  “Hemacnandra 
and  others”. 

Auchityavicharacharcha.  Ed.  in  KM,  i.  115  ff. 

Ed.  in  Haridas  SS.  Benares,  1933. 
SuvrzttatUaka .  Ed.  in  KM,  ii.  29  If.  Ed.  in  Hari¬ 
das  SS.  Benares,  1933. 

Vyaktiviveka.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Raja- 
naka  Ruyyaka  by  T.  Ganapati  Sastri.  TSS. 
Trivandrum,  1909.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Rajanaka  Ruyyaka  and  the  Madhusudanl. 
Kashi  SS.  Benares,  1936. 

Kdz>yaprutcasa.  Ed.  with  expl.  and  illu.  notes 
by  M.  Ch.  Nyayaratna  by  order  of  E.  B. 
Cowell.  Calcutta,  1866.  Ed.  with  the  comms. 
Udyota  and  Pradipa,  by  V.  S.  Abhyankar. 
ASS.  Poona,  1911.  Ed.  with  the  Samketa  of 
Manikyachandra.  ASS.  Poona,  1921.  Ed. 
with  Samketa  by  R.  Shama  Sastry.  Mysore, 
1922.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Jhalakikar  by 
R.  D.  Karmarkar.  6th  Edn.  Poona,  1950. 
Eng.  Trans,  by  Ganganatha  Jha.  Rev.  Ed. 
Allahabad,  1925. 

N  dtyadarpana.  Ed.  with  intr.  and  notes  by 

G.  K.  Shrigondekar  and  L.  B.  Gandhi.  GOS. 
Baroda,  1929. 

Alamkdra-sarvasva.  KM,  35,  Bombay,  1893. 

Trans,  by  H.  Jacobi.  ZDMG,  LXII. 
Bhavaprakdsana.  Ed.  with  an  intr.  and  notes 
by  Yadugiri  Yatiraja  Swami  and  K.  S. 
Ramaswrami  Sastri.  GOS.  Baroda,  1929. 
Alamkara-ratnakara.  Ed.  with  intr.  and  ap¬ 
pendices,  by  C  R.  Devadhar.  Poona,  1942. 
Vdgbhatdlamkdra.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Sim- 
hadeva  Gani.  KM,  48.  Bombay,  1915. 
Ekavali.  Ed.  wTith  the  comm,  of  Mallinatha, 
intr.,  notes,  etc.  by  K.  P.  Trivedi.  BSS.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1903. 


(xii) 

BalLalasena 

Bhoja 

>> 

Jyotirisvara 

Kokkoka 


EROTICS,  MUSIC,  ARCHITECTURE,  ETC. 

Adbhutasagara.  Ed.  by  Murali  Dhar  Jha.  Bena¬ 
res,  1905. 

Salihotra.  Ed.  by  E.  D.  Kulkarni.  Poona,  1953. 
Samarangana  Sutradhara.  Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati 
Sastri.  GOS.  2  vols.  Baroda,  1924-1925. 
Panchasayaka.  Ed.  by  Sadananda  Sastrin. 
Lahore,  n.d. 

Ratirahasaya.  Ed.  by  Sadananda  Sastrin. 
Lahore,  n.d. 


S.E.— 60 


785 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Narapati 

Pansvadeva 

Sarhgadeva 


Somesvara 


Narapcitijayacharya.  Meerut,  1900. 

Sangitasamayasdra.  Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati  Sastri. 
TSS.  Trivandrum,  1925. 

Sahglta-ratnakara.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Chatura  Kallinatha  by  M.  R.  Telang.  ASS. 
2  vols.  Poona,  1897.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Kallinatha  by  S.  Subrahmanya  Sastri,  with 
an  intr.  by  C.  K.  Raja.  4  vols.  Adyar,  1943. 
1944,  1953,  1954.  Eng.  trans.  with  detailed 
notes,  by  C.  K.  Raja.  Vol.  I.  Adyar,  1945. 

Abhilashitdrthachintdmani.  Ed.  by  R.  Shama 
Sastry.  Part  I.  Mysore,  1926.  Manasollasa 
(otherwise  known  as  Abhilashitdrthachintd - 
marii).  Ed.  by  G.  K.  Shrigondekar.  GOS.  2 
vols.  Baroda,  1925,  1939. 


(xiii)  PROSE  ROMANCES  AND  CHAMPUS 


Bhoja 


Odeyadeva 

Soddhala 

V  idy  achakra  vartin 


Ramayana-champu.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Ramachandra  Budhendra  by  K.  P.  Parab. 
Bombay,  1898. 

Gadya-chintdmani.  Ed.  by  T.  S.  Kuppuswami 
Sastri.  Madras,  1902. 

Udayasundcirl-kathd.  Ed.  by  C.  D.  Dalai  and 
E.  Krishnamacharya.  GOS.  Baroda,  1920. 
Gadya-karncimrita.  Bombay. 


Budhasvamin 


Kshemendra 


Purnabhadra 


Somadeva 


(xiv )  KATE  A 

Brihalkathdslokasamgraha.  Ed.  with  critical 
and  expi.  notes  and  French  trans.  by  F. 
Lacote.  28  vols.  Paris,  1908-1929. 

Brihatkathamanjarl.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and 
Parab.  NSP.  2nd  ed.  Bombay,  1931.  Ed. 
and  trans.  by  S.  Levi.  JA,  1886. 

Panchdkhyanaka.  Ed.  with  intr.,  parallel  pas¬ 
sages,  etc.,  by  J.  Hertel.  HOS.  3  vols.  Cam¬ 
bridge,  Mass.,  1908-12. 

Kathasaritsagara.  Ed.  with  trans.  by  H.  Brock - 
haus.  3  vols.  Leipzig,  1839-66.  Ed.  by  Durga* 
prasad  and  Parab.  NSP.  4th  Edn.  Bombay, 
1930.  Eng.  trans.  by  C.  H.  Tawney.  2  vols. 
Calcutta,  1880,  1887.  Reprinted  with  intro¬ 
duction,  notes  and  terminal  essay,  etc.,  by 
N.  M.  Penzer.  10  vols.  London,  1924-28. 


(xv)  ANTHOLOGIES 

Amitagati  Subhdshitaratnasandoha.  Ed.  by  Bhavadatta 

and  W.  L.  Panshikar.  NSP.  2nd  Ed.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1909. 

Jalhana  Suktimukt avail.  Ed.  with  intr.,  appendices, 

etc.,  by  E.  Krishnamacharya.  GOS.  Baroda, 
1938. 


786 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Sridharadasa  Saduktikarndmrita.  Ed.  by  Ramavatara  Sarma. 

BI.  Calcutta,  1921  (2  fasc).  Ed.  by  Rama¬ 
vatara  Sarma,  with  intr.  by  Har  Dutt  Sharma. 
Lahore,  1933. 

Vallabhadeva  Subhdshitdvali.  Ed.  by  P.  Peterson  and 

Durgaprasad.  BSS.  Bombay,  1886. 


(xvi)  BELLES-LETTRES 


(Note  :  References  to  important  published  works  are  given  here. 

Full  details  about  published  works  and  MSS.  will  be  found 
in  Histories  of  Sanskrit  Literature  by  De  and  Das  Gupta, 
Keith,  Krishnamachariar,  Winternitz,  etc.  Jain  authors 
have  been  included  in  this  section  as  also  earlier  under 
historical  works,  polity,  lexicography,  grammar,  poetics 
and  anthologies.) 


Abhayachandra 

Abhayadeva 

Arnarachandra 

Arisiihha 

Bilhana 


Dhananjaya 

Dharmakumara 


Padmancinda.  Ed.  with  intr.,  indices,  app., 
etc.,  by  H.  R.  Kapadia.  GOS.  Baroda,  1932. 

Jayantavijaya.  Ed.  by  Bhavadatta  and  Parab. 
NSP.  Bombay,  1902. 

Bdlabhdrata.  Ed.  in  Pandit  (O.S.),  iv-vi. 
Benares,  1869-71.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and 
Parab.  KM,  45.  Bombay,  1894. 
Sukrita-samkirtana.  Ed.  in  JASS.  Bhavnagar, 
1917. 

Chaurapanchasika.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Ganapati  by  P.  Von  Bohlen.  Berlin,  1883. 
Ed.  KM,  xiii.  145-169. 

Karnasundari.  Ed.  by  Durgaprasad  and  Parab. 
NSP.  Bombay,  1888. 

Rdghava-Pandaviya.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Badarlnatha  by  Sivadatta  and  Parab.  KM, 
49.  Bombay,  1895. 

Sdlibhadra-charita.  Ed.  in  Yasovijaya  Jaina 
Grantha  Mala.  Benares,  1910. 


Dhoyl 

Govardhana 


Gumani 

Hastimalla 


Jalhana 

Jayadeva 


Pavanaduta.  Ed.  by  Manomohan  Chakravarti 
(JASB,  1905,  pp.  53-68).  Re-edited  by 
Chintaharan  Chakravarti.  Calcutta,  1926. 

Aryasaptasati.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Ananta 
by  Durgaprasad  and  Parab.  NSP.  2nd  Ed. 
Bombay,  1895. 

IJpadesasataka.  KM,  ii.  20  ff 

Anjandpavananjaya  and  Subhadra-Ndtikd.  Ed. 
with  intr.,  etc.,  by  M.  V.  Patwardhan.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1950. 

Mugdhopadesa.  KM,  viii.  125  ff. 

Gita-govinda.  Ed.  by  Baku  Rama.  Kiderpore, 
1808.  Ed.  with  the  comms.  Rasikapriya  and 
Rasamahjarl  by  M.  R.  Telang  and  W.  L. 
Panshikar.  NSP.  7th  Ed.  Bombay,  1929. 


787 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Jayadeva 


Jayasimha  Suri 

Kanakasena 

Vadiraja 

Kaviraja 


Krishna  Misra 
•  • 

Kshemendra 

n 

n 

n 

*  i 

y  • 

i  y 


Kulasekhara 


Lakshmai^a 

Acharya 

Lolimbaraja 

Madana 

Balasarasvati 
Maladharin 
Devaprabha  Suri 
Manikya  Suri 

Mankha 

Nagaraja 

Nayachandra  Suri 


Prasannarayhava.  Ed.  by  Govindadev  Sastri 
Benares,  1868.  Ed.  by  K.  P.  Parab.  NSP 
Bombay,  1893.  Ed.  by  S.  M.  Paranjape  and 
N.  S.  Panse.  Poona,  1894. 
Hammvira-mada-mardana.  Ed.  by  C.  D.  Dalai. 
GOS.  Baroda,  1920. 

Yasodhara-cnarita.  Ed.  by  T.  A.  Gopinaihn 
Rao.  Sarasvatl  yilasa  Series,  Tanjore,  1912. 
Rdghava-P&ndavlya.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Premachandra  Tarkavagisa.  BI.  Calcutta. 
1854  (Reprinted  by  Bhavadeva  Chatterjee. 
Calcutta,  1892).  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Sasadhara  by  Sivadatta  and  Parab.  NSP. 
Bombay,  1897.  Ed.  in  Granthamala  with  the 
comm,  of  Lakshmana  Suri.  Bombay,  1889. 
Prabodha-chandrodaya.  Ed.  by  H.  Brockbaus. 
Leipzig,  1845.  Ed.  with  comms.  by  V.'L.  Pnn- 
sikar.  Bombay,  1924. 

Bharata-manjari.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and  Parab. 

NSP.  Bombay,  1878. 

Chdrucharyd.  KM,  ii.  128  ft. 

DarpadaUma.  KM,  vi.  66  ft. 
basavatara-charita.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and  Pa¬ 
rab.  NSP.  2nd  Ed.  Bombay,  1930. 

Dasopadesa  and  Narmamala.  Ed.  with  intr.  by 
Madhusudan  Kaul.  Poona.  1923. 

Kaldvildsa.  KM,  i.  34  ft'. 

Ramayana-manjari.  Ed.  by  Bhavadatta  and 
Parab.  NSP.  Bombay,  1903. 

Samayamdtrikd.  Ed.  by  Durgaprasad  and 
Parab.  NSP.  2nd  Ed.  Bombay,  1925. 
Sevyasevakopadesa.  KM ,  ii.  79  ft. 
Subhadru-Dhananjaya.  Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati 
Sastri.  TSS.  Trivandrum.  1912. 
Tapatl-Saravarana.  Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati  Sastri. 

TSS.  Trivandrum,  1911. 
Chandikuchapafichdsikd.  KM,  ix.  80  IT. 


Harivilasa.  KM,  ix  94  ft. 

Parijdtamanjan  (or  Vijayasn).  Ed.  by  E. 

Hultzsch.  Leipzig,  1906. 

Pandava-charita.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and  Parab. 
NSP.  Bombay,  1911. 

Yasodhara-charita.  Ed.  by  Hiralal  Hansraj. 
Jamnagar,  1910. 

Srikantha-charita .  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of 
Jonaraja  by  Durgaprasad  and  Parab.  Botn- 
bay,  1900. 

Bhavasataha.  KM,  IV.  37  IT. 
Hamimra-mahakavya.  Ed.  by  N  J.  Kirtane. 
Bombay,  1879. 


788 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Otfeyadeva 

Vadibhasimha 

Prahladanadeva 

Ramabhadra 

Ramachandra 

Ramachandra 

>» 

Ramachandra 

Kavibharati 

Ravivarman 

Sambhu 

Sankhadhara 

Kaviraja 

Somadeva 

Somaprabha 

Somesvara 

»» 

Sri  Harsha 


Subhata 

Udayaprabha  Stiri 

Umapatidhara 

U  tprekshavallabha 
»» 

Vagbhata 


Kshdtrackudamani .  Ed.  by  T.  S.  Kuppuswamy 
Sastri.  Sarasvatl  Vilasa  Series.  Tanjore, 
1905. 

Parthaparakrama.  Ed.  by  C.  D.  Dalai.  GOS. 
Baroda,  1917. 

Prabuddha-Rauhineya.  Ed.  by  Muni  Punya- 
vijaya.  JASS.  Bhavnagar,  1917. 
Kaumudl-Mitrdnanda.  Ed.  by  Muni  Punya- 
vijaya.  JASS.  Bhavnagar,  1917. 

Nalavildsa.  Ed.  by  G.  K.  Shrigondekar.  GOS. 
Baroda,  1926. 

Nirbhaya-Bhima.  Ed.  by  Hargovinda  Das  and 
Bechar  Das.  Ya  so  vijaya  Jaina  Granthamala. 
Benares,  1911  (2437  Vira  Era). 

Bhaktisataka.  Ed.  by  Haraprasad  Sastri  with 
Eng.  trans.  JBTS ,  1,  1893,  pt.  2,  pp.  21-43. 
Pradyumndbhyudaya.  Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati 
Sastri.  TSS.  Trivandrum,  1910. 
Anyoktimuktalatdsataka.  KM,  ii.  61  ff. 
Ld\akamelaka .  Ed.  by  Durgaprasad  and  Parab. 

NSP.  3rd  Ed.  Bombay,  1923. 
Lalitavigrahardja-nataka.  Partially  edited  1A, 
xx.  201  fi.  Ed.  by  F.  Kielhorn.  Gothenger 
Festschrift,  1901,  pp.  1-15.  Text  in  Roman 
(NGGW,  1893.  522-570). 
SnngdraimirdgyatarangiTVi.  KM,  v.  124-142; 
2nd  Ed.  Bombay,  1908. 

Surathotsava.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and  Parab. 
NSP.  Bombay,  1902. 

Kirtikaumudi.  Ed.  by  A.  V.  Kathvate.  BSS. 
Bombay,  1883, 

Naishadha-charita.  Ed.  with  Mallinatha’s 
comm,  by  J.  Vidyasagara.  2  vols.  Calcutta, 
1886.  Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Narayana  by 
Sivadatta,  revised  ed.  by  W.  L.  Pansikar.  7th 
Ed.  Bombay,  1933.  Eng.  trans.  with  notes, 
extracts,  etc.,  by  K.  K.  Handiqui.  Lahore, 
1934;  2nd  Ed.  Poona,  1956. 

Dutdngada.  Ed.  by  Durgaprasad  and  V.  L. 
Pansikar.  4th  Ed.  Bombay,  1922.  German 
trans.  by  G.  Jacob.  Leipzig,  1931.  Eng. 
trans.  by  L.  H.  Gray.  JAOS,  XXXII.  59  ff. 
Sukritakirtikallolim  (App.  to  Hamrmra-mada- 
mardana,  GOS,  Baroda,  1920). 

Parijatahciraiia.  Ed.  and  trans.  by  G.  A.  Grier¬ 
son.  JBORS,  III.  20-98. 

Bhikshdtana .  KM,  xii.  54-163. 

Sundarisataka.  KM,  ix.  100  ff. 

Neminirvaiia.  Ed.  by  Sivadatta  and  Parab. 
NSP.  Bombay,  1896. 

789 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Naranarayanananda.  Ed.  by  C.  D.  Dalai  and 
R.  Anantakrishna  Sastri.  GOS.  Baroda, 
1916. 

Rupakashatka.  Ed.  by  C.  D.  Dalai.  GOS. 
Baroda,  1918  (comprising  Kiratarjuniya, 
S  amu  dr  am  ant  ha  n  a ,  Rukminlharana,  Tri¬ 
pur  adaha,  Karpura-charita  and  Hdsyachudd- 
mani). 

Prataparudrakalydna.  Ed.  Grantha-ratnamala. 
Bombay,  1891. 

Drauvadisvayamvara .  Ed.  by  Muni  Jinavijaya. 

JASS.  Bhavnagar,  1918. 

Harakelindtaka.  Part  of  text  in  Roman  (IA, 
xx.  201-212).  Ed.  by  F.  Kielhorn,  Gottinger 
Festschrift ,  1901,  pp.  16-30. 
Mohardjapardjaya.  Ed.  by  Muni  Chaturvijaya. 
GOS.  Baroda,  1918. 

Mudritakumudachandra .  Ed.  Jaina  Yasovijaya 
Granthamala.  Benares,  1906. 

(B)  BUDDHIST: 

PALI  AND  SANSKRIT 

( Note  :  Important  references  to  published  works  are  given  here. 

Further  particulars  will  be  found  in  Geiger,  Law  and  Win- 
ternitz  given  under  “Histories  of  Literature”  below.) 

Abhidhammattha-samgaha  of  Anuruddha 

Ed.  by  T.  W.  Rhys  Davids.  JPTS,  1884.  1  ft. 
Eng.  trans.  by  S.  Z.  Aung.  Ed.  by  Mrs  Rhys 
Davids.  PTS.  London,  1910. 

Abhidhdnappadrpikd  of  Moggalana 

Ed.  by  W.  Subhuti.  2nd  Ed.  Colombo,  1883. 
Ed.  by  Muni  Jinavijaya.  Ahmedabad,  V.  S. 
1880. 

Andgatavamsa  of  Kassapa 

Ed.  by  J.  P.  Minayeff.  JPTS ,  1886.  33  if. 

Attanagaluvihdravamsa 

Ed.  and  trans.  by  J.  d’  Alwis.  Colombo,  1887. 

Bhaktisataka  of  Ramachandra  Kavibharati 

Ed.  with  Eng.  trans.  by  H.  P.  Sastri.  JBTS,  I, 
1893,  pt.  2,  pp.  21-43. 

Bodhivamsa  of  Upatissa 

Ed.  by  S.  A.  Strong.  PTS.  London,  1891. 

Chulavamsa  (being  the  more  recent  part  of  the  Mahavamsa) 

Ed.  by  W.  Geiger.  PTS.  2  vols.  London,  1925- 
27.  Eng.  trans.  by  W.  Geiger  and  Mrs.  R. 
Rickmers.  London,  1930. 

Ddthavamsa  of  Dhammakitti 

Ed.  and  trans.  by  B.  C.  Law.  Lahore,  1925. 

790 


Vastupala 

Vatsaraja 

Vidyanatha 

Vijayapala 

Visaladeva 

Yasahpala 

Yasaschandra 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Jinacharita  of  Vanaratana  Medhamkara 

Ed.  and  trans.  by  W.  H.  D.  Rouse.  JPTS, 
1904-0.5.  1  ff.  Ed.  and  trans.  by  C.  Duroi* 
selle.  Rangoon,  1906. 

Jinalamkara  of  Buddharakkhita 

Ed.  and  trans.  by  James  Gray.  1894. 

Ndmarupaparichchheda  of  Anuruddha 

Ed.  by  Buddhad&tta.  PTS.  London,  1914. 

Padasddhana  of  Piyadassin 

Ed.  by  Dhammananda  and  &aQissara, 
Colombo,  1887. 

Pajjamadhu  of  Buddhapriya 

Ed.  by  E.  R.  Gooneratna.  JPTS ,  1887.  1  ff. 
Ed,  by  D.  G.  Koparkar.  Ahmednagar,  1953. 

Rasavahint  of  Vedehathera 

Ed.  and  trans.  (German)  by  W.  Geiger.  Miin- 
chen,  1918,  Selected  stories  ed.  and  trans. 
into  German  by  F.  Spiegel,  Anecdota  Patica . 
Leipzig,  1845;  Stem  Konow,  ZDMG ,  43.  297  ff« 

ROpasiddhi  of  Buddhapriya 

Ed.  by  A.  Griinwedel.  Berlin,  1883. 

Saddalakkhana  of  Moggalana 

Ed,  by  H.  Devamitta.  Colombo,  1890. 

Saddamti  of  Aggavamsa 

Ed.  by  Helmer  Smith.  5  vols.  Paris,  London, 
Leipzig,  1928-54, 

Saddhammopdyana 

Ed.  by  Richard  Morris.  JPTS,  1887.  35  ff. 

Sabodhalamkara  of  Samgharakkhita 

Analysis  and  text.  Ed.  by  G.  E,  Fryer.  JASB , 
XLIV,  pt.  1,  pp.  91  ff. 

Telaka$ahag&tha  Ed.  by  E.  R.  Goonaratne,  JPTS ,  1884.  49  ff. 

Thupavamsa  of  Vaehissara 

Simlialese  Edition.  Ed.  by  Dhammaratana. 
Paeliyagoda,  1896. 

Vuttodaya  of  Samgharakkhita 

Ed.  by  G.  E.  Fryer.  JASB.  XLVI,  pt.  1,  pp.  369 

ff. 


(C)  JAIN 

(Note  :  Important  works  in  Maharash£rl  and  other  Prakrits  are  in¬ 
cluded  in  this  list.  For  works  in  Sanskrit  by  Jain  authors, 
see  earlier  under  (vi)  Polity,  (vii)  Lexicography,  (viii) 
Grammar,  (xi)  Poetics,  etc.,  (xvi)  Belles-Lettres,  etc.  For 
further  particulars  and  full  details  of  published  works  re¬ 
ference  may  be  made  to  Winternitz,  History  of  Indian  Lite¬ 
rature,  Vol.  II;  for  details  about  MSS.,  reference  may  be 
made  to  Velankar,  Jinaratnakosa.) 

Dhanesvara  Sv.rasundari-charita.  Ed,  with  notes  by  Muni® 

raj  Sri  Raja  Vijayaji,  Jaina-V ividha-Sahib 
ya-&astra-Mala,  I.  Benares,  1916. 

791 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Gunachandra 

Hemachandra 


J  inachandragani 

Lakshmanagani 

Ramasarman 


Simharaja 

Somaprabha 


Abdul  Rahaman 

Haribhadra 

Jinadatta  Suri 

Mahesvara  Suri 
Yoglndu 


Mahavlra-charita.  Pub.  in  DU  Series,  No.  75. 
Bombay,  1929. 

Desinamamala.  Ed.  with  critical  notes,  glos¬ 
sary,  and  a  historical  intr.,  by  R.  Pischel  and 
G.  Biihler.  BSS.  Bombay,  1880.  2nd  Ed.  by 
P.  V.  Ramanu  j  as  wami.  Poona,  1938.  Ed. 
with  intr.,  etc.,  by  Muralydhar  Banerjee. 
Calcutta,  1931. 

Kurnarapala-charita.  Ed.  by  S.  P.  Pandit.  BSS. 
Bombay.  2nd  Ed.  Revised  by  P.  L.  Vaidya. 
Poona,  1936. 

Siddhahemacliandra.  Adhyaya  VIII.  Text  (in 
Yranskription)  mit  Wortverzeichnis,  iiber- 
setzung  u.  Elauterungen  hrsg.  von  R.  Pischel. 
2  Tie.  Halle,  1877-80.  Ed.  by  P.  L.  Vaidya  as 
an  App.  to  Kumar apdlacharita  (above). 

Navatattvaprakarana.  Ed.  with  two  comms. 
in  Atmananda  Grantha  Ratnamala,  No.  10. 
Bhavnagar,  1912. 

Supdsandha-chariya.  Ed.  by  Pandit  Hara- 
govind  Das  Seth.  Benares,  1918. 

“The  SaurasenI  and  Magadhl  Stabakas  of 
Ramasarman”.  Ed.  by  G.  A.  Grierson.  IA, 
LVI.  1  ff,  13  ff;  LVII.  21  ff;  41  ff;  49  ff. 

“The  Apabhramsa  Stabakas  of  Ramasarman  ’. 
Ed.  by  G.  A.  Grierson.  IA.,  LI.  13  ff;  21  if; 
LII.  1  ff. 

Prakritarupavatara.  Ed.  by  E.  Hultzsch.  Lon¬ 
don,  1909. 

Kumarapalapratibodha.  Ed.  with  intr.,  etc.  by 
Muni  Jinavijayaji.  GOS,  14.  Baroda,  1920. 
Ed.  and  trans.  by  L.  Alsdorf.  Hamburg, 
1929. 

(D)  APABHRAMSA 

Samdesa  Rasaka.  Ed.  with  intr.,  notes,  etc.,  by 
Jina  Vi  jay  a  Muni  and  Harivallabh  Bhayani. 
SJS,  22.  Bombay,  1945. 
Sanatkumara-charitam:  ein  Abschnitt  aus 
Neminatha-charitam.  Ed.  by  Hermann 
Jacobi.  Miinchen,  1921. 

Kalasvarupakulakam  (pub.  in  Apabhramsa — 
Kdvya-trayx.  Ed.  by  L.  B.  Gandhi.  GOS,  37. 
Baroda,  1927). 

Sanjama-manjari.  Ed.  by  P.  D.  Gune.  ABORT , 
I.  157-166. 

Paramatmaprakasa  and  Yogastira.  Ed.  with 
critical  intr.,  Sanskrit  Chhaya,  etc.,  by  A.  N. 
Upadhye.  Bombay,  1937. 


792 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


(E)  MUSLIM 

Am-i-Akbari  of  Abu’l  Fazl 

Ed.  by  H.  Blochmann.  BI.  2  vols.  Calcutta, 
1867-77.  Eng.  trans.  by  H.  Blochmann  (Vol. 
I)  and  H.  S.  Jarrett  (Vols.  II-III).  BI.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1868-94.  Vol.  I.  2nd  Ed.  Revised  by 
D.  C.  Phillot. 

Diwaan-i-Salman  of  Khwaja  Mas’ud  bin  Sa‘Id  bin  Salman 

Ed.  by  Abu-’l  Qasim  Akhwani. 

Tehran,  1879.  Extracts  Trans.  HIED .  IV. 

Futuh-us-Salatin  of  Isami 

Ed.  by  A.  M.  Husain.  Agra,  1938. 

Gulshan-i-IbrdhimT  of  Muhammad  Qasim  Firishta 

Lithographed  at  Bombay,  1832.  Lucknow. 
1905.  Eng.  Trans,  by  Briggs.  London  1827-29 
(See  Tarikh-i-Firishta). 

Habib-us-Siyar  of  Khvand  Mir 

Bombay,  1857.  Extracts  Trans.  HIED ,  IV. 
154-212. 

Khuldsat-ul-Akhbar  of  Khvand  Mir 

Kitab-iil’Hind  of  Al-BirunI 

Eng.  Trans.  (AlberunVs  India )  by  E.  C.  Sa- 
chau.  London,  1914. 

Kitdb  Zain-ul-Akhbdr  of  Mahmud  Gardlzl 

Ed.  by  M.  Nazim.  Berlin,  1928. 

Muntakhab-ut’Tawarikh  of  ‘Abd-ul-Qadir  BudaunI 

Ed.  by  W.  N.  Lees,  Kablruddin  Ahmad  and 
Ahmad  ‘All.  BI.  3  vols.  Calcutta,  1864-69. 
Eng.  Trans,  by  G.  S.  A.  Ranking  (Vol.  I), 
W.  H.  Lowe  (Vol.  II),  and  T.  W.  Haig  (Vol. 
III).  BI.  Calcutta,  1884-1925. 

Rauzat-us-Safa  of  Mir  Khvand 

Text.  Tehran,  1274  Hijrl.  Eng.  trails,  by  E. 
Rehatsch.  Ed.  by  F.  F.  Arbuthnot.  5  vols. 
London,  1891-94. 

Tabaqat-i-Akbari  of  Nizam-ud-din  Ahmad 

Ed.  by  B.  De  (Vols.  I  and  II)  and  by  B.  De 
and  M.  Hidayat  Hosayn  (Vol.  III).  BI.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1913-27,  1931,  1941.  Eng.  Trans,  by 
B.  De.  BI.  3  vols.  Calcutta,  1913-40. 

Tabaqat-i-N asiri  of  Minhaj-ud-din  b.  Siraj-ud-din 

Ed.  by  W.  N.  Lees,  Khadim  Husain  and  Abdu’l- 
Hayy.  BI.  Calcutta,  1863-64.  Eng.  trans.  by 
H.  G.  Raverty.  BI.  Calcutta,  1873-97. 

Taj-ul-Ma’cisir  of  Hasan-un-NizamI 

Extracts  trans.  HIED,  II.  204-43, 

Ta’nkh-i-‘Alai  (Khazain-ul-Futuh)  of  Amir  Khusrau 

Ed.  by  Syed  Moinul  Haq.  Aligarh,  1927.  Ex¬ 
tracts  trans.  HIED,  III.  67  ff.  Eng.  trans.  by 
M.  Habib,  Campaigns  of  fAla-ud-din  Khalfi. 
Bombay,  1931. 


793 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Ta’rikh-i-Baihaqi  of  Abii-’l-Fazl  BaihaqI 

Ed.  by  W.  H.  Morley.  BI.  Calcutta,  1861-62. 

Ta*rikh~i~Firishta  of  Muhammad  Qasim  Firishta 

Lucknow,  1905.  Eng.  Trans,  by  J.  Briggs.  4 
vols.  London,  1827-29.  Reprint.  Calcutta, 
1911. 

Ta’rtkh-i-Firuz  Shahi  of  Shams-i-Siraj  ‘Afif 

Ed.  by  Wilayat  Husayn.  BI.  Calcutta,  1888-91. 

Ta’rikh-i-Firuz  Shahi  of  Ziya-ud-dln  Barani 

Ed.  by  W.  N.  Lees,  S.  Ahmad  Khan  and  Kabir- 
ud-dln.  BI.  Calcutta,  1860-62.  Extracts 
trans.  HIED ,  III.  93-268. 

Ta’rtkh-i-Guzida  of  Hamd-Ullah  Mustaufi  Qazvlnl 

Text  and  abridged  trans.  E.  J.  W.  Gibb  Memo¬ 
rial  series,  No.  XIV.  Vols.  I  (Persian  text) 
and  II  (Abridged  trans.  and  indices,  by 
Brown  and  Nicholson).  London,  1911,  1914. 

Ta'rlkh-i-Y aminl  of  Al-‘UtbI 


Elliot,  SiiiH.  M 
Dowson,  John 


Hodivala,  S.  H. 


Ed.  by  Aii.  Lahore.  Trans,  by  J.  Reynolds. 
London,  1858.  Extracts  trans.  HIED ,  II. 
14-52. 

.  and  History  of  India  as  told  by  its  own  Historians . 

8  vols.  London,  1866-77.  Vol.  II.  Reprint¬ 
ed  with  Introduction  by  Mohammad  Habib, 
Commentary  by  S.H.  Hodivala,  and  Supple¬ 
ment  by  Khaliq  Ahmad  Nizami.  Aligarh, 
1952. 

Studies  in  Indo-Muslim  Hisiory .  Bombay. 
1939. 


(2)  NON-INDIAN  SOURCES: 


Buzurg  ibn 
Shahriyar 


Ferrand,  G. 


Chau  Ju-Kua 


(A)  ARABIC 

Kitab  ‘ Ajayab-ul-Hind  or  Livre  des  Merveilles 
de  Linde,  Texte  Arabe  par  P.  A.  Van 
der  Lith;  traduction  Francaise  par  L.  Marcel 
Devic.  Leide,  1883-88.  Eng.  Trans.  (The 
Book  of  the  Marvels  of  India)  by  L.  Marcel 
Devic.  London,  1928. 

Relations  des  Voyages  et  Textes  Geographiques 
Arabes,  Persans  et  Turks— Relatifs  a  V  Ex¬ 
treme-Orient  du  VIIIQ  a u  XVIIIe  siecles. 
2  vols.  Paris,  1913-14. 

(B)  CHINESE 

His  work  on  the  Chinese  and  Arab  Trade  in 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  entitl¬ 
ed  Chii-fan-chi.  Translated  from  the  Chinese 
and  annotated  by  F.  Hirth  and  W.  W.  Rock- 
hill.  Academy  of  Sciences.  St.  Petersburg, 
1912. 


794 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


(C)  TIBETAN 


Taranatha  German  trans.  by  F,  A,  von  Schiefner  (Ges- 

chichte  des  Buddhismus  in  Indien).  St. 
Petersburg,  1869.  Eng.  Trans.  (History  of 
Buddhism  in  India)  by  U.  N.  Ghoshal  and 
N.  Dutt.  IHQ,  III.  60-68;  508-9;  803-7;  IV. 
530-3;  V.  715-21;  VI.  334-44;  VII.  150-60. 
VIII.  247-52;  X.  551-7;  XXVII.  239-49; 
XXVIII.  41-50.  Extracts  trans.  into  English 
by  W.  L.  Heeley.  I  A,  IV.  101. 


Aiyer,  K.  V.  Sub- 

RAHMANYA 

Bhandarkar,  D.  R. 

Butterworth,  A. 
and  Chetty, 
Venugopal 
Chhabra,  B.  Ch.,  and 
Rao,  N.  L. 
Hiralal 

Hultzsch  E. 

Krishnamacharlu, 

C.  R. 

Majumdar,  N.  G. 
Mirashi,  V.  V. 

Panchamukhi,  R.  S. 

Peterson,  P. 


Rangacharya,  V. 
Rice,  Lewis 
Sastri,  H.  Krishna 
Sewell,  R. 


Sreenivasachar,  B. 

P. 

SUBRAMANIAM,  T.  N. 


II.  ORIGINAL  SOURCES  : 

(1)  Inscriptions 

South  Indian  Inscriptions.  2  Vols.  ( ASI ,  NIS, 
Vols.  52,  53).  Madras,  1928,  1933. 

“List  of  Inscriptions  of  Northern  India”.  Ap- 
pendix  to  El,  XIX-XXIII. 

Collection  of  the  Inscriptions  on  copper  plates 
and,  stones  in  the  Nellore  District.  3  vols. 
Madras,  1905. 

“Ten  Years  of  Epigraphy  (1937-46)”.  Ancient 
India ,  No.  5,  pp.  46  ff. 

List  of  Inscriptions  in  the  Central  Provinces 
and  Berar.  2nd  Ed.  Nagpur,  1932. 

South  Indian  Inscriptions.  3  vols.  {ASL  NIS. 
Vols.  9,  10  and  29).  Madras,  1890-1929. 

Bombay-Karnataka  Inscriptions.  Madras,  1940. 

Inscriptions  of  Bengal.  Vol.  III.  Rajshahi,  1929. 

Inscriptions  of  the  Kalachuri-Chedi  Era.  CII , 
Vol.  IV.  Ootacamund,  1955. 

Karnataka  Inscriptions.  2  vols.  Dharwar,  1941, 
1951. 

A  Collection  of  Prakrit  and  Sanskrit  Inscrip¬ 
tions.  Pub.  by  the  Bhavnagar  Archaeologi¬ 
cal  Department.  Bhavnagar,  (1905). 

Inscriptions  from  the  Madras  Presidency. 
3  vols.  Madras,  1919. 

Mysore  and  Coorg  from  Inscriptions.  London, 
1909. 

South  Indian  Inscriptions.  2  vols.  (ASI,  NIS , 
Vols.  44,  49).  Madras,  1924,  1926. 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India. 
Ed.  by  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar.  Madras, 
1932/ 

A  Corpus  of  Inscriptions  of  H.  E.  H.  Nizam’s 
Dominions.  HAS,  No.  13.  Hyderabad,  1940. 

South  Indian  Temple  Inscriptions.  3  vols. 
Madras,  1953-55. 


(Also  Epigraphia  Indica,  Epigraphia  Carnatica,  Annual  Report  on 
South  Indian  Epigraphy,  Annual  Report  on  Indian  Epigraphy , 
etc.) 


795 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Allan,  J. 


Banerji,  R.  D. 


Brown,  C.  J. 
Cunningham,  A. 


Elliot  W. 
Rapson,  E.  J. 
Singhal,  C.  R. 
Smith,  V.  A. 


Wright,  H.  N. 


( 2)  Coins 

Catalogue  of  the  Coins  of  Ancient  India  (in  the 
British  Museum).  London,  1936. 

Prachina  Mudra  (in  Bengali).  Calcutta,  1322 
B.S. 

Coins  of  India.  Calcutta,  1922. 

Coins  of  Mediaeval  India  from  the  seventh  cen¬ 
tury  down  to  the  Muhammadan  Conquest. 
London,  1894. 

Coins  of  Southern  India.  London,  1896. 

Indian  Coins.  Strassburg,  1897. 

Bibliography  of  Indian  Coins.  Bombay,  1950. 

Catalogue  of  the  Coins  in  the  Indian  Museum, 
Calcutta ,  including  the  Cabinet  of  the  Asiatic 
Society  of  Bengal.  Vol.  I  Oxford,  1906. 

Catalogue  of  Coins  in  the  Indian  Museum , 
Calcutta,  including  the  Cabinet  of  the  Asia¬ 
tic  Society  of  Bengal.  Vol.  II.  Oxford,  1907. 

III.  MODERN  WORKS  : 


(1)  Histories  of  the  Period 

Bhandarkar,  R.  G.  Early  History  of  the  Deccan.  BG.  Vol.  I.  Part 

2.  Bombay,  1896;  2nd  Ed.  CW,  III.  1-198. 
Poona,  1927;  3rd  Ed.  Calcutta,  1928. 

Haig,  Sir  Wolseley  Cambridge  History  of  India.  Vol.  III.  Cam¬ 
bridge,  1928. 

Jouyeau-Dubreuil,  Ancient  History  of  the  Deccan  (Trans,  from 
G.  the  French  by  V.  S.  Swaminadha  Dikshitar). 

Pondicherry,  1920. 

Lane-Poole,  Stanley  Mediaeval  India  under  Mohammadan  Rule. 

London,  1903. 

The  Mohammadan  Dynasties.  London,  1894. 
History  of  Bengal.  Vol.  I.  Dacca,  1943. 
Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India.  2  vols. 

Calcutta,  1931,  1936. 

History  of  Bengal.  Vol.  II.  Calcutta,  1948. 
Colas.  2nd  Ed.  Madras,  1955. 

History  of  India.  Vol.  I.  Madras,  1950. 

History  of  South  India.  Madras,  1955. 

Early  History  of  India.  4th  Ed.  Oxford,  1924. 
Chronicles  of  the  Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi.  Lon¬ 
don,  1871. 

History  of  Kanauj.  Benares,  1937. 

History  of  Mediaeval  Hindu  India.  3  vols. 
Poona,  i921-26. 

The  Early  Muslim  Expansion  in  Scnith  India. 
Madras,  1942. 


Majumdar.R.C.  (Ed.) 
Ray,  II.  C. 

Sarkar,  J.  N.  (Ed.) 
Sastrx,  K.  A.  Nila- 

KANTA 

j  •  •  • 

Smith,  V.  A. 

Thomas,  Edward 

Tripathi,  R.  S. 
Vaidya,  C.  V. 

Ve  N  K  ATAR  AM  ANA  Y  YA , 

N. 


(2)  Histories  of  Literature 

Dasctjpta,  S.  N.  (Ed.)  A  History  of  Sanskrit  Literature.  Classical 

Period.  Vol.  I.  Calcutta,  1947. 


796 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


De,  S.  K. 

Frazer,  R.  W. 
Geiger,  W. 


Gowen,  H.  H. 
Kane,  P.  Y. 


Keith,  A.  B. 


Krishnamachartar, 

M. 

Law,  B.  C. 
Macdonell,  A.  A. 
Winternitz,  M. 


11 


11 


Studies  in  the  History  of  Sanskrit  Poetics. 
2  vols.  London,  1923,  1925. 

Literary  History  of  India.  London,  1898. 

Pali  Literatur  und  Sprache.  Strassburg,  1916. 
Eng.  trans.  (Pali  Literature  and  Language ) 
by  B.  K.  Ghosh.  Calcutta,  1943. 

History  of  Indian  Literature.  New  York,  1931. 

History  of  Alahkdra  Literature.  2nd  Ed.  Bom¬ 
bay"  1923;  3rd  Ed.  ( History  of  Sanskrit 
Poetics).  Bombay,  1951. 

History  of  Sanskrit  Literature.  Oxford.  1928. 
Reprint  1941.  1948,  1953. 

Sanskrit  Drama.  Oxford,  1924.  Reprint,  1954. 

History  of  Classical  Sanskrit  Literature.  Mad¬ 
ras,  1937. 

History  of  Pali  Literature.  2  vols.  London. 
1933. 

History  of  Sanskrit  Literature.  London,  1900 
Reprint,  1928. 

History  of  Indian  Literature.  (Eng.  Trans,  by 
Mrs.  S.  Ketkar).  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1927,  1933. 

Geschichte  des  indischen  Literatur.  Band  III. 
Leipzig,  1920. 


(3)  Religion  and  Philosophy 


Bhandarkar,  R.  G. 

Bhattaciiaryya, 

H.  D.  (Ed.) 

>>  »> 
Dasgupta,  S.  N. 
Farquhar,  J.  N. 

Kane,  P.  V. 

Radhakrishnan,  S. 
Vidyabhushana,  S.C. 
Zimmer,  H. 


Vaishnavism,  Saivism  and  Minor  Religious 
Systems.  Strassburg,  1913.  Indian  Edition. 
Poona,  1938. 

The  Philosophies.  Cultural  Heritage  of  India. 
2nd  Ed.  Vol.  III.  Calcutta,  1953. 

The  Religions.  Cultural  Heritage  of  India.  2nd 
Ed.  Vol.  IV.  Calcutta,  1956. 

History  of  Indian  Philosophy .  5  vols.  Cam¬ 
bridge,  1932-55. 

Outline  of  the  Religious  Literature  of  India. 
Oxford,  1920. 

History  of  Dharmasastra.  4  vols.  Poona, 
1930-53 

Indian  Philosophy.  2  vols.  London,  1923,  1927. 

History  of  Indian  Logic.  Calcutta,  1921. 

Philosophies  of  India.  Ed.  by  J.  Campbell.  Lon¬ 
don,  1953. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

(Note:  In  the  Bibliographies  to  the  different  chapters,  full  refer¬ 
ences  to  the  Original  Sources  and  Modern  Works,  mentioned 
earlier,  are  not  given  save  in  exceptional  cases.) 

797 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 
CHAPTER  I 

GHAZNAVID  INVASIONS 


Original  Sources 


Al-Birunl 


Al‘Utbi 


Baihaqi,  Abu-l-Fazl 
Farrukhi 


Firishta,  Muham¬ 
mad  Qasirn 

Hamd-Ullah 

MustaufI 

Qazvlnl 


Ibn-ul-AsIr 

Khvand  Mir 

Mahmud  GardizI 

Minhaj-ud-din  b. 
Siraj-ud-dln 

Nizam-ud-dln 

Ahmad 

‘Bnsuri 


Ta’rikWl-Hind .  Text  and  Translation.  S.  C. 
Sachau.  Trubner’s  Oriental  Series.  London, 
1910. 

Ta’rikh-i-Yamini.  Lahore.  Extracts  trans. 
HIED ,  II.  Extracts  trans.  in  Medieval  Indian 
History  (pp.  34-66)  by  Sri  Ram  Sharma 

(1956). 

Ta’rikh-i-Baihaqi.  BI.  Calcutta,  1862.  Ex¬ 
tracts  trans.  HIED ,  II. 

Diwan.  Extract  in  Nazim's  Life  and  Times  of 
Sultan  Mahmud  of  Ghazna,  Appendices  K. 
and  M. 

Ta'rtkh-i-Firishta.  Eng.  trans.  by  Briggs. 
London,  1827. 

Ta’rikh-i-Guzida.  Text  and  abridged  Trans. 
E.  J.  W.  Gibb  Memorial  Series,  No.  XIV, 
vols.  I  (Persian  Text)  and  II  (Abridged 
trans.  and  indices,  by  Brown  and  Nicholson). 
London,  1911,  1914. 

Al-Ta’rikh  ul-Kamil.  Ed.  by  Tornberg.  Ex¬ 
tracts  trans.  HIED,  II. 

Habib-us-Siyar.  Extracts  trans.  HIED,  IV. 
154-212. 

Kitab  Zain-ul-Akhbtir.  Ed.  by  M.  Nazim.  Ber¬ 
lin,  1928. 

Tabaqat-i-Nasirl.  BI.  Calcutta  1864.  Eng.  trans. 
by  H,  G.  Raverty.  Calcutta,  1880. 

Tabaqat-i-Akbari.  BI.  Eng.  trans.  by  B.  De. 
BI.  Calcutta,  1913. 

Divan.  Tehran,  n.d. 


Modern  Workes 

Eiaiot,Sib  H.  M.  and  The  History  of  India  as  told  by  Its  own  Histo - 
Dowson,  Professor  rians.  1867-1877  (vol.  II,  p.  434,  Appendix, 
jOHN  *  “Mahmud’s  Expedition  in  India”). 

UABSB}  m.  Sultan  Mahmud  of  Ghaznin.  Aligarh,  1927. 

Haigh  Sir Wolseley  The  Cambridge  History  of  India.  Vol.  III. 

Cambridge,  1928. 

Nazim,  M.  The  Life  and  Times  of  Sultan  Mahmud  of 

Ghazna.  Cambridge,  1931. 

Skbine,  F.  H.  B.  and 

Ross.  E.  Denison  Heart  of  Central  Asia.  London,  1899. 


798 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


CHAPTER  II 

NORTHERN  INDIA  DURING  ELEVENTH  AND 
TWELFTH  CENTURIES 

(i)  DYNASTIES  OF  BENGAL 


Original  Sources:  Literary  and  Inscriptions 
Dhoyi  Pavanaduta.  Ed,  by  C.  Chakravarti.  Calcutta, 

1926. 


Maitreya,  A.  K. 
Majumdar,  N.  G. 
Minhaj-ud-din  B. 

SlRAJ-UD-DIN 

Sandhyakaranandi 

Sumpa  Mkhan  Po 


Gaudalekhamdld.  Rajshahi,  1319  (B.S.). 
Inscriptions  of  Bengal.  Vol.  III.  Rajshahi,  1929. 
Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri.  Calcutta,  1864.  Trans,  by 
H.  G.  Raverty.  Calcutta,  1880. 

Rama-charita.  Ed.  by  R.  C.  Majumdar  and 
others.  Rajshahi,  1939. 

Pag-Sam-Jon-Zang .  Ed.  by  S.  C.  Das.  Calcutta, 
1908. 


Modern  Works 


Banerji,  R.  D. 

a 

Chanda,  R.  P. 

Das,  S.  C. 

Ganguly,  B.  C. 

Majumdar,  R.C.  (Ed.) 
Paul,  P.  L. 

Ray,  H.  C. 

Sarkar,  J.  N.  (Ed.) 
Taranatha 


Bdngaldr  Itihdsa  (Bengali).  3rd  Ed.  Calcutta. 
Pdlas  of  Bengal .  MASB,  V,  3.  Calcutta,  1915. 
Gauda-rdjamaid.  Rajshahi,  1319  B.S. 

Indian  Pandits  in  the  Land  of  Snow .  Calcutta, 
1893. 

4 ‘Origin  of  the  Varman  and  Sena  Dynasties”. 
IHQ,  XII.  607-12. 

The  History  of  Bengal.  Vol.  I.  Dacca,  1943. 
The  Early  History  of  Bengal .  Calcutta,  1939. 
Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India.  Vol.  I. 

Calcutta,  1931  (Ch.  VI). 

The  History  of  Bengal.  Vol.  II.  Calcutta,  1948. 
Geschichte  des  Buddhismus  in  Indien.  Trans, 
by  Anton  Schiefner.  St.  Petersburg,  1869. 
Extracts  trans.  by  W.  L.  Heeley.  IA,  IV.  101- 
4.  Eng.  trans.  by"U.  N.  Ghoshal  and  N.  Dutt. 
IHQ,  III.  60-68;  508-9;  803-7;  IV.  530-3;  V. 
715-21;  VI,  334-44;  VII.  150-60;  VIII.  247-52; 
X.  551-57;  XXVII.  239-49;  XXVIII.  41-50. 


(ii)  DYNASTIES  OF  ASSAM 
Original  Sources:  Inscriptions 

B  h  attack  arya,  P.  N.  Kdmarupa-sdsandvalt.  Rang  pur,  1338  (B.S.). 


Barua,  K.  L. 
Gait,  E. 

Ray,  H.  C. 


Bend  all,  C. 


Modern  Works 

History  of  Assam.  Shillong,  1933. 

History  of  Assam.  2nd  Ed.  Calcutta,  1928. 
Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India.  Vol.  I. 
Calcutta,  1931  (Ch.  V). 

(in)  DYNASTIES  OF  NEPAL 
Original  Sources:  Literary 

Catalogue  of  the  Buddhist  Sanskrit  MSS.  at 
Cambridge.  Cambridge,  1886. 


799 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Bend  all,  C. 

Catalogue  of  the  Sanskrit  MSS.  in  the  British 
Museum.  London,  1902. 

Sastri,  H.  P. 

Catalogue  of  Palm-leaf  and  Selected  Paper 
MSS.  belonging  to  the  Durbar  Library , 
Nepal.  Calcutta,  1905. 

Bend  all,  C. 

Modern  Works 

“A  History  of  Nepal  and  Surrounding  King¬ 
doms”.  JASB ,  1903. 

Kirkpatrick,  Col. 

An  Account  of  the  Kingdom  of  Nepal.  London, 
1811. 

Landon,  Perciyal 
Levi,  Sylvain 

Ray,  H.  C. 

Nepal .  2  vols.  London,  1928. 
he  Nepal.  3  vols.  Paris,  1905. 

Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India.  Vol.  I, 
Ch.  IV. 

Wright,  D. 

History  of  Nepal.  Cambridge,  1877. 

(iv)  DYNASTIES  OF  BIHAR 

Chakra varty,  M.  “Mithila  during  pre-Mughal  Period”.  JASB, 


Levi,  Sylvain 

Ray,  H.  C. 

1915.  406-32. 

Le  Nepal.  Vol.  II. 

DHN1,  I,  Ch.  VI. 

For  the  Gupta  dynasty,  cf.  JBORS,  V.  582  ff. 
(v)  DYNASTIES  OF  UTTAR  PRADESH 


Chand  Bardai 

Original  Sources 

Prithviraja  Raso.  Ed.  by  S.S.Das.  Benares, 
1904. 

Jayanaka 

Prithviraja-vijaya.  See  above,  under  “General 
Bibliography”,  I,  A,  v,  “Historical  Works.” 

Hasan-un-N  izaml 
Ibn-ul-Asir 

Taf-ul-Ma’asir.  Extracts  trans.  HIED ,  II. 
Al-Tafrikh  ul-Kdmil.  Ed.  by  Tornberg.  Ex¬ 
tracts  trans.  HIED,  II. 

Khwaja  Mas’ud  bin 
Sa‘ld  bin  Salman 

Diwdn-i-Salmdn.  Ed.  by  Abu-’l  Qasim  Akh- 
vani.  Tehran,  1879.  Extracts  trans.  HIED, 
IV. 

Minhaj-ud-din 

Tabaqdt-i-Nasiri.  Calcutta,  1864.  Trans,  by 
H.  G.  Raverty.  Calcutta,  1880. 

Muhammad  Qasim 
Firishta 
Nayachandra 

Ta’rikh-i-Firishta.  Trans,  by  J.  Briggs.  Vol.  I. 
Calcutta,  1827. 

Rambhdmanjari.  With  a  comm,  by  Rama- 
chandra  Sastri.  Bombay,  1889. 

Ganguly,  D.  C. 

Modern  Works 

“Early  History  of  the  Gahadavalas”.  PAIOC, 
VII.  ( IHQ ,  IX.  951-6). 

“Historical  Information  in  the  Prakrita-Pain- 
galam”.  IHQ,  XI.  564-9. 

>>  >» 

“The  Historical  Value  of  Diwan-i-Salman”. 
Islamic  Culture,  XVI. 

Haldar,  R.  R. 

“Some  Reflections  on  Prithviraja  Rasa”. 
JBBRAS,  1927,  III.  203-11*. 

800 

GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Ramkaran 

Ram,  H.  C. 

Reu,  Bisheshwar 
Nath 

Sanyal,  N.  B. 

Sur,  A.  K. 
Syamal  Das 


Tripathi,  R.  S. 


“History  of  the  Rathors”.  Sir  Asutosh  Moo - 
kerjee  Silver  Jubilee  Volumes ,  III.  2.255  ff. 
“Gahadavalas  of  Varanasi  and  Kanyakubja”. 
DHNI,  Vol.  I,  Ch.  VIII. 

“The  Rashtrakutas  and  the  Gahadavalas”. 
JR  AS,  1930.  Ill  ff. 

“The  predecessors  of  the  Gahadavalas  of 
Kanauj”.  JASB,  1925.  103-106.  * 

“Gahadavalas  of  Kanauj”.  IHQ,  V.  86-102. 
“The  Antiquity,  Authenticity  and  Genuine 
ness  of  the  Epic  called  Prithviraja  Rasa,  and 
commonly  ascribed  to  Chand  Bardai”. 
JASB ,  1887,  LV.  5-65. 

History  of  Kanauj.  Benares,  1937. 


(vi)  THE  KACHCHHAPAGHATA  AND  THE 
YAJVAPALA  DYNASTIES 


Cunningham,  A. 
Minhaj-ud-dln 

Muhammad  Qasim 
Firishta 

Nizam-ud-dln 

Ahmad 


Original  Sources 
ASC,  II. 

Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri  (See  above,  under  “General 
Bibliography”). 

Ta’rikh-i-Firishta.  Vol.  I.  Eng.  trans.  by  J. 
Briggs  (See  above,  under  “General  Biblio¬ 
graphy”). 

Tabaodt-i-Akbari.  Trans,  by  B.  De.  Calcutta. 
1913. 


Modern  Works 


Garde,  M.  B.  “The  Jajvapala  or  Jajapellas  of  Narwar”.  I  A, 

XL VII.  241. 

Mitra,  R.  L.  “Vestiges  of  the  kings  of  Gwalior”.  JASB , 

1362,  391-424. 

(vii)  THE  CHANDELLA  DYNASTY  OF 
JE  J  AK  ABHUKTI 


Cunningham,  A. 

Hasan-un-NizamI 

Krishna  Misra 
•  • 


Minhaj-ud-din 


Muhammad  Qasim 
Smith,  V.  A. 


Original  Sources 
ASC ,  II,  X,  XXI. 

Tdj-ul-Ma’asir.  Extracts  trans.  HIED,  II. 
Prabodha-chandrodaya.  Bombay,  1924.  Trans. 

By  J.  Taylor.  London,  1862. 
Tabaqdt-i-Ndsiri  (See  above,  under  “General 
Bibliography”). 

Ta’rikh-i-Firishta  (See  above  under  “General 
Bibliography”). 

“The  History  and  Coinage  of  the  Chandel  Dy¬ 
nasty  of  Bundelkhand”.  I  A,  XXXVII.  114- 
48. 


Bose,  N.  S. 
Ray,  H.  C. 


Modern  Works 

History  of  the  Chandellas  of  Jejakabhukti. 

Calcutta,  1956. 

DHNI ,  Vol.  II,  Ch.  XI. 


801 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(vii) 


Cunningham,  A. 
Hibajlal 

Mirashz,  V.  V. 


Banerji,  E,  D. 

Ray,  H.  C. 

(viiij 


‘Abd-u-lah  Wassaf 
Amir  Khusrav 


Hemachandra 

Madana 

Merutufiga 

Padmagupta 

Prahladana 

Some&vara 


Ganguly,  D.  C. 
Hay,  H.  C. 

(ix) 


Balachandra 

Charitrasundara 

Forbes 

Hasan-un-NizamI 

Hemachandra 


THE  KALACHURI  DYNASTY 

Original  Sources 

ASCf  IX,  XVII. 

List  of  Inscriptions  in  the  Central  Provinces 
and  Berar .  2nd  Ed.  Nagpur,  1932. 

Inscriptions  of  the  Kalachuri-Chedi  Era.  Cor¬ 
pus  Inscriptionum  Indicarum,  Vol.  IV,  Pts.  1 
and  2.  Ootacamund,  1955. 

Modern  Works 

The  Haihayas  of  TripurJ  and  their  Monuments. 

MASI,  No.  23.  Calcutta,  1931. 

DHNI,  II,  Ch.  XII. 

THE  FAHAMARA  DYNASTY 

Original  Sources 

Tazjiyatu-l-Amsar.  Extracts  trans.  HlEDy  III, 
24." 

Ta*rikh~i-Alai.  Aligarh,  1927.  Extracts  trans. 
H1ED}  III.  67.  Eng.  trans.  ( Campaigns  of 
'Ala-ud-din  Khalji )  by  M.  Habib.  Bombay, 
1931. 

Dvyasraya-kavya.  Bombay.  Extracts  trans. 
1A ,  IV.  72  ff. 

Pdrijdtamahjari.  El,  VIII.  96-122. 

Prabandha-chintamani-  Bombay,  1888.  Trans, 
by  C.  H.  Tawney.  Calcutta,  1901  (see  above, 
under  “General  Bibliography”). 

Navasahasanka-ckarita.  Bombay,  1895.  Ex¬ 
tracts  trans.  I  A,  XXXVI  (See  above,  under 
“General  Bibliography”). 

Pdrthapara krama  Vydyoga.  GOS.  Baroda,  1917. 

Surathotsava.  Bombay,  1902. 

Modern  Works 

History  of  the  Paramdra  Dynasty.  Dacca,  1933. 

DHNI,  II,  Ch.  XIV. 

THE  CHAULUKYAS  AND  THE 
VAGHELAS 

Original  Sources 

Vasantavildsa-Mahakdvya.  Baroda,  1917. 

Kumdrapala-charita.  JASS,  No.  57.  Bhav- 
nagar,  1917. 

Rds  Maid.  Ed.  by  H.  G.  Rawlinson.  Oxford, 
1924. 

Tdyul-Ma’asir.  Extracts  trans.  HIED,  II. 

Dvydsraya-kavya.  Bombay.  Extracts  trans.  1A , 
IV.  72  ff. 


802 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Jayasimha 

>> 

5  f 

Merutunga 

Minhaj-ud-din 

Nizam-ud-din 

Rajasekhara 

Somaprabhacharya 

Some£vara 

a 

Udayaprabha 


Bhagayanlal  Indra- 
ji 

Majumdar,  A.  K. 
Ray,  H.  C. 


Hammira-mada-mardana.  GOS.  Baroda,  1920. 

Kumar  apala-charita.  Bombay,  1926. 

Vastupala-Tejahpala-prdsasti  ( Hammira-mada - 
mardana,  Appendix  I). 

Prabandha-chintamani.  Bombay,  1888.  Trans, 
by  C.  H.  Tawney.  Calcutta,  1901. 

T ah  aqat-i-N  asiri.  Trans,  by  Raverty. 

Tabaqat-i-Akbari .  Trans,  by  B.  De.  Calcutta, 
1913. 

Vastupala-prabandha.  GOS,  VII.  197.  Baroda, 
1917. 

Kumarapala-pratibodha.  GOS.  XIV.  Baroda, 
1920. 

Kirttikaumudi.  Bombay,  1883. 

Surathotsava.  Bombay,  1902. 

Sukrita-kirti-kallolini  ( Hammira-mada-marda - 
na,  Appendix  II,  pp.  67-90).  GOS,  X. 

Baroda,  1920. 

Modern  Works 

“Early  History  of  Gujarat.”  Bombay  Gazet¬ 
teer,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I.  Bombay,  1896. 

Chaulukyas  of  Gujarat .  Bombay,  1956. 

DHNI,  n,  Ch.  XV. 


(x)  THE  CHAHAMANA  DYNASTY 


Chand  Bardai 

Chandrasekhara 

Hasan-un-NizamI 
Jayanaka  (?) 
Lakshmidhara 


Merutuiiga 


Minhaj-ud-din 


Muhammad  Qasim 
Firishta 

Muhanota  Nairn!  ki 
Khydta 

Nayachandra  Suri 


Original  Sources 

Prithvlrdja  Rdso.  Ed.  by  M.  V.  Pandia  and  S.S. 
Das.  Benares,  1913. 

Surjana-charita.  Ed.  by  J.  B.  Chaudhury.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1951. 

Taj-ul-Ma’asir.  Extracts  trans.  HIED,  II. 
Prithvirdja-vijaya.  BI.  Calcutta,  1914-22. 
Viruddha-vidhi-vidhvamsa.  Extract.  Cat.  of 
Sans.  MSS.  India  Office  Library ,  Pt.  Ill,  p. 
490. 

Prabandha-chintamani.  SJS.  Santiniketan, 
1933. 

Tabaqdt-i-N asiri.  Trans,  by  Raverty.  Calcutta, 
1873-97. 

Ta’rikh-i-Firishta.  Trans,  by  Briggs.  London, 
1827-29. 

Hindi  Trans,  by  R.  Dugada.  Benares,  Samvat 
1982. 

Hammira-mahakdvya.  Bombay,  1879. 


Modern  Works 

Bhandarkar,  D.  R.  “Chahamanas  of  Marwar”.  El,  XI.  67  ff. 
Ganguly,  D.  C.  “Historical  information  in  the  Prakrita  Paih- 

galam”.  IHQ,  XI.  564-9. 

„  „  “A  New  Light  on  the  History  of  the  Chaha¬ 

manas”.  IHQ,  XVI.  567-73. 


803 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Haldab,  R.  R. 

Bay,  H.  C. 
Syamal  Das 


Tod,  J. 


“Some  Reflections  on  Prithviraja  Rasa”. 

JBBRAS,  1927.  203-11. 

DHN1,  Vol.  II,  Ch.  XVI. 

“The  Antiquity,  Authenticity  and  Genuine¬ 
ness  of  the  Epic  called  the  Prithviraja  Rasa, 
and  commonly  ascribed  to  Chand  Bardai." 
JASB}  1887.  5-65. 

Annals  and  Antiquities  of  Rajasthan.  Ed.  by 
W.  Crooke.  Oxford,  1920. 


(xi)  THE  GUHILA  DYNASTY 
Original  Sources 

Amir  Khusrav  Ta’rikh-i-‘Aldi.  Ed.  by  Syed  Moinul  Haq.  Ali¬ 

garh,  1927.  Extract  trans.  HIED ,  III.  Ex¬ 
tract  Trans,  by  M.  Habib.  JIH,  1929.  369-73. 
Malik  Muhammad  Padumdvati.  Ed.  by  G.  A.  Grierson  and  S. 
Jayasi  Dvivedi.  BI.  Calcutta,  1886-1911.  Eng. 

trans.  by  A.  G.  Shirreff.  BI.  Calcutta,  1944. 
Muhammad  Qasim  Ta’rikh-i-Firishta.  Trans,  by  Briggs.  Vol.  I. 
Firishta  London,  1827. 


Ran  wit  jee  A.  C. 
Durr,  S.  C. 
Ojha,  G.  H. 


Ray,  H.  0. 
Tod.  J. 


Modern  Works 

Rajput  Studies.  Calcutta.  1944. 

“The  First  Saka  of  Chitor”.  1HQ.  VII.  287-300. 
History  of  Rajputana  (Hindi).  Ajmer,  1936 
ff. 

DHNI,  Vol.  II,  Ch.  XVIII. 

Annals  and  Antiquities  of  Rajasthan.  £d.  by 
W.  Crooke.  Oxford,  1920. 

(xii)  ’  YAMINi  DYNASTY 


Abu-'l-Fazl  Baihaqi 


Abu  Sa‘Id  ‘Abdu¬ 
llah  Baizawl 
Hamd-Ullah 
Mustanfi 
Qazvlnl 

Khwaja  Mas’ud  bin 
Sa‘id  bin  Salman 
Minhaj-ud-dln 

Muhammad  Qasim 
Firishta 
Nizam-ud-din 
Ahmad 


Original  Sources 

Ta’rikh-i-Baihaqi  also  known  as  Tarikh-i- 
Sabuktigin.  Calcutta,  1862.  Extracts  trans. 
HIED ,  II. 

Nizamu-t-Ta’rikh.  Extracts  trans.  HIED ,  II. 

Ta'rikh-i-Guzida,  Text  and  abridged  Trans. 
E.  J.  W.  Gibb  Memorial  Series.  Vols.  I  and 
II.  London,  1911,  1914. 

Diuxin-i-Salman.  Tehran,  1879.  Extracts  trans. 
HIED,  IV. 

T  a  baqdt-i-N  dsiri.  Calcutta,  1864.  Trans,  by 
Raverty.  Calcutta,  1880. 

T a’rik h-i-F irishta .  Trans,  by  Briggs.  London, 
1827-29. 

Tabadi-i-Akbari.  Trans,  by  B.  De.  Calcutta, 
1913. 


Modem  Works 

Ganguly,  D.  C.  “Historical  Value  of  the  Diwan-i-Salman”.  Isla¬ 

mic  Culture,  XVI. 


804 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Haig.  Sir  Wolseley  The  Cambridge  History  of  India.  Vol.  III. 

Cambridge,  1928. 

(xiii)  DYNASTIES  OF  KASHMIR 
Original  Sources 

Jonaraja  Dvitiya  Rdjatarahgim.  Ed.  by.  P.  Peterson. 

Bombay,  1896.  Trans,  by  J.  C.  Datta.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  lS87. 

Kalhana  RdjatararigmI.  Ed.  and  Trans,  by  M.A.  Stein. 

Bombay,  1892;  Westminster.  1900. 

LIST  OF  IMPORTANT  INSCRIPTIONS 
Pulas  of  Bengal 

[A  large  collection  of  inscriptions  will  be  found  in  Gauda-lekha - 
maid  by  A.  K.  Maitreya.] 

Bangarh  Copper-Plate  of  Mahipala  I.  El,  XIV.  324. 

Sarnath  Stone-Inscription  of  the  reign  of  Mahipala  I.  IA,  XIV. 
139. 

Gaya  Krishnadvarika  Temple-Inscription  of  the  reign  of  Naya- 
pala .  JASB.  LXIX.  190. 

Nimdighi  (Manda)  Stone-Inscription.  IHQ.  XVII.  207. 

Manahali  CP.  JASB .  LXIX.  Pt.  I.  68. 

Dina  jour  iBangrah)  Pillar-Inscription.  JASB.  NS.,  VII.  619. 
Irda'C.P.  of  Kamboja  Nayapala.  EL  XXII.  150. 

Kamauli  CP.  of  Vaidyadeva.  El,  IT.  350. 

Vo mans  of  East  Bengal 

Samantasar  CP.  of  Harivarman.  Bhdratavarsha ,  1344  (Bengali 
Sarh),  169. 

Bhuvaneswar  SI.  of  the  time  of  Harivarman.  IB.  III.  25. 

Belava  CP.  of  Bhojavarman.  IB,  III.  14. 

Senas  of  Bengal 

[A  large  collection  of  inscriptions  will  be  found  in  Inscriptions 
of  Bengal,  Vol.  Ill  by  N.  G.  Majumdar. J 
Deopara  SI.  of  Vijayasena.  EL  I.  305. 

Naihati  CP.  of  Vallalasena.  El,  XIV.  156. 

Rajavadi  CP.  of  Lakshmanasena.  El,  XXVI.  1. 

Madhainagar  CP.  of  Lakshmanasena.  IB.  III.  106. 

Edilpur  CP.  of  Kesavasena.  IB,  III.  118. 

Devas  of  Samatata  and  Vanga 

Chittagong  CP.  of  Damodara,  Saka  1165.  IB,  III.  158. 

Mehar  CP.  of  Damodara,  S.  1156.  EL  XXVII. 

Adavadi  CP.  of  Dasaratha.  IB,  III.  180. 

Dynasty  of  Pattikera 

Mainamati  CP.  of  Ranavahkamalla,  S.  1141.  IHQ,  IX.  282. 
Assam 

Bargaon  CP.  of  Ratnapala.  JASB,  LXVII.  99. 

Assam  CP.  of  Vallabhadeva.  EI.  V.  181. 

Rashtrakutas  of  Kanauj 

Budaun  SI.  of  Lakhanapala.  EI,  I.  61. 


805 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Gdhadavalas  of  Kanauj  and  Banaras 

Chandravati  CP.  of  Chandradeva,  V.S.’ 1148.  El,  IX.  302. 
Basahi  CP.  of  the  reign  of  Madanapala,  V.S.  1161. IA.,  XIV.  101. 
Rahan  CP.  of  the  reign  of  Madanapala,  V.S.  1166.  I  A,  XVIII.  14. 
Sarnath  SI.  of  the  reign  of  Govindachandra.  Ef,  IX.  319. 
Benares  College  CP.  of  Jayachandra,  V.S.  1232.  IA,  XVIII.  129. 
Machhiisahr  CP.  of  Harischandra,  V.S.  1253.  El,  X.  95. 

Kachchhapaghdtas 

Sasbahu  temple  inscription  of  Mahipala,  V.S.  1150.  IA,  XV.  33. 
Dubkund  Inscription  of  Vikramasimha,  V.S.  1145.  El,  II.  232. 
Narwar  CP.  of  Virasimha,  V.S.  1177.  JAOS,  VI.  542. 

Chandellas 

A  fragmentary  SI.  of  Harsha  (?).  El,  I.  121. 

Khajuraho  SI.  of  Dhahga,  V.S.  1011.  El,  I.  122. 

Nanyaura  CP.  of  Dhahga,  V.S.  1055.  IA,  XVI.  201. 

Deogarh  Rock  Inscription  of  Kirttivarman,  V.S.  1154.  I  A,  XVIII. 
237. 

Augasi  CP.  of  Madanavarman,  V.S.  1190.  IA,  XVI.  202. 

Mau  SI.  of  Madanavarman.  El,  I.  195. 

Semra  CP.  of  Paramardi,  V.S.  1223,  El,  IV.  153. 

Baghari  SI.  of  Paramardi,  V.S.  1252.  El,  I.  207  (Batesvara). 
Kalanjar  SI.  of  Paramardi,  V.S.  1258.  JASB,  1848,  XVII.  313. 
Garra  CP.  of  Trailoky avarman ,  V.S.  1261.  El,  XVI.  272. 

Rewah  CP.  of  Trailokyavarman,  V.S.  1297.  I  A,  XVII.  231. 
Rewah  CP.  of  Trailokyavarman,  V.S.  1298.  I A ,  XVII.  235. 
Ajaigarh  Rock  Inscription  of  Vir avarman,  V.S.  1337.  El,  I.  325. 
Dahi  CP.  of  Viravarman,  V.S.  1337.  ASC,  XXI.  74. 

Ajaigarh  Rock  Inscription  of  Bhojavarman.  El,  I.  330. 

Charkhari  State  CP.  of  Hammlr avarman,  V.S.  1346.  El,  XX.  137. 

Kalachuris 

[A  large  collection  of  inscriptions  will  be  found  in  Inscriptions 
of  the  Kalachuri-Chedi  Era  by  V.  V.  Mirashi.] 

Kahla  CP.  of  Shodhadeva  of  Sarayupara,  V.S.  1135.  El,  VII.  85. 
Kasia  SI.  of  Bhimata  II  (?)  of  the  Kasia  branch.  El,  XVTII.  121. 
Bilhari  SI.  of  Yuvaraja  II  of  Dahala.  El,  I.  251. 

Benares  CP.  of  Kama,  K.E.  793.  El,  II.  297. 

Goharwa  CP.  of  Karna.  El,  XI.  139. 

Rewah  ST.  of  Karna.  K.E.  812.  MASI,  No.  23.  130. 

Khairha  CP.  of  Yasahkarna,  K.E.  823.  El,  XII.  205. 

Bheraghat  SI.  of  Alhanadevi,  K.E.  907.  El,  II.  7. 

Rewah  CP.  of  Jayasimha,  K.E.  926.  I  A,  XVII.  224. 

Karanbel  SI.  of  Jayasimha.  I  A,  XVIII.  214. 

Rewah  CP.  of  Vijayasirhha,  V.S.  1253.  I  A,  XVII.  227. 

Amoda  CP.  of  PrithvTdeva  of  Tummana,  K.E.  831.  El,  XIX.  75. 
Ratnapur  SI.  of  Jaialladeva,  K.  E.  866.  El,  I.  32. 

Raiim  SI.  of  PrithvTdeva  II,  K.  E.  896.  IA.  XVII.  135. 

Koni  Inscription  of  PrithvTdeva  II,  K.E.  900.  EL  XXVII.  276. 
Kharod  SI.  of  Ratnadeva  III,  K.  E.  993.  I  A,  XXII.  82. 
Paramaras 

Harscla  CP.  of  Slyaka  II,  V.S.  1005.  El,  XIX.  236. 

Banswara  CP.  of  Bhoja,  V .  S.  1076.  El,  XI.  181. 

806 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Tilakwada  CP.  of  Bhoja,  V.S.  1103.  PAIOC,  I.  319. 

Panhera  SI.  of  Jayasimha,  V.S.  1116.  ASI,  1916*17.  19. 

Udepur  SI.  of  Udayaditya.  El,  I.  222, 

Dongargaon  SI.  of  Jagaddeva,  V.S.  1034.  El,  XXVI. 

Jainad  SI.  of  Jagaddeva.  El,  XXII.  54. 

Nagpur  SI.  of  Naravarman,  V.S.  1161.  El,  II.  180. 

Piplianagar  CP.  of  Arjunavarman,  V.S.  1267.  JASB ,  1836,  V. 
377. 

Dhar  Praiasti  of  Arjunavarman.  El,  VIII.  96. 

Mandhata  CP.  of  Devapala,  V.S.  1282.  El,  IX.  103. 

Mandhata  CP.  of  Jay&varman  II,  V.S.  1317,  El,  IX.  117. 
Vasantgadh  SI.  of  Purpapala  of  Mt.  Abu,  V.S.  1099.  El,  IX.  10. 
Ajahari  SI.  of  Yasodh&vala,  V.  S.  1202.  IA,  LVI.  12. 

Abu  SI.  of  Dharavarsha,  V.S.  1220,  I  A,  LVI.  50. 

Abu  SI.  of  Somasimha,  V.S.  1287.  El,  VIII.  204. 

Patanarayaoa  SI.  of  Pratapasimha,  V.S.  1344.  IA,  1916.  77. 
Arthuna  SI.  of  Chtoiun^araja  of  Vagada,  V.S.  1136,  El,  XIV 
295. 

Jalor  SI.  of  Visala  of  Javalipura,  V.S,  1174.  PR,  ASI ,  WC,  1909. 

54. 

Kiratfu  SI.  of  Somesvara  of  Bhinmal,  V.S.  1218.  Nahar,  Jain  a 
Ins.,  Ft.  I,  p.  251, 

Chauiukyas 

Balera  CP.  of  Mularlja,  V.S.  1051.  El,  X.  76. 

Radhanpur  CP.  of  Bhlma  I,  V.S.  1086.  I  A,  VI.  193. 

Sunak  CP.  of  Karna,  V.S.  1148.  El,  I.  316. 

Navsari  inscription  of  Karna,  S.  996.  Bh.  List,  1098;  JBBRAS, 
XXVI.  255 

Ujjain  SI.  of  Jayasimha,  V.S.  1195.  IA.  XX.  258. 

Dohad  SI.  of  Jayasimha,  V.S,  1196.  I  A,  XX.  158. 

Taiwara  SI.  of  Jayasimha.  An.  Rep.  Raj.  M.,  1915.  2. 

Chitorgadh  SI.  of  Kumarapala,  V.S,  1207.  El,  II.  421. 
Vadnagar  Praiasti  of  Kumirapala,  V.S.  1208.  El,  I.  293. 

Veraval  Praiasti  of  Bhava  Brihaspatx,  Valabhi  Saih.  850. 

WZKM,  III.  1. 

Uday&pur  SI.  of  Ajayapala,  V.S.  1229.  I  A,  XVIII.  344. 

Bombay  Secretariat  CP.  of  Ajayapala,  V.S,  1231.  M,  XVIII.  80, 
Brahmanwada  CP.  of  Mularaja  II,  V.S.  1232.  Important  Inscrip¬ 
tions  from  the  Baroda  State,  I.  71. 

Veraval  SI.  of  Bhava  Brihaspati  of  the  time  of  Bhlma  II.  Prakrit 
and  Sanskrit  Inscriptions  of  Kattyawar,  208. 

Kadi  CP.  of  Bhlma  II,  V.S.  1263,  1283,  1287,  1288,  1295,  1298. 
IA  VI.  194.  f. 

Abu  SI.  of  Bhlma  II,  V.S.  1287.  El,  VIII.  200. 

Kadi  CP.  of  Jayantasimha,  V.S.  1280.  IA,  VI.  196. 

Dabhoi  SI.  of  Visaladeva,  V.S.  1311.  El,  I.  20. 

Veraval  CP,  of  Arjuna,  V.S.  1320.  I  A,  XL  241. 

Cintra  SI.  of  Sarahgadeva,  V.S.  1343.  El,  I.  271. 

Inscription  of  Karpa,  V.S.  1354.  ASI ,  1935-36,  p.  98. 

Surat  grant  of  Trilochanapala,  972.  I  A,  XII.  201. 

807 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Chahamdnas 

Dholapur  SI.  of  Chan^amahasena,  V.S.  898.  ZDMG,  XL.  39. 
Partabgarh  SI.  of  Mahendrapala  II,  V.S.  1003,  El,  XIV.  1060. 
Haras  SI.  of  Vigraharaja  II,  V.S.  1030.  El,  II.  119;  I  A,  XLII.  60. 
Ajmer  SI.  ( Lalita-Vigrahardja-ndtaka )  of  the  reign  of  Vigraha¬ 
raja  IV.  IA,  XX.  201  ff;  Gottinger  Festschrift,  1901,  pp.  1-15. 
Ajmer  SI.  (Harakeli-ndtaka)  of  Vigraharaja  IV.  I  A,  XX.  201  ff; 

Gottinger  Festschrift,  1901,  pp.  16-30. 

Delhi  Siwalik  Pillar  inscriptions  of  Vigraharaja  IV,  V.S.  1220. 
IA  XIX.  215 

Hansi  SI.  of  Prithviraja  II,  V.S.  1234.  IA,  1912.  17. 

Bijolia  Rock-Inscription  of  Somesvara,  V.S.  1226.  El,  XXVI.  91. 
Madanpur  SI.  of  Prithviraja  III.  V.S,  1239.  ASI,  XXI.  173. 
Mangle na  SI.  of  Balhana,  V.S.  1272.  IA,  1912.  85. 

Balvan  SI.  of  Hammlra,  V.S.  1345.  El,  XIX.  45. 

Sundha  Hill  SI.  of  Chachigadeva,  V.S.  1319.  El,  IX.  70. 

Guhilas 

Samoli  inscription  of  iSiladitya,  V.S.  703.  El,  XX.  97. 

Atpur  inscription  of  £aktikumara,  V.S.  1034.  I  A,  XXXIX.  191. 
Ghaghsa  SI.  of  Tejasimha,  V.S.  1322.  Annual  Report  of  the  Raj- 
putana  Museum,  1927.  p.  3. 

Chitor  SI.  of  Tejasimha,  V.S.  1324.  JASB,  LV.  Part  I,  46. 
Chirwa  SI.  of  Samarasiihha,  V.S.  1330.  El,  XXII.  285. 

Abu  SI.  of  Samarasiihha,  V.S.  1342.  IA,  XVI.  345. 
Kumbhalgarh  SI.  of  Rana  Kumbha,  V.S.  1517.  PRASI,  WC, 
1905-06,  p.  62,  No.  2223. 

Sadadi  SI.  of  Rana  Kumbha,  V.S.  1496.  AIS,  1907-08,  p.  214. 
Chafcsu  SI.  of  Baladitya.  El,  XII.  10. 

Mushanas  of  Chambd 

Kulait  CP.  inscription  of  Somavarman.  ASI,  1902-03,  184. 
Chamba  State  Museum  CP.  of  Somavarman  and  Asata.  I  A,  XVII. 
11. 


Chand  Bardai 

Chandrasekhara 

Firishta 

Hasan-un-Nizaml 

Jayanaka 

Lakshmidhara 

Merutunga 

Acharya 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  AGE  OF  PRITHVIRAJA  III 

Original  Sources:  Literary  Works 

Prithvtrdja-Rdso.  Ed.  by  Mohanlal  Vishanlal 
Pandia  and  Sham  Sundar  Das.  Benares,  1913. 
Siirjana-charita.  Ed.  with  intr.,  indices,  etc. 

by  J.B.  Chaudhury.  Calcutta,  1951. 
Ta’rikh-i-Firishta.  Eng.  Trans,  by  Briggs.  Vol. 

I  (See  above  under  “General  Bibliography”). 
Tdj-ul-Ma’dsir.  Extracts  trans.  HIED,  II.  204. 
Prithviraja-vijaya.  Ed.  by  G.  H.  Ojha  and  C. 

S.  Guleri.  Ajmer,  1941. 
Viruddha-vidhi-vidhvamsa.  Extract  Cat.  Ind. 

Office  Library,  Pt.  Ill,  p.  490. 
Prabandha-chintdmani .  Eng.  trans.  by  C.  H. 
Tawney.  Calcutta,  1901.  Text.  Ed.  by 
Ramachandra  Dinanatha.  Bombay,'  1888 
(See  above  under  “General  Bibliography”). 


808 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Minhaj-ud-din 

Muni  Jinavijaya 
(Ed.) 

Nayachandra  Suri 

Nizam-ud-din 

Ahmad 

Prahladana 

Ganguly,  D.  C. 

Haldar,  R.  R. 

Ray,  H.  C. 

»> 

Sab  da,  H.  B. 
Sarma,  Dasaratha 
S  yamal  Das 

Tod,  J. 


Tabaqat-i-Ndsiri.  Eng.  trans.  by  H.  G.  Raver- 
ty.  BI.  Calcutta,  1880  (See  above  under 
“General  Bibliography”). 

Prithvirdjaprabandha.  Published  in  the  Purd- 
tana-Prabandha-Samgraha,  Singhi  Jaina 
Granthamala. 

H a mmira-M a hd Jcav y a .  Ed.  by  N.  J.  Kirtane. 
Bombay,  1879.  Eng.  trans.  Extract,  I  A, 
VIII.  55. 

Tabaqat-i-Akbari.  Eng.  trans.  by  B.  De  (See 
above  under  “General  Bibliography”). 

Partha-Parakrama-Vyayoga .  Ed.  by  C.  D. 
Dalai.  GOS,  No.  IV.  Baroda,  1917. 

Modern  Works 

“A  New  Light  on  the  History  of  the  Chaha- 
manas”.  1HQ ,  XVI.  567-73. 

“Some  Reflections  on  Prithvlraja  Rasa”. 
JB3RAS,  III,  1927,  pp.  203  ff. 

Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India ,  II.  1083  ff : 

“The  Age  of  Chahamana  Prithvlraja  III”.  1C, 
VIII.  323-8. 

Pnthviruja-Vijaya.  Extract  trans.  JRAS,  1913, 
pp.  259  ff. 

“Prithvlraia  III:  The  last  Hindu  Emperor  of 
Delhi”.  IC,  XI.  51-73. 

“The  Antiquity,  Authenticity  and  Genuine¬ 
ness  of  the  Epic  called  the  Prithvi  Raja 
Rasa,  and  commonly  ascribed  to  Chand  Bar- 
dai”.  JASB ,  1887,  LV.  5-65. 

Annals  and  Antiquities  of  Rajasthan.  Ed.  by 
W.  Crook e.  Oxford,  1920. 


LIST  OF  IMPORTANT  INSCRIPTIONS 

Lohari  (Udaipur  State,  Rajputana)  Sati  SI.  of  the  reign  of 
Prithvlraja  (III),  dated  V.S.  1236.  Annual  Report  of  the 
Rajputana  Museum ,  1922-23,  p.  2. 

Madanpur  (Jhansi  Dist.,  U.P.)  SI.  of  the  time  of  Prithvlraja  III, 
dated  V.S.  1239.  ASC ,  X.  98;  XXI.  178,  174. 

Victoria  Museum,  Udaipur,  memorial  SI.  of  the  time  of  Prithvi- 
raja  III.  PRAS,  WC,  1905-06,  p.  62,  No.  2224. 

CHAPTER  IV 

THE  TURKISH  CONQUEST  OF  NORTHERN  INDIA 

Original  Sources 

Budauni,  ‘Abd-ul-Qadir 

Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh.  Ed.  by  W.  N.  Lees, 
Kablr-ud-din  Ahmad  and  Ahmad  ‘All.  BI. 
Calcutta,  1868.  Eng.  Trans.  Vol.  I  by  Lt.  Col. 
G.  S.  A.  Ranking.  BI.  Calcutta,  1898. 

80S 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Firishta,  Muhammad  Qasim 

Gulshan~i-lbrahiini.  Lithographed  at  Bombay. 
1832. 

Ghulam  Husain  Salim 

Riydz  u$~Saldtin.  Ed.  by  ‘Abdull-Haqq  Abid. 
BI.  Calcutta,  1890-98.  Eng.  trans.  by  ‘Abdu’s 
Salim.  BI.  Calcutta,  1902-04. 

Hamd-Ullih  Musi&ufi  Qazvml 

Tu’rikh-i-Guzida.  Text  and  abridged  trans. 
E.  J.  W.  Gibb  Mem.  Series.  No.  XIV,  Vets. 
1  and  2.  London,  1911,  1914. 

Taj-ulma’dsir.  Extracts  trans.  HIED ,  II. 
Habib-u$Siyar.  Extracts  trans.  HIED ,  IV. 
RhuldsaUuLAkhhdr. 

Tabaqat-i-Nasiri.  Text  BI.  Calcutta,  1884. 
Trans,  by  Maj.  H,  G.  Raverty.  BI.  Calcutta, 
1880. 

Rauzat-u&Safa.  Text.  Tehran,  1274  Hijrl. 
TabaqdUi-Akbari.  Text  and  trans.  BI.  (See 
above  under  “General  Bibliography”). 
Asar-us-Sanddid.  Cawnpore,  1904. 


Modern  Works 

See  above  under  “General  Bibliography”. 

The  Mohammudan  Dynasties.  London,  1894. 
Medieval  India  under  Mohammadan  Rule. 
London,  1903. 

“Hindu  Reaction  to  Muslim  Invasions”.  M.  M. 

Foliar  Comm.  Vol.,  pp.  341-341, 

Seistan .  Calcutta,  1910. 

The  Chronicles  of  the  Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi. 
London,  1871. 

CHAPTER  V 

MAMLVK  SULTANS  OF  DELHI 
Original  Sources 

Futuh-us'-Salatin  By  Isami  (Pen-name).  Edited  by  A.  M.  Husain. 

Agra,  1938, 

Hammira-maha-kcwya 

By  Nayachandra  Suri,  an  abridged  English 
translation  in  1879.  Also  see  above,  under 
“General  Bibliography”. 

Prithvirdja^vijaya^kdvya 

By  Jayanaka,  an  English  abstract  in  JRAS , 
1913.  Also  see  above,  under  “General 
Bibliography”. 

Qiranus-Sadain  By  Amir  Khusrau,  Lithographed.  Lucknow, 

1845;  an  English  abstract  by  Cowell  in 
JASR ,  1366. 

$10 


Hasan-un-Nizami 
Khvand  Mir 
?> 

Minhaj-ud-din  b. 
Si  raj -lid-din 

Mir  Khvand 

Nizam-ud-din 

Ahmad 

Sayyid  Ahmad 
Khan,  Dr.  Sir 


Elliot  axd  Dow  son 
Lane-Poole,  Stan- 
lev 

IIajumdail  R.  C. 

Tate,  G.  R. 

Thomas  Edward 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


S  irat-i-J  a  laluddin 
Mangbarnl 


T  a  baqat-i-N  asirl 


Taj-ul-Ma’asir 


Ta’rikh-i-Fakhr-ud - 
din  Mubdrakshlh 

Ta’rtk  h-i-Fir  uz- 
shdhl 


T  a  ’ rikh-i-Gnzida 


Ta’rik-i-J  alum- Gush  a 


By  Nuruddln  Muhammad  Zaidarl  al-Nessawi. 
Edited  with  a  French  translation  by  C. 
Scheffer.  Paris,  1890. 

By  Abu  Umar  Minhaj-ud-din  Usman  bin  Siraj- 
ud-dln-al-Juzjanl,  known  as  Minhaj-i-Siraj. 
Text  edited  by  W.  Nassau  Lees.  Calcutta, 
1864.  English  translation  by  Major  H.  G. 
Ravertv.  Calcutta,  1897. 

By  Hasan  Nizami.  India  Office  MSS.  Nos.  1468 
and  209;  British  Museum  MSS.  Add.  7623 
and  Add.  7624. 

By  Fakhr-ud-dln  Mubarakshah,  known  as 
Fakhre  Mudabbir.  Edited  by  E.  Denison 
Ross.  London,  1927. 

By  Zia-ud-dln  Barani.  Edited  by  W.  N.  Lees, 
Syed  Ahmad  Khan  and  Kabir-ud-din.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1860-62. 

By  Hamd-Ullah  Mustaufi  Qazvini.  Facsimile 
edition  in  Gibb  Memorial  Series.  London, 
1913.  British  Museum  MSS.  Add  22692. 


By  Ala-ud-dln  Ata  Malik  b.  Baha-ud-din 
Muhammad  al-Juwaini.  Edited  by  Mirza 
Muhammad  bin  Abdul  Wahhab  Qazwlni,  in 
two  parts.  London,  1912-16.  A  fascimile 
edition  published  in  London,  1931. 

Ta’Tikh-i-Mubarakshahi 

By  Yahya  bin  Ahmad  bin  Abdullah  Sirhindi. 
Edited  by  M.  Hidayat  Husain.  Calcutta. 
1931. 

Zafar-ul-Udih  By  Haji-ud-dablr.  Edited  under  the  title  of  An 

Arbic  History  of  Gujarat  by  E.  D.  Ross. 
London,  1921. 


Modern  Works 


Habibullah,  A.  B.  M. 

Ishwari  Prasad 
Lane-Poole,  Stan¬ 
ley 


Srivastava,  A.  L. 


Foundation  of  Muslim  Rule  in  Ind.ia.  Lahore, 
1945. 

History  of  Medieval  India.  Allahabad,  1950. 
The  Mohammadan  Dynasties.  London,  1894. 

Mediaeval  India  under  Mohammadan  Rule . 

London,  1903. 

The  Sultanate  of  Delhi.  2nd  Ed.  Agra,  1953. 


CHAPTER  VI 

LATER  CHALUKYAS  AND  KALACHURIS  OF  KALYANA 

Original  Sources:  Literary  and  InscHptions 

Basavapurdna  JBBRAS,  VIII. 

Epigraphia  Carnatica  Lewis  Rice,  B. 

Epigraphia  Indica  Vol.  V  (Ablur  Inscriptions). 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India  Sewell,  R.  Ed.  by  S. 
Krishnaswami  Aiyangar.  Madras,  1932. 


811 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Hyderabad  Archaeological  Series ,  Nos.  8,  13. 

Inscriptions  of  the  Madras  Presidency ,  Vols.  I,  II,  III.  Rangacharya, 
V.  Madras,  1919. 

Mysore  and  Coorg  from  the  Inscriptions.  Lewis  Rice,  B.  London,  1909. 
South  Indian  Epigraphy ,  Annual  Report  on 

Vikramahkadeva-charita  By  Bilhana.  Ed.  by  G.  Buhler  (See  above 
under  “General  Bibliography”). 


Alter  ar,  A.  S. 

Bh  AND  AREA  R,  R.  G. 

Fleet,  J.  F. 

Ganguly,  D.  C. 

»*  >» 
Katare,  S.  L. 

Ray,  H.  C. 

Sastri,  K.  A.  Nila- 
kanta 

Venkatasubbiah  A, 

Venkataraman 
Ayyak,  A.  V. 


Madern  Works 

“The  gilaharas  of  Western  India”.  IC,  II. 

Early  History  of .  the  Deccan .  3rd  Ed.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1928. 

Dynasties  of  the  Kanarese  Districts .  BG.  Vol. 
1,  Part  II. 

Eastern  Chalukyas.  Benares,  1937. 

History  of  the  Paramara  Dynasty .  Dacca,  1933. 
“The  Chalukyas  of  Kalyani  (up  to  Ayyana  II)”. 

IRQ ,  XIII.  244-54;  XVII.  11-34. 

Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India.  Vols.  I,  II. 
Calcutta,  1931,  1936. 

The  Colas.  Vols.  I,  II.  Madras,  1937;  2nd  Ed. 
Madras,  1955. 

“The  Chronology  of  the  Western  Chalukyas  of 
Kalyani”.  IA ,  XLVII,  XLVIII. 

“The  Life  and  Times  of  Chalukya  Vikrama- 
ditya”.  IA,  XLVIII.  112  ff,  133  If. 


LIST  OF  IMPORTANT  INSCRIPTIONS 
Two  Chalukya  Inscriptions,  &.  879,  886.  ASI,  1929-30,  p.  170; 

1930-34,  p.  241. 

Sogal  Inscription  of  Taila  II,  S.  902.  BG,  I,  ii.  428. 

Saundatti  Inscription  of  Taila  II.  JBBRAS,  X.  204. 

Nilgund  Inscription  of  Taila  II.  3.  904.  Canarese  Desa  Inscriptions ,  1. 
85 

Sogal  Inscription  of  Taila  II.  El,  XVI.  1;  XVII. 

An  Inscription  of  Taila  II,  £.  915.  ASI ,  1930-34,  p.  241. 

Hottur  Inscription  of  Satyasraya,  &.  929.  El,  XVI.  73. 

Kharepatan  grant  of  Satyasraya,  §.  930.  El,  III.  269. 

Kauthem  grant  of  Vikramaditya  V,  S.  932.  IA,  XVI.  19. 

Miraj  Plates  of  Jayasimha  II  (A.D.  1024).  IA,  VIII.  10. 

Inscriptions  of  the  reign  of  Somesvara  I.  El,  XVI. 

Sudi  Inscriptions  of  Somesvara.  El,  XV.  104. 

Gawarwad  Inscriptions  of  Somesvara  II,  S.  993  and  994.  El,  XV.  337. 
Gadag  Inscription  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  El,  XV.  349. 

Nilgund  Inscription  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  El,  XII.  144. 

Sorab  Taluk  Inscription  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  EC,  VIII,  Sb.  325. 

Sudi  Inscriptions  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  El,  XV.  100,  103. 

Arsikere  Taluk  (Hassan  Dist.)  Inscription  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  EC,  V, 
No.  102a. 

Sikarpur  Taluk  Inscription  of  Vikramaditya  Vl.  EC,  VII.  Sk.  137. 

An  Inscription  of  Vikramaditya  VI.  ASI ,  1936-37,  p.  109. 

812 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Sikarpur  Taluk  Inscription  of  Somesvara  III.  EC,  VII,  Sk.  100. 
An  Inscription  of  Somesvara  III.  ASI,  1929-30,  p.  174. 

Kurgod  Inscription  of  Somesvara  IV.  ASI,  1926-27,  p.  192. 
Minajgi  Stone  Inscription  of  Somesvara  IV.  ASI,  1929-30,  p.  171. 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE  YADAVAS  OF  DEVAGIRI 
Original  Sources 


Amir  Khusrau 
Barani,  Ziya-ud-din 


Dalai,  C.  D.  and 
Shrigondekar, 
G.  K.  (Ed.) 

Firishta, 

Muhammad 

Qasim 

Hemadri 

Jalhana 

Javasirhha 

%/ 

Sarngadhara 


Somesvara 


Ta'rikh-i-‘Alal  Extracts  Trans.  HIED,  III.  67 
(See  also  under  “General  Bibliography”). 
Ta’rikh-i-Firuz  Shdhi .  BI.  Extracts  trans. 
HIED,  III.  93  (See  above  under  “General 
Bibliography”). 

Lckha-paddhati.  GOS,  No.  XIX.  Baroda,  1925. 


Gulshan-i-Ibrdhimi.  Eng.  trans.  by  Briggs. 
Vol.  I  (See  above  under  “General  Bibliogra¬ 
phy”). 

Vratakhanda,  BG,  I,  ii.  268. 

Suktimuktdvali  (See  above  under  “General 
Bibliography”). 

Hammira-mada-mardana.  GOS,  No.  X.  Baroda. 
1920. 

Sahgitaratnakara  (No.  979,  Collection  of  1887- 
91).  See  above  under  “General  Bibliogra¬ 
phy”. 

Kirttikaumudi.  Ed.  by  Kathvate.  BSS,  No. 
XXV.  Bombay,  1883  (See  above,  under 
“General  Bibliography”). 


Modern  Works 


Bhandarkar,  R.  G. 


Fleet,  J.  F. 

Ganguly,  D.  C. 
Jackson,  A.  M.  T. 

Ray,  H.  C. 


Sewell,  R. 


Sreenivasachar,  P. 


Early  History  of  the  Deccan.  BG,  Vol.  I.  Pt. 
II.  3rd  Edition.  Ed.  by  D.  R.  Bhandarkar. 
Calcutta,  1928. 

Report  on  the  Search  for  Sanskrit  MSS.  in 
the  Bombay  Presidency  during  the  year 
1882-83.  Bombay,  1884. 

Dynasties  of  the  Kanarese  Districts.  BG,  Vol. 

I,  pt.  II.  Bombay,  1896. 

History  of  the  Paramdra  Dynasty.  Dacca,  1933. 
History  of  Gujarat.  BG,  Vol.  I,  Pt.  I.  Bombay, 
i  1896. 

Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India.  Vol.  II. 
Calcutta,  1936. 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India.  Ed. 

by  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar.  Madras,  1932. 
“The  Yadavas  of  Devagiri — Chronology”.  JOR, 
XII.  46-60. 


813 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


LIST  OF  IMPORTANT  INSCRIPTIONS 

Sangamner  Inscription  of  Bhillama  II,  S.  922.  El,  II.  217. 
Kalas-Budruk  Inscription  of  Bhillama  II,  S.  948.  IA,  XVII.  120. 
Bassein  Inscription  of  Seunachandra  II,  S.  991.  I  A,  XII.  119. 

Gadag  Inscription  of  Bhillama  IV,  S,  1113.  El,  III.  219. 

Managoli  Inscription  of  Jaitugi.  El,  V.  29. 

Patan  Inscription  of  Singhana,  S.  1128.  El,  I.  341. 

Sikarpur  Taluk  Inscription  of  Singhana  (A.D.  1215).  EC,  VII,  Pt.  I. 
SK.  95. 

Bahai  Inscription  of  Singhana,  S.  1144.  El,  III.  112. 

Kadakol  Inscription  of  Singhana.  I  A,  XII.  100. 

C h i kka-B agewadi  Inscription  of  Krishna  S.  1171.  IA.,  VII.  304. 
Arjunavada  Inscription  of  Krishna,  S.  1182.  El,  XXI,  9. 

Mamdapur  Inscription  of  Krishna,  S.  1172.  El,  XIX.  19. 

Channagiri  Taluk  Inscription  of  Mahadeva  (A.D.  1268).  EC,  VII, 
Pt.  I.  Cl.  21. 

Paithan  Inscription  of  Ramachandra,  s.  1193.  I  A,  XIV.  315. 

Than  a  Inscription  of  Ramachandra,  S.  1194.  El,  XII.  198. 
Davanagere  Taluk  Inscription  of  Ramachandra  (A.D.  1280).  EC, 
XI,  Dg.  70. 

Davanagere  Tdduk  Inscription  of  Ramachandra  (A.D.  1280).  EC, 
XI,  Dg.  59. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


DYNASTIES  OF  EASTERN  DECCAN 


(i)  KAKATIYAS  OF  ANMAKONDA 


‘Alif,  Shams-i-Siraj 


Amir  Khusrau 

Barani,  Ziya-ud-dln 

Lakshmanaraya 

Parisodhaka 

Mandali, 

Hyderabad 

(Pub.) 

Sreenivasachar, 

B.  P. 


Original  Sources 

Ta’rikh-i-Firuz  Shdhi.  Extracts  trans.  HIED , 
III  (See  above  under  “General  Bibliogra¬ 
phy  )”. 

Ta'rikh-i-Alai.  Extracts  trans.  HIED ,  III  (See 
above  under  “General  Bibliography,,). 

Ta’rlkh-i-Fmiz  Shahl.  Extracts  trans.  HIED, 
III  (See  above  under  General  Bibliography”). 

r 


Telengana  Inscriptions. 

A  Corpus  of  Inscriptions  of  the  Telingana  Dis¬ 
tricts  of  H.  E.  H.  Nizam's  Dominions.  HAS, 
No.  13.  Hyderabad,  1940. 

Modern  Works 


Das  Gupta.  N.  N. 
DesiEar,  Somasun 
dar 

Iyer,  K.  V.  S. 


“Kakatlya  Rudradeva”.  1C,  VIII. 

“Kakatlyas  in  Tamil  Literature”.  JAHRS, 
VIII. 

Historical  Sketches  of  Ancient  Deccan.  Mad¬ 
ras,  1917. 


814 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Rao,  M.  Rama 

“Political  History  of  the  Kakatiyas”.  JAHRS, 
V  ff. 

Yule  and  Cordier  Travels  of  Marco  Polo.  Vol.  II.  London,  1921. 

(ii)  EASTERN  CHALUKYAS 
Original  Sources 


Kalingattupparani 

V  ikramankadeva- 
charita 

Extracts  trans.  IA,  XIX.  333. 

By  Bilhaija.  Ed.  by  Buhler  (See  above  under 
'‘General  Bibliography”). 

Fleet,  J.  F. 

Modern  Works 

“Chronology  of  the  Eastern  Chalukyas’/.  IA . 
XX. 

Ganguly,  D.  C. 

>»  »» 

Krishnarao.  B.  V. 

The  Eastern  Chalukyas.  Benares,  1937. 
History  of  the  Paramdra  Dynasty .  Dacca,  1933. 
“History  of  Rajahmundry”.  JAHRS,  IV-  and 
V. 

Rangacharya,  V. 

Inscriptions  of  the  Madras  Presidency.  Vols. 
I,  II,  III. 

Sewell,  R. 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India.  Ed 
by  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar.  Madras, 
1932. 

i»  ?> 

List  of  Antiquarian  Remains  in  the  Presidency 
of  Madras.  Madras,  1882. 

Venkataramanayya, 

N. 

The  Eastern  Chalukyas  of  Vehgi.  Madras,  1950. 

(iii)  GANGAS  OF  ORISSA 
Original  Sources 

‘Aflf,  Shams-i-Siraj 

Ta’rikh-i-Firuz  Shdhi.  BI.  Calcutta,  1887 
(See  above  under  “General  Bibliography”). 
Firishta,  Muhammad  Qasim 

Gulshan-i-lbrahimi .  Eng.  Tr.  Briggs,  I  (See 
above  under  “General  Bibliography”). 
Minhaj-ud-dln  b.  Siraj-ud-din 


Banerji,  R.  D. 
Hunter,  W.  W. 
Mahtab,  H. 

Mitra,  R.  L. 

Tabaqdt-i-Nasiri.  Ed.  by  H.  G.  Raverty  (See 
above  under  “General  Bibliography”). 

Modem  Works 

History  of  Orissa.  Vol.  I.  Calcutta,  1930. 
Orissa.  2  vols-  London,  1872. 

History  of  Orissa.  Lucknow,  1949. 

Antiquities  of  Orissa.  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1875, 
1880. 

Ray,  H.  C. 

Dynastic  History  of  Nothem  India.  Vol.  I. 
Calcutta,  1931. 

Subba  Rao,  R. 

“History  of  the  Eastern  Gangas  of  Kalinga.” 
JAHRS,  VI  ff. 

815 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


(iv)  SOMAVAMsIS,  NAGAS,  RASHTRAKUTAS,  ETC. 


Acharya,  P. 


»» 

Banerji,  R.  D. 
Hiralal 

Mazumdar,  B.  C. 
Misra,  B. 

Ray,  H.  C. 

Sircar,  D.  C. 


99 


?  9 


9  9 


99 


“Identification  of  Indraratha  of  Adinagara”. 
PIHC,  Lahore,  1940,  pp.  66-67. 

“The  Somakuli  Kings”,  ibid,  Madras,  1944, 
pp.  180-95. 

History  of  Orissa.  Vol.  I.  Calcutta,  1930. 

List  of  Inscriptions  in  the  Central  Provinces 
and  Berar.  2nd  Ed.  Nagpur,  1932. 

Orissa  in  the  Making.  Calcutta,  1925. 

Dynasties  of  Mediaeval  Orissa.  Calcutta,  1933. 

Dynastic  History  of  Northern  India.  Vol.  I. 
Calcutta,  1931. 

“The  Madala  Panji  and  the  pre-SuryavamsT 
History  of  Orissa”.  JIH,  XXXI.  233  ff. 

“The  Later  Somavamsis.”  OHRJ ,  I,  4,  pp.  289 

ff. 

“Some  Minor  Dynasties  of  Orissa”.  OHRJ,  II, 
2,  pp.  13  ff. 

“Some  Southern  Dynasties  of  Madhya  Pradesh 
and  Orissa”.  QJMS ,  XLIV.  1  ff. 

“Some  Karasasanas  of  Ancient  Orissa”.  JRAS, 
1952,  pp.  4-10. 

“A  Rashtrakuta  Ruling  Family  of  Orissa” 
JAHRS ’,  XIX.  131  ff. 

“Genealogy  of  the  Somavamsis”.  IHQ,  XX 
76-82. 

“A  Note  on  the  Later  Somavamsls”.  Ibid, 
XXII.  300-07. 


LIST  OF  IMPORTANT  INSCRIPTIONS 

(i)  Kakatiyas 

Kazipet  plates  of  Betarasa,  §.  1012.  HAS,  No.  13 — “A  Corpus  of 
Inscriptions  in  the  Telingana  Districts  of  H.  E.  H.  Nizam’s 
Dominions”,  by  B.P.  Sreenivasachar,  Pt.  II,  p.  22. 
Hanamakonda  Plates  of  Rudraveda,  S.  1084.  Ibid,  p.  8. 
Burugugadda  Inscription  of  Rudraveda,  S.  1090.  Ibid,  p.  69. 
Karimnagar  Plates  of  Rudra,  S.  1092.  Ibid,  p.  169. 

Warangal  Plates  of  Mahadeva(?).  Ibid,  p.  62. 

Pillalamerri  Plates  of  Ganapati,  S.  1124.  Ibid,  p.  114. 

Kondiparti  Plates  of  Ganapati,  S.  1125.  Ibid ,  p.  31. 

Mattewada  Plates  of  Ganapati,  S.  1162.  Ibid,  p.  42. 

Mattewada  Plates  of  Ganapati.  Ibid,  p.  50. 

Warangal  Plates  of  Ganapati.  Ibid,  p.  57. 

Panugal  Plates  of  Manuma  Rudra,  S  1189.  Ibid,  p.  98. 
Nagalapadu  Plates  of  Prataparudra,  S.  1225.  Ibid ,  p.  94. 
Mellacheruvu  Plates  of  Prataparudra,  S.  1233.  Ibid,  p.  88. 

Manur  Plates  of  Prataparudra,  §.  1236.  Ibid,  p.  162. 
Venkatesagudi  Plates  of  Prataparudra.  Ibid,  p.  65. 

Kulpak  Plates  of  Rudradevi,  A.D.  1279.  Ibid,  p.  82. 

816 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


(ii)  Eastern  Chalukyas 

Ranastipundi  grant  of  Vimaladitya.  EL,  VI.  351. 

Rayali  Plates  of  Vijayaditya  VII.  JAHRS,  V.  41. 

Teki  Plates  of  Rajaraja,  S.  1006.  El,  VI.  338. 

(iii)  Gahgas  of  Orissa 

Dirghasi  Stone  Inscription  of  the  reign  of  Rajaraja  I  Devendra- 
varman.  El,  IV.  314. 

Vizagapatam  grant  of  Anantavarman  Cho^aganga,  S.  1040.  I  A, 
XVIII.  165. 

Chatesvara  Stone  Inscription  of  Anangabhima  III.  JASB,  LVII, 
1898,  p.  317. 

Bhuvanesvara  Inscription  of  Narasimha  II.  El,  XIII.  150. 
Kendupatna  grant  of  Narasimha  II.  JASB,  LXV.  229. 

(iv)  Somavamsls,  Nagas,  Rashtrakutas ,  etc. 

Brahmesvara  Temple  Inscription.  JRASB,  L,  XIII.  122-125; 

OHRJ,  I,  4,  pp.  301-05;  1HQ,  XXXI.  81-84. 

Balangir  Museum  plates  of  Mahasivagupta  Yayati  I.  JAS,  L, 
XIX.  117  ff. 

Two  plates  from  Kelga.  El,  XXVIII.  321  ff. 

Mahada  plates  of  Somesvaradevavarman.  Ibid,  pp.  283  ff. 

Two  Grants  from  Dasapalla.  Ibid,  XXIX,  183  ff. 

Banda  plates  of  Parachakrasalya.  Ibid,  XXX.  136  ff. 

Patna  Museum  plates  of  Somesvara  II.  Ibid,  XIX.  97  ff. 
Inscriptions  from  the  Bastar  State.  Ibid,  IX.  160  ff;  174  ff;  311  ff; 
X  25-43 

Kumarisimha  plates  of  Somesvara  II.  JKHRS,  I.  229  ff. 

Upalada  plates  of  Ramadeva.  El,  XXIII.  141  ff. 

Kalibhana  plates  of  Mahabhavagupta  Janamejaya.  IHQ,  XX. 
237-50. 

Sonepur  plates  of  Mahabhavagupta.  El,  XXIII.  250  ff. 

Kesarkella  Grant  of  Mahabhavagupta  (Uddyotakesari).  El, 
XXII.  138  ff. 

For  some  inscriptions  of  the  Chhindaka  Nagas,  see  South  Indian 
Inscriptions,  Vol.  X,  Nos.  643-50  (the  transcripts  published 
here  are  in  many  cases  faulty). 

For  some  Somavamsi  inscriptions  published  earlier,  see  JPASB, 
1905,  pp.  5  ff;  12  ff;  16  ff;  El,  III.  341  ff;  347  ff;  351  ff;  IV. 
258  ff;  VIII.  141  ff;  XI.  96  ff;  JBORS,  II.  52  ff. 

CHAPTER  IX 
HOYSALAS 

Original  Sources 

Annual  Reports  on  South  Indian  Epigraphy 

Epigraphia  Carnatica 

Epigraphia  lndica 

Mysore  Archaeological  Reports 

Pudukkottai  State  Inscriptions 

South  Indian  Inscriptions 


Modern  Works 

Bh \ndarkak.  R.  G.  Early  History  of  the  Deccan .  3rd  Ed.  Calcutta, 

1928. 


817 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Coelho,  William 
Derrett,  J.  D,  M. 
Fleet,  J.  E. 


.Toshi,  B.  R. 

Krisha,  M.  H. 

Rice,  Lewis 

Sastri,  H.  Krishna 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N. 

Sastri.  S.  Srikantha 
Venkata raman,  K. 
11. 

Venkatasubbiaii,  A. 


CHOLA 


Rao,  G.  V.  Srinivasa 
Sewell.  R. 


SUBRAMANIAM,  T.  N. 


A I  YANG  AR,  S.  KrISIT- 
NASWAMI 

AlYER,  K.  V.  SuBIlAH- 
MANYA 

Arokxaswami  M. 

Coelho,  William 
Mahalingam.  T.  V. 

»>  »» 

Pandarathar,  T.  V. 

Sadasiva 
Roa,  N.  L. 

Sastri,  K.  A.  Nila- 
kanta 

99  99 


The  Hoysala  Vamsa.  Bombay,  1950. 

The  Hoysalas.  Oxford,  1956. 

“The  Dynasties  of  the  Kanarese  Districts  of 
the  Bombay  Presidency”.  BG.  I,  ii.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1896. 

“A  study  of  the  Dynastic  name  ‘Hoysala’  ” 
IHQ,  XXII.  172-9. " 

“Vishnuvardhana  Hoysala  as  a  Prince”. 
P1HC,  VII.  177-9. 

Mysore  and  Coorg  from  Inscriptions.  London, 
1909. 

“The  Hoysalas  in  the  Chola  country.”  ASI, 
1909-10. 

“Vikramaditya  VI  and  Hoysala  Vishnuvar¬ 
dhana”.  1C,  X.  35  f. 

“Viraballala  II”.  NIA,  II.  409-27. 

Hoysalas  in  the  Tamil  Country.  Annamalaina- 
gar,  1950. 

“The  regnal  period  of  Hoysala  Somesvara”. 
IC,  IV.  233-40. 

CHAPTER  X 

HISTORY  AND  ORGANISATION 

Original  Sources 
SII ,  XIII.  Madras,  1953. 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India. 
Ed.  by  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar-  Madras, 

1932. 

South  Indian  Temple  Inscriptions.  Vols.  I,  II. 
III.  Madras,  1953,  1954,  1955. 

Mndern  Works 

Evolution  of  Hindu  Administrative  Institu¬ 
tions  in  South  India,  Madras,  1931. 

Hisorical  Sketches  of  Ancient  Deccan.  Mad¬ 
ras,  1917. 

The  Early  History  of  the  Velldr  Basin'  Madras, 
1954. 

The  Hoysala  Vamsa .  Bombay,  1950. 

The  Bdnas  in  South  Indian  History.  Madras, 
1952. 

South  Indian  Polity.  Madras,  1955. 
Pirkdlachcholar  Charittiram.  Part  I  and  II  (in 
Tamil).  Annamalainagar,  1949,  1951. 
“Some  New  Facts  about  Chola  History”.  JOR. 

XIX,  Part  II,  pp.  148  ff. 

The  Colas.  Madras,  1955  (2nd  Ed.). 

Studies  in  Cola  History  and  Administration. 
Madras,  1932. 

Foreign  Notices  of  South  India.  Madras,  1939. 
Sri  Vijaya.  Madras,  1949. 

818 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Satri  K.A.Nilakanta  History  of  South  India.  Madras,  1955. 
Satiiianathaier,  R.  Studies  in  the  Ancient  History  of  Tondamanda - 

lam .  Madras,  1944. 

Venk at araman,  K.  Hoysalas  in  the  Tamil  Country.  Annamalaina- 

1L  gar,  1950. 

Venkataramanayya,  The  Eastern  Cdlukyas  of  Vehgi.  Madras,  1950. 
N. 

LIST  OF  IMPORTANT  INSCRIPTIONS 

Larger  Leiden  Grant  of  Rajaraja  I.  K.  V.  S.  Iyer,  El,  XXII,  No.  34. 
Tiruvenkadu  Inscription  oi  Rajaraja  I.  SU,  V,  No.  9z9. 
MadurantaKam  inscription  oi  jao  Rajakesari  Varman.  Ins.  No.  395 
of  1922. 

Tiruvedigudi  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  I.  S1I,  V,  No.  625. 

Tirukkovalur  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  I.  SU,  VIII,  No.  863. 

Tanjore  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  1.  SII,  II,  No.  59. 

Matottam  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  I.  SU,  IV,  No.  1412. 

Tiruvalanjuii  Inscriptions  oi  Rajaraja  1.  SH,  VIII,  Nos.  222,  223,  and 
237. 

Tiruvaiyaru  Inscription  of  Ulagamadevi,  Queen  of  Rajaraja  I.  SII, 
V,  No.  521. 

Udaiyarkudi  Inscription  of  Rajakesari  Varman,  A.D.  988.  K.  A.  N. 
Sastri,  El,  XXi,  No.  27. 

Tiruvalangadu  Plates  of  Rajendra  Chola  I.  SII,  III,  No.  205. 
Tiruvorriyur  Inscriptions  of  Rajendra  I.  SII,  V,  Nos.  982  and  1354. 
Kilur  inscription  of  Rajendra  I.  SII,  No.  860. 

Konerirajapuram  Inscription  of  Rajendra  Chola  I.  Ins.  No.  642  of 
1909. 

Sembiyan  MadevI  Inscription  of  Rajendra  Chola  I.  Ins.  No.  482  of 
1925a 

Ennayiram  Inscription  of  Rajendra  Chola  I.  Ins.  No.  333  of  1917. 
Vriddhachalarn  Inscription  of  Rajendra  Chola  I.  Ins.  No.  54  of  1918. 
Brahmadesam  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  Ins.  No.  260  of  1915. 
Mindigal  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  H.  Krishna  Sastri,  El,  V, 
No.  23. 

Tirukkalar  Plates  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  SII,  III,  No.  208. 

Tiruppangili  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  SII,  IV,  Nos.  537  and  539. 
Tiruvenkadu  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  SII,  V,  No.  978. 
Tiruvaiyaru  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  SII,  V,  No.  520. 
Gandaraditta  C.  T.  M.  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  SII,  V,  No.  641. 
Tiruvadandai  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  Ins.  No.  258  of  1910. 
Tirukkalukkunram  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  SII,  V,  No.  465. 
Tribhuvani  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  I.  Ins.  No.  176  of  1919. 
Tirumalapadi  Inscriptions  of  Rajendra  II.  S1I,  V,  Nos.  644  and  647. 
Kanadara  Koyale  (Ceylon)  Inscription  of  Rajendra  II.  SII,  IV,  No. 
1408. 

Eriyana  (Ceylon)  Inscription  of  Rajendra  II.  SII,  IV,  No.  1415. 
Tiruppadirippuliyar  Inscription  of  Rajamahendra.  SII,  VII,  No.  743. 
Tiruvenkadu  Inscription  of  Vira  Rajendra  Chola,  SII,  V,  No.  976. 
Tirukkalukkunram  Inscription  of  Vira  Rajendra  Chola.  SII,  V.  No. 
468. 

Tirumukkudal  Inscription  of  Vira  Rajendra  Chola,  K.  V.  S.  Iyer,  EL, 
XXI,  No.  38. 


819 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Kanya  Kumarl  Inscription  of  Vlra  Rajendra  Chola.  T.  A.  Gopinatha 
Kao,  El,  XVIII,  No.  4. 

Charala  Plates  of  Vira  Rajendra  Chola.  A.  S.  Ramanatha  Iyer  and 
V.  Venkatasubba  Iyer,  El,  XXV,  No.  25. 

Polonnaruva  Inscription  of  Adhi  Rajendra  Chola.  SII ,  IV,  Nos.  1388 

and  1392. 

Smaller  Leiden  Plates  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I.  K.  V.  S.  Iyer,  El,  XXII, 
No.  35. 

Rhimavaram  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I.  E.  Hultzsch,  El,  VI, 

N.  20. 

Draksliarama  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I.  K.  V.  S.  Iyer,  El, 
XXII,  No.  23. 

Nidur  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I.  K.  V.  S.  Iver,  El,  XVIII, 

No.  8. 

Four  Inscriptions  of  Kulottuhga  Chola.  E.  Hultzsch,  El,  V,  No.  13. 
Cape  Comorin  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  I.  R.  Vasudeva  Poduval, 
El,  XXVI.  274-75. 

Pithapuram  Plates  of  Vira  Chola.  H.  Krishna  Sastri,  El,  V,  No.  10. 
Rapatla  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola,  SI1,  VII,  No.  763. 
Pennagadam  Inscription  of  Kulottmiga  Chola.  SI1,  VI,  No.  167. 
Chellur  Plates  of  Vira  Chola,  S1I,  I,  No.  39. 

Tirukkoyilur  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola.  SIl,  VI,  No.  137. 
Alangu$i  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola.  SII,  IV,  No.  445. 
Tiruvorriyur  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola.  Sll,  V,  No.  1356. 
Srinivasa  Nallur  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I,  Ins.  No.  608  of 
1904. 

Tiruvidaimarudur  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I.  Ins.  No.  304  of 

1907. 

Shiyali  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I.  SIX,  V,  No.  990. 

Tirisulam  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  I.  SIX,  VII,  No.  538. 

Two  Inscriptions  of  Vikrama  Chola.  E.  Hultzsch,  El,  VI,  No.  21. 
Tiruvavaduturai  Inscription  of  Vikrama  Chola.  Ins.  No.  159  of  1925. 
Dindivanam  Inscription  of  Vikrama  Chola.  SII ,  VTI,  No.  832. 
Tiruvarur  Inscription  of  Vikrama  Chola.  SII,  V,  No.  456. 

Alangudi  Inscription  of  Vikrama  Choja.  SII,  V,  No.  458. 
Tirumanikuli  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  II.  SII,  VII,  No.  780. 
Kahchlpuram  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  II.  SII,  IV,  No.  818. 
Tiruvarur  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  II.  SII,  IV,  No.  397,  VII, 
No.  485. 

Tirumalavadi  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  Chola  II.  SII,  V,  No.  645. 
Tittagudi  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  Chola  II.  SII,  VIII,  No.  285. 
Magaral  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  Chola  II.  SII,  VII,  No.  432. 

Falla varay an  Pettai  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  Chola  II.  V.  Ven¬ 
katasubba  Iyer,  El,  XXI,  No.  21. 

Tiruvalahgadu  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  II.  V.  Venkatasubba  Iyer, 

El,  XXH,  No,  14. 

Tirukadavur  Mayaham  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  II.  Ins.  No.  261 

of  1925, 

Arappakkam  Inscription  of  Rajadhiraja  II.  SII,  V.  No.  456. 
Tiruvottur  Inscriptions  of  Kulottuhga  III.  SII,  VII,  Nos.  87  and  88. 
Tirumanikuli  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  HI.  SII ,  VII,  No.  797. 
Nellore  Inscription  of  Kulottuhga  III.  SII,  V,  No.  492. 


820 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Tiruvakkarai  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Ins.  No.  190  of  1904. 
Karur  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  SII,  III,  No,  23. 

Sri  Rangam  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  SII,  III,  No.  88. 

Nellore  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  SII ,  V,  No.  496. 

Kudumiyan  Malai  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Pud.  Ins.,  No.  166. 
Seranur  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Pud .  Ins.,  No.  163. 

Tiruvarur  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Ins.  No.  554  of  1904. 
Tiruvarangulam  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Pud.  Ins.,  No.  178. 
Vayalogam  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Pud,  Ins.,  No.  178. 
Tirukkadavur  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Ins.  No.  255  of  1925. 
Ti.ru  valangagu  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Ins.  No.  482  of  1905. 
Somangalam  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  SII,  VII,  No.  393. 
Tiruvannamalai  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  SII,  VIII,  No.  151. 
Tiruppamburam  Inscription  of  Kulottunga  III.  Ins.  No.  88  of  1911. 
Tiruvendipuram  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  III.  E.  Hultzsch,  El,  VII, 
No.  23. 

Shiyali  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  III.  Ins.  No.  393  of  1918. 
Tiruvenkadii  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  III.  Ins.  No.  506  of  1918. 
Sivapuram  Inscription  of  Rajaraja  III.  Ins.  No.  297  of  1927. 
Tirupumntakam  Inscription  of  Rajendra  III.  Ins.  No.  201  of  1905 
Sivayam  Inscription  of  Rajendra  III,  Ins.  No,  49  of  1913, 
Mahadanapuram  Inscription  of  Rajendra  III.  SII,  VIII,  No .  703. 
Tiruvanaikka  Inscription  of  Rajendra  III.  Ins.  No.  73  of  1937/38. 
Tiruvannamalai  Inscription  of  Rajendra  III.  SII,  VIII,  No.  88. 
Tirukkoyilur  Inscription  of  Rajendra  III.  Ins.  No.  188  of  1908. 

Sri  Rangam  Inscription  of  Rajendra  III.  SII,  IV,  Nos.  511  and  512. 

CHAPTER  X 
LATER  PAPtDYAS 
Original  Sources 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India. 
Ed.  by  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar.  Madras, 
1932, 

South  Indian  Temple  Inscriptions.  Yois.  I,  II, 
HI.  Madras,  1953,  1954,  1955. 

Modern  Works 

South  India  and  Her  Muhammadan  Invaders. 
Madras,  1921 

Historical  Sketches  of  Ancient  Deccan.  Mad¬ 
ras,  1917. 

The  History  of  India  as  told  hy  its  own  Histo¬ 
rians.  Vol.  III.  London,  1871. 

The  Ednas  in  South  Indian  History.  Madras, 
1952.* 

Pdndiyar  Varaldru.  Madras,  1950. 

The  Pdndyan  Kingdom .  London,  1929. 
Foreign  Notices  of  South  India.  Madras,  1939. 
History  of  South  India.  Madras,  1955. 


Sewell,  R. 


SuBRAMANIAM,  T.  N. 


Aiyangar,  S.  Krish¬ 
naswami 

AlYER,  K.  V.  SUBRRAH- 
MANYA 

Elliot  and  Dowson 

Mahalingam,  T.  V. 

Pandarathar,  T.  V. 
Sadasiva 

Sastri,  K.  A.  Nila- 

KANTA 

**  ?« 


821 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Yule  and  Cokdier  The  Travels  of  Marco  Polo.  Vol.  II.  London. 

1921. 


LIST  OF  IMPORTANT  INSCRIPTIONS 

Tiruppuvanam  Plates  of  Jata  Kulasekhara  I.  K.  V.  S.  Iyer,  El,  XXV, 
No.  11. 

Tiruppuvanam  Supplementary  Plates.  K.  V.  S.  Iyer,  El,  XXV,  No.  12. 
Tirunelveli  Inscription  of  Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  I.  K.  V.  S. 
Iyer,  El,  XXII,  No.  10. 

Tirunelveli  Inscription  of  Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  II.  K.  V.  S. 
Iyer.  El,  XXIV,  No.  22.  " 

Ranganatha  Inscription  of  Sundara  Pandya.  E.  Hultzsch,  El,  III, 
No.  2. 

Serammadevi  Inscription  of  Maravarman  Kulasekhara  I.  Ins.  No 
698  of  1916. 

CHAPTER  XI 
CEYLON 


Attanagaluvihdra - 
immsa 

Chida-vamsa 

Ddthd-vamsa 


Original  Sources 
(i)  PALI 


Ed.  and  trans.  by  James  d’Ahvis.  Colombo, 
1887- 

See  above  under  “General  Bibliography*’. 

Ed.  and  trans.  by  B.  C.  Law.  Lahore,  1925. 


Attanagalu-vamsa 

Daladdpujdvaliya 
Daladatirita 
Nikdya  Sangraha 


Pujavaliya ,  Ch.  34. 


Rdfaratndkaraya 

Rajdvaliya 


Muller,  E. 
Sewell,  R. 


CoDRINGTON,  H.  W. 
COOMARASWAMY,  A. 

K. 

Geiger,  W. 


(ii)  SIMHALESE 

Ed.  by  M.  Kumaranatunga.  Colombo,  B.E. 
2466. 

Ed.  by  K.  M.  Perera.  Colombo,  1893. 

Ed-  by.  E.  S.  Rajasekhara.  Colombo,  1920. 

Ed.  by  D.  M.  de  Z.  Wickramasinghe.  Colombo, 
1890.  Trans,  by  C.  M.  Fernando,  with  an 
intr.  by  W-  F.  Gunawardhana.  Colombo, 
1908. 

Ed.  by  M.  Medhankara  Thera.  Eng.  trans.  by 
Gunasekara  (A  Contribution  to  the  History 
of  Ceylon).  Colombo,  1895. 

Ed.  by  Simon  de  Silva.  Colombo,  1907. 

Ed.  by  B.  Gunasekhara.  Colombo,  1911.  Eng. 
trans.  by  the  same.  Colombo,  1900. 

(iii)  INSCRIPTIONS 

Ancient  Inscriptions  in  Ceylon.  London,  1883. 

Historical  Inscriptions  of  Southern  India.  Ed. 
by  S.  Krishnaswami  Aiyangar.  Madras, 
1932. 

Modern  Works 

History  of  Ceylon.  London,  1926. 

History  of  Indian  and  Indonesian  Art.  London, 
1927. 

Ceylon.  Wiesbaden,  1898. 

822 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Gopalan,  R. 
Hultzsch,  E. 

Mendis,  G.  C. 

Paranavitana,  S. 
Parker,  H. 
Saparamadu,  S.  D. 
(Ed.) 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N. 
Smith,  V.  A. 


Turnour,  G. 

WlCKREMASlNGHE 
WlJESIMHA,  L.  C. 


The  Pallavas  of  Kdhchi.  Madras,  1928. 
“Contributions  to  Singhalese  Chronology”. 
JRAS ,  1913.  517  ff. 

Early  History  of  Ceylon.  9th  Ed.  Calcutta, 
1948. 

Art  and  Architecture  of  Ceylon.  1954. 
Ancient  Ceylon.  London  1909. 

“The  Polonnaruva  Period”  (Special  Issue  of 
the  Ceylon  Historical  Journal,  IV,  1954-55). 
Colas.  2nd  Ed.  Madras,  1955. 

History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon.  2nd 
Ed.  Revised  by  K.  de  B.  Codrington.  Ox¬ 
ford,  1930- 

An  Epitome  of  the  History  of  Ceylon.  1836. 
Archaeological  Survey  of  Ceylon,  Vol.  I. 
Mahdvamsa.  Part  I  (to  which  is  prefixed  the 
trans.  of  the  first  part,  pub.  in  1837,  by  G. 
Turnour).  Colombo,  1909. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

POLITICAL  THEORY  AND  ADMINISTRATIVE 

ORGANISATION 


Mitdkshard 


Original  Sources 
(i)  LITERARY 

Laghv-Arhanniti  By  Hemachandra.  Ed-  with  a  comm,  in  Guja¬ 
rati.  Ahmedabad,  1906. 

Ydjnavalkya-smriti  with  the  comm.  Mitak- 
shara.  Ed.  by  V.  L.  Pansikar.  2nd  Ed.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1918. 

,,  Yajnavalkya-smriti  with  the  corams:  (i) 

Mitdkshard  by  Vijhanesvara  Bhikshu,  (ii) 
Viramitrodaya  by  Mitramisra,  and  (iii)  Dipa- 
kalika  by  Sulapani.  Trans,  by  J.  R.  Ghar- 
pure.  6  vols.  2nd  Ed.  Bombay,  1936-44. 
Rdjadharma-kdnda  Vol.  XI  of  Kritya-kalpataru  by  Bhatta 

Lakshmidhara.  Ed.  by  K.  V.  Rangaswami 
Aiyangar.  GOS,  No.  100.  Baroda,  1943. 
Rdjanitiratndkara  By  Chandesvara.  Ed.  by  K.  P.  Jayaswal. 

Patna,  1924  (for  quotations  from  Gopala’s 
Kdmadhenu). 

Ed.  by  Gustav  Oppert-  Vol.  I.  Text,  Madras, 
1882.  Eng.  Trans,  by  B.  K.  Sarkar.  SBH. 
2nd.  edn.  Allahabad,  1923. 

Y  af  naval  k  y  lya-Dharmanihand  ha 

By  Apararka  (otherwise  called  Anaraditya). 
Ed.  by  H.  N.  Apte.  2  vols.  ASS.  Poona. 
1903-04. 

(ii)  EPIGRAPHIC 


Sukranitisdra 


Annual  Report  of  the  Mysore  Archaeological  Survey 
Epigraphia  Indica 
Indian  Antiquary 


823 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Aiyangar,  S.  Krish- 

NASWAMI 

Altekar,  A.  S. 

Beni  Prasad 

Dikshitar,  V.  R.  R. 
Ghosh  al,  U.  N. 


5  ii 

Maiialingam,  T.  V. 
Sastri,  Iv.  A.  N. 

Sen,  B.  C. 


Modem  W orks 

Hindu  Administrative  Institutions  in  South 
India.  Madras,  1931. 

State  and \  Government  in  Ancient  India.  2nd 
Ed.  Banaras,  1955- 

State  in  Ancient  India.  Allahabad,  1928. 

Theory  of  Government  in  Ancient  India. 
Allahabad,  1927. 

Hindu  Administrative  Institutions.  Madras, 
1929. 

History  of  Hindu  Political  Theories.  2nd  Ed. 
Calcutta,  1927. 

Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Hindu  Re¬ 
venue  System .  Calcutta,  1920. 

South  Indian  Polity.  Madras,  1955. 

Pdndyan  Kingdom.  London,  1929. 

Colas.  2nd  Ed.  Madras,  1955. 

Theory  of  Pre-Muslim  Indian  Polity .  Madras, 
1912. 

Some  Historical  Aspects  of  the  Inscriptions  of 
Bengal.  Calcutta,  1942  (Part  III,  Admini¬ 
stration). 


CHAPTER  XIV 

LAW  AND  LEGAL  INSTITUTIONS 


Original  Sources 
LITERARY 

Ddyabhaga  By  Jlmutavahana.  See  above  under  “General 

Bibliography”. 

Mitakshard  By  Vijhanesvara.  See  above,  Ch.  XIII. 

Smriti-chandrikd  By  Devannabhatta.  See  above,  under  “General 

Bibliography”. 


Kane,  P.  V. 


Mayne,  John  D. 
Sen,  Priyanatii 


Modern  Works 

History  of  Dharmasdstra.  Vols.  II-IV.  Poona. 
1941-1953. 

Hindu  Law  and  Usage .  10th  Ed.  Madras, 
1938. 

General  Princiyles  of  Hindu  Jurisvrudence. 
Tagore  Law  Lectures.  Calcutta,  1918. 


CHAPTER  XV 

LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE 

(A)  SANSKRIT,  PALI,  PRAKRIT  AND  APABHRAMsA 

( Note  :  A  select  list  of  important  published  works  in  Sanskrit,  Pali, 
Prakrit  and  Apabhrarhsa  has  been  given  above  in  “General 
Bibliography”.  Further  particular  about  individual  texts 
and  full  bibliographical  material  about  published  works  and 
MSS.  will  be  found  in  “Histories  of  Literature”  mentioned 


824 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


in  “General  Bibliography’’  and  also  in  Aufrecht,  Gode, 
Peterson,  Raghavan  and  Velankar,  given  below). 

Alsdorf,  L.  Apabhramsa-Studien.  Leipzig,  1^37. 

Aufrecht,  Tii.  Catalogus  Catalogorum.  3  vols.  Leipzig,  1891- 


1903. 


Ayyancar,  P.  T.  S. 
Bagchi,  P.  C.  (Ed.) 
Belvai.kar,  S.  K. 

Buhler,  G. 


Bhoici  Raja.  Annamalainagar,  1931. 

Dohdkosa Calcutta,  1938  (JDL,  XXVIII). 

An  Account  of  the  different  existing  Systems 
of  Sanskrit  Grammar.  Poona,  1915. 

Das  Sukritasamklrtana  des  Arisimha.  Wien, 
1889. 


Chitkav,  S.  V. 

De.  S.  K. 

* *  5) 

Denecke,  W. 

Dikshit,  S,  B. 

Diksiiitar,  V.  R.  R. 
Dutt,  B.  B.  and 
Singh,  A.  N. 
Filliozat,  J. 


Franke,  II.  P. 
Geiger,  W. 

Ghatage,  A.  M. 


The  Life  of  Hemachandrdcharya.  Eng.  trans. 
from  the  original  German  by  M.  Patel.  SJS. 
Santiniketan,  1936. 

Madhyayugina-charitra-kosa  (Dictionary  of 
Biography  in  Mediaeval  India)  (in  Marathi). 
Poona,  1937. 

History  of  Sanskrit  Poetics.  2  vols.  London, 
1923,  1925. 

“Sanskrit  Literature  under  the  Sena  Kings  of 
Bengal”.  Thomas  Comm .  Voi.,  pp.  50-70. 

“Mitteilungen  iiber  Digambara-Texte”.  Pest- 
gabe  Jacobi ,  pp.  160-168- 

History  of  Hindu  Astronomy  (in  Marathi).  2nd 
Ed.  Poona,  1931. 

Purdna  Index.  3  vols.  Madras.  1951.  52,  55. 

History  of  Hindu  Mathematics.  Lahore,  1935. 

La  Doctrine  Classique  de  la  Medicine  In - 
dienne — Ses  Origines  et  ses  Parallcles 
Grecs.  Paris,  1949. 

Pali  und  Sanskrit,  Strassburg,  1902. 

Pali  Literatur  und  Sprache.  Strassburg,  1916 
(Eng.  trans.  by  3.  K-  Ghosh,  Pali  Literature 
and  Language,  Calcutta,  1943). 

“Didactic  Works  in  Prakrit”.  JVB ,  VI.  3,  pp. 

21  ff. 


*  9 


9  9 


Gode,  P.  K. 


!>>  *9 

Haas,  G. 

IIazra,  11.  C. 

Hoernle.  A.  F.  It. 


“Hymns  in  Prakrit”.  JUB ,  III.  3,  pp.  45  ff. 
“Narrative  Literature  in  Jain  Maharashtrl”. 
ABGRl,  XVI.  26  ff. 

“A  Brief  Note  on  the  History  and  Progress  of 
Cataloguing  of  Sanskrit  and  other  MSS  in 
India  and  outside  (between  A.D.  1800  and 
1941)”  being  App.  II  to  Introduction  to 
Indian  Textual  Criticism,  by  S.  M.  Katre- 
2nd  Ed.  Poona,  1954. 

Studies  in  Indian  Literary  History.  3  vols. 

Bombay,  1953,  1954;  Poona,  1956. 

Dasarupa .  New  York,  1912. 

Studies  in  the  Puranic  Records  on  Hindu  Rites 
and  Customs .  Deeca,  1940. 

Studies  in  the  Medicine  of  Ancient  India. 
Oxford.  1907. 


825 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR 


?IRE 


DWI 


Jain,  H.  L. 

a  11 


Jolly,  J. 


Kane,  P.  V, 


11  ii 

Kaye,  G.  R. 


a  ii 

Keith,  A.  B. 


»*  ii 

Kesava 

Kieliiorn,  F. 

Konow,  Sten 
Krishnamachaeiar, 
M. 

Laddu,  T.  K. 

Levi,  S. 

Mayrhofer,  M. 
Meronov,  N. 
Nitti-Bolchi,  L. 
Peterson.  P. 


55  >* 


PlSCHEL,  R. 


Raghavan,  V. 

Ray  P.  C. 

Sarma,  Ramavatara 


“Apabhrariisa  Literature”.  AUS,  I.  157-185. 
“Apabhrariisa  Bhasha  aur  Sahitya”  (in  Hindi) 
(Apabhrariisa  Language  and  Literature). 
NPP,  50,  pp.  1-8;  100-121. 

“Some  recent  finds  of  Apabhrariisa  Literature”. 

NUJ,  No.  8,  Dec.  1942,  pp.  81-92. 

Medicin .  Strassburg,  1901  (Eng.  trans. 
Indian  Medicine  by  C.  G.  Kashikar.  Poona, 
1951). 

Recht  und  Sitte .  Strassburg,  1896.  (Eng. 
trans.  by  B.  K,  Ghosh,  Hindu  Law  and  Cus¬ 
tom.  Calcutta,  1928). 

History  of  Alankdra  Literature  (Intr.  to 
Sahityadar'pana,  2nd  Ed.).  Bombay,  1923; 
History  of  Sanskrit  Poetics  (Intr.  to  Sahitya - 
darpana ,  3rd  Ed.).  Bombay,  1951* 

History  of  Dharmasdstra.  Vol.  I.  Poona,  1930. 
Hindu  Astronomy.  Calcutta,  1924. 

Hindu  Mathematics.  Lahore,  1889. 

History  of  Sanskrit  Literature.  Oxford,  1928; 

Reprint,  1941,  1948,  1953* 

Sanskrit  Drama.  Oxford,  1924.  Reprint,  1954. 
Kalpadrukosa.  Ed.  by  Ramavatara  Sarma. 

Vol.  I.  GOS.  Baroda,  1928. 

Bruchstucke  indische  Schauspiele  in  Inschrif - 
ten  zu  Ajmer  e.  Berlin,  1901- 
Das  indische  Drama.  Berlin,  1920. 

History  of  Classical  Sanskrit  Literature.  Mad¬ 
ras,  1937. 

Prolegomena  zu  Trivikrama’s  Prakrit-Gram- 
moXik.  Halle,  1912. 

Le  theatre  indien.  Paris,  1890. 

Handbuch  des  Pali.  2  vols.  Heidelberg,  1951* 
Die  Dharmaparikshd  des  Amitagati.  1903. 

Les  Grammairiens  Prakrits.  Paris,  1938. 

The  Auchityalavikdra  of  Kshemendra.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1885. 

Report  of  Operations  in  Search  of  Sanskrit 
MSS.  in  the  Bombay  Circle ,  1882-98.  6  vols. 
Bombay.  1883-99  (issued  as  Extra  Nos.  of 
JBBRAS). 

Die  Hofdichter  des  Lakshmanasena.  Gottingen, 
1893. 

Grammatik  der  Prakrit-Sprache7i.  Strassburg. 
1900. 

Materialien  zur  Kenntnis  des  Apabhrariisa. 
Berlin,  1902. 

New  Catalogus  Catalogorum.  Vol.  I.  Madras, 
1949. 

History  of  Hindu  Chemistry ,  etc.  Calcutta. 
1887. 

Kalpadrukosa.  Intr.  GOS.  Baroda,  1928. 


826 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Die  Lehre  der  Jainas.  Berlin  und  Leipzig, 
1935. 

Bibliography  of  the  Sanskrit  Drama.  New 
York,  1906. 

“Buddhist  Mystic  Songs”.  DUS,  IV.  1  ff. 
Studies  about  Kathdsaritsdqara.  Amsterdam, 
1908. 

Kshemendra  Studies.  Poona,  1954. 

Historical  Grammar  of  Apabhramsa.  Poona, 
1948. 

Astronomie,  Astrologie  und  Mathematic. 
Strassburg,  1889. 

Jinarainakosa  (An  Alphabetical  Register  of 
Jain  Works  and  Authors).  Vol-  I:  Works. 
Poona,  1944. 

Geschichte  der  indischen  Literatur.  Band  III. 
Leipzig,  1920. 

History  of  Indian  Literature.  (Eng.  trans.  by 
Mrs.  S.  Ketkar).  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1927,  1933. 
Citate  in  Kramadisvara’s  Samkshiptasdra. 
Gottingen,  1882. 

(B)  MARATHI 

(a)  Reference  Books 

Maharashtra  Santa-Kavi-Kdvya-Suchi 

By  G.  K.  Chandorkar.  Dhulia,  1915  (for  pub¬ 
lished  and  unpublished  works  of  authors 
ranging  from  Saka  1100  to  Saka  1740). 

Mardthi-Grantha-Suchi 

By  S.  G*  Date.  Poona,  1943  (for  printed 
Marathi  works). 

(b)  Maharashtra  and  Marathi 

“Ancient  Civilization  and  Geography  of  Maharashtra” 

By  P.  V.  Kane.  JBBRAS,  OS,' XX IV.  613-657. 
Formation  de  la,  langue  marathe 

By  Jules  Bloch.  Paris,  1919. 

Introduction  to  Jhdnesvari 

By  V.  K.  Rajwade-  Dhulia,  Saka  1831  (1909) 
Introduction  of  Jhdnadevi  (Adhyaya  I) 

By  R.  G.  Harshe.  Poona,  1947. 

Introduction  to  Marathi  Bhdshecha  Vyutpattikosa 

By  K.  P.  Kulkarni.  Bombay,  1946. 

Linguistic  Survey  of  India,  Vol.  VII:  Indo- Aryan  Languages,  South¬ 
ern  Group  (Marathi)  by  Sten  Konow.  Calcutta,  1905. 
Maharashtra  Bhdshabhydsa 

By  Y.  R-  Date.  Poona,  1939. 

“Maharashtracha  V asahatakala’  ’ 

By  V.  K.  Raj  wade.  Itihasa  ani  Aitihdsika , 
Vol.  I. 

“Marathi  Bhashecha  Kalanirnaya” 

By  C.  V.  Vaidya  and  P.  D.  Gune.  VJV ,  1922 

827 


SciIUBRING,  W. 

Schuyler,  M. 

Shahidullah,  M. 
Speyer,  J.  S. 

Surya  Kanta 
Tagare,  G.  V. 

Thibaut,  G. 

Velankar,  H.  D. 

WlNTERNITZ,  M. 

>5  5> 

Zachariae,  Th. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Prachina  Maharashtra 

By  S.  V.  Ketkar.  Poona,  1935. 

(c)  History  of  Literature 
Mahdnubhdviya  Marathi  Vanmaya 

By  Y.  K.  Deshpande.  Yeotmal,  Saka  1847 
(1925). 

Maharashtra-Kavi-charitra 

By  J.  R.  Ajgaonkar.  Vols.  I-VI.  Bombay, 
1907-24. 

Maharashtra  Sdrasvala 

By  V.  L.  Bhave.  4th  Ed.  Supplement  by  S,  G. 
Tuipule.  Poona,  1951  - 

Marathi  Bhashechd  va  Vammayacha  Itihdsa  (Mdnbhdva  akher) 

By  B.  A.  Bhide,  Poona,  1933. 

Marathi  Vanmaydchd  Itihasa 

Bv  L.  R.  Pangarkar.  Vols.  I-II.  Bombay,  1932; 
"Poona,  1935. 

A  Short  History  of  Marathi  Literature 

By  M-  K.  Nadkarni.  Baroda,  1921. 

For  short  biographical  notices  of  the  poet-saints,  cl  the  works 
of  Mahipafi;  Bhaktavijaya,  Bhaktaliltimrita,  Santali ldmrita}  Santa - 
vijaya ,  etc. 

(d)  Texts  and  Editions 

1 .  Mukundaraja: 

(i)  Vivekasindhu — R.  B.  Godbole.  Poona,  1875:  G.  E.  G-ogate. 

Dhulia,  1953. 

(ii)  Paramdmrita — (sartha).  N.  H.  Bhagvat.  5th  Ed.  Bombay, 

1923;  J.  R.  Ajgaonkar.  Bombay,  1931. 

(iii}  Pavanavijaya— Publisher  B.  L.  Pathak.  Bombay,  1910. 
(iv)  Mulastambha — Purandare  &  Co.  Bombay,  1904;  B,  L. 
Pathak.  Bombay,  1924. 

2.  Natha-sampraclaya: 

(i)  Navandthabhakiisdra— By  Narahari  Malu.  NSP.  Bom¬ 

bay,  1934. 

(ii)  “Jhanesvaraiicha  Natha-pantha”  by  N.  Y.  Mirikar  in 

Jndnesvaradarsana,  Vol.  I,  pp«  40-92.  Ahmednagar, 
1934. 

(iii)  For  songs,  Abhahgas  and  minor  works  see  Srl-Rdmadasl- 

Sariisodhana ,  Vols.  I  and  II,  Index.  Dhulia,  Saka  1855 
(1933),  1938. 

3.  Jhanesvara: 

(i)  Jndnesvari — Edns.  Rajwade,  V.  K.;  Madgaonkar,  R.  V. 

(Bombay),  1907;  Dandekar,  S.  V.  (Poona,  1953). 

(ii)  Amritdnubhava — Edns.  with  the  commentaries  of  Siva- 

kalyana,  Nirahjana-Raghunatha,  Hansaraj  asvaml.  Sar¬ 
tha— -Sakhare.  Poona,  Saka  1827  (1905). 

(iii)  Gdthd — Ed.  R.  B.  Godbole;  T.  H.  Avate;  V.  N.  Sakhare. 

(iv)  Chdngadeva-pdsashti — V.  N.  Sakhare.  Poona,  £aka  1837 

(1915). 

(v)  Yogavdsishtha — G.  K.  Chandorkar.  Dhulia,  Saka  1836 

(1914). 


828 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


4. 


is  • 


(vi)  Life  and  Works;  Sri  Jnanadeva—~S.  V.  Dandekar  (Poona, 
1932);  L.  R.  Pangarkar  (Poona,  1912);  S.  R.  Bhingar- 
kar  (Poona,  1886);  Bharadvaja  (Poona,  1931). 
Mahanubhava-sampraday  a : 

(i)  Lilackaritra—H.  N.  Nene.  Parts  1-4.  Nagpur,  1936,  37. 

(ii)  Chahradharokta  Siitrap&fha—H .  N.  Nene.  Nagpur,  1936. 

(iii)  D-rishtan ta-pat ha— K .  N.  Nene.  Nagpur,  1937. 

(iv)  Mahdnubhvdnchen  Tattvajnq.na — V.  B.  Kolte. 

(v)  Mahdnubhdvdnche  Achdradharma — V.  B.  Kolte. 

(vi)  Mahdnubhava  Pantha — Balkrishnasastri. 

(vii)  V  achchaharana— by  Damodara— Edns.  V.  L.  Bhave 

(Thana,  &aka  1846— A. D.  1924)  and  D.S.  Pangu  (Poona, 
1927). 

(viii)  Narendrakrita  Rukrninisvayamvara-^Ed.  V.  B.  Kolte. 

(ix)  Smipnlavadha—V .  L.  Bhave.  Thana,  Saka  1848  (1926). 

(x)  Gov indapra bhu-c haritra—V .  B.  Kolte. 

(xi)  Adya  Marathi  Kavayitri — V.  N.  Deshpande. 

(xii)  Bhdskarabhutta  Borlkar — V.  B.  Kolte.  Amraoti,  1935. 
(xiii)  Smritisthala — V.  N.  Deshpande. 

Namadeva  and  Contemporary  Poets: 

(i)  Gat  ha  (inclusive  of  the  poems  of  the  members  of  his  family 
and  contemporaries)  Edn.  Tukarama  Tatya.  Bombay. 
1894.  T.  H.  Avate.  Poona,  6aka  1830  (1908). 

(ii)  srisanta-gatha — T,  H.  Avate.  2nd  Ed.  Poona,  Saka  1845 
(1923). 


(C)  BENGALI 


Baociii,  P.  C. 


(jasu,  M.  M. 
MATTEltJI,  S.  K. 


M 

•9 

*5  ii 

Chatttehji,  S.  K.»  Dk. 
S.  K.  min  Bag- 
cui,  P.  C. 

(tiiosit,  C.  M.  (Kd.) 
Sakma,  it.  (Ed.) 
Sastiu.  H.  P. 


Sen.  Sukumak 


ii 


General  Reference 

“Dohakosa”.  JDL,  XXVIII.  Calcutta,  1935. 
“Bengali  Charyapadas”  (A  comparative  study 
of  the  text  and  Tibetan  translation)  Part  1. 
JDL,  XXX.  Calcutta,  1938. 

Chary  dpada.  Calcutta,  1943. 

Origin  and  development  of  the  Bengali 
Language .  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1926. 
“Jayadeva”.  Dhruva  Comm.  Vol.,  III.  183*196. 
“Jayadeva  Kavi”.  Bhdratavarsha. 
“Saduktikarnamrita”  Visvabhdrati  Patrikd. 


History  of  Bengal  Vol.  I.  Chs.  XI-XIII. 
Prakrita-Paingala.  BI.  Calcutta,  1900-02. 
Saduktikarnamrita.  Lahore,  1933. 

Hdjdr  Bachharer  Pur  ana  Bduga  la  Bhdshdy 
Bauddha  Gun  O  Doha.  Calcutta,  B.S-  1323 
(A.D.  1916);  2nd  Ed.  1358. 

Bdhgdla  Sdhityer  Itihdsa.  Vol.  I.  2nd  Ed- 
Calcutta,  1948. 

Chary agiti  Paddvali.  Burdwan,  1956. 

“Index  Verborum  of  the  Old  Bengali  Charya 
Songs  and  Fragments’*.  Indian  Linguistics , 
IX.  Calcutta,  1947. 


829 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Sen,  Sukumar 
Shahid  ullah,  M. 


Thomas,  F.  W.  (Ed.) 


“Old  Bengali  Texts  of  the  Chary a-giti-Kosha”. 

Indian  Linguistics ,  X.  Calcutta  1948. 
Buddhist  Mystic  Songs.  DUS,  IV.  1  ff. 

Les  Chant  Mystique  de  Saraha  et  Kanha. 
Paris,  1928. 

Kavindra-vachana-samuchchaya.  Calcutta, 
1912. 


Asiga 


Palhana 

Salibhadra 


>> 


Alsdorf,  L. 
Bhayani,  H.  C. 


>>  j? 


5  J  f> 


J  J 


5J  J» 

»> 

>» 


Bloch,  J. 
Chatterji,  S.  K. 

Dalal,  C.  D.  (Ed.) 
Dave.  T.  N. 


(D)  GUJARATI 
Original  Texts 

Chandanab ala-rasa-  Ed.  by  A.  Nahta.  Rdja- 
sthan-Bhdrati ,  III.  iii-iv,  July  1953,  pp.  106- 
112. 

Jxvadayd-msa.  Ed.  by  Jina  Vijaya  Muni.  BV 
(Hindi-Gujarati),  III.  i,  July  1944,  pp.  201- 
209. 

Abn-rasa.  Rajasthani,  III.  1. 

Bharata-Bahubali-rasa  (in  Gujarati).  Ed.  by 
L.  B.  Gandhi.  Sri  Jain  Dharmabhyudaya 
Grantha-mala,  No.  5.  Baroda,  1940. 

Bharatesvara-Bahubali  Rasa  and  Buddhi  Rasa. 
Ed-  by  Jina  Vijaya  Muni.  Bharatiya  Vidya 
Research  Series,  No.  2.  Bombay,  1940. 

Modern  Works 

Apabhramsa-Studien.  Leipzig,  1937. 

“Prachln  Gujarati  Rasa-Kavyonuh  Mul”  (in 
Gujarati).  GSPP,  III.  1,  October  1945,  pp. 
3-4. 

“Prachln  Rasa-Kavyo”  (in  Gujarati).  GSPP, 
IV.  iii,  February-March  1947,  pp.  6-8. 

“Language  of  Gujarat  (from  earliest  times  to 
c.  1300  A.C.)’\  BV,  VIII.  1947,  pp.  289-318. 

Vagvydpdr  (in  Gujarati).  Bharatiya  Vidya  Re¬ 
search  Series,  No.  17.  Bombay,  1954- 

Ter-ma  Chaud  md  Satak-nan  tran  Prachln 
Gujarati  Kdvyo  (in  Gujarati).  Sri  Forbes 
Gujarati  Sabha  Granthavali,  No.  61.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1955. 

“Jain  Parampara-nun  Apabhrams  Sahitya-man 
Pradan”  (in  Gujarati).  Achdrya  Sri  Vijay - 
vallabh-suri  Smdrak  Granth.  Bombay,  1956, 
pp.  31-40  (Gujarati  Section). 

Uindo-aryan  du  Veda  aux  temps  moderns. 
Paris,  1934- 

Indo-Aryan  and  Hindi.  Gujarat  Vernacular 
Society  Research  Series,  No.  20.  Ahmeda- 
bad,  1942. 

Prdchina  Gurjara-Kdvyasangraha.  Part  I. 
GOS,  No.  13.  Baroda,  1920. 

“The  Language  of  Maha-Gujarat”.  JGRS,  X. 
ii,  April  1948,  pp-  80-134. 


S30 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Destiai,  M.  D. 
Gandhi,  L.  B. 


Katre,  S.  M. 

Majmudar,  M.  R. 

Muni,  Jinavijaya 
and  Biiayani,  H. 
C.  (Eds.) 

Munshi,  K.  M. 

Nahta,  A.  and 
Nahta,  B.  (Eds.) 
Nahta,  A. 


Pathak,  It.  V.  and 
Panchal,  G. 
Raval,  A.  M. 


Sandesara,  B.  J. 
Shastri,  K.  K. 


Tessitori,  L.  P. 


Jain  Giirjar  Kavio  (Jain  Gurjara  Poets )  (in 
Gujarati).  Vols.  I-III.  Bombay,  1926-1944. 

Apabhramsa-Kavyatrayi  (or  Three  Apabhram- 
sa  Works  of  Jinadattasuri) .  GOS,  No.  37. 
Baroda,  1927. 

Some  Problems  of  Historical  Linguistics  in 
Indo-Aryan.  Bombay,  1944. 

Gujarati  Sahitya-ndii  Svarupo  (in  Gujarati). 
Vol.  I.  Baroda,  1955. 

Samdesa  Rasaka  of  Abdala  Rahamana-  SJS, 
No.  22,  Bombay,  1945. 

Gujarat  and  its  Literature  (from  early  times 
to  1852).  2nd  Ed.  Bombay,  1954. 

Aitihdsik  Jain  Kavya-Samgrah.  £rl  Abhay 
Jain  Granthmala,  No.  8.  Calcutta,  1937. 

“Prachin  Bhasha-Kavyo-kl  Vividh  Saihgyaen” 
fin  Hindi).  NPP ,  LVIII.  iv,  1953,  pp.  417- 
436. 

Rds  ane  Garbd  (in  Gujarati).  Bombay,  1954. 

Gujarati  Sdhitya  (Madhyakalin).  Bombay, 
1954. 

Itihas-ni  Kedi  (in  Gujarati).  Bombay,  1945. 

Apnd  Kavio  (in  Gujarati).  Vol.  I.  Sheth  Hari- 
vallabhdas  Balgovinddas  Granthmala,  No. 
56.  Ahmedabad,  1912. 

Gujarati  Sahityanun  Rekhddarsan  (in  Guja- 
rnti).  Vol.  I.  Ahmedabad,  1951. 

“Notes  on  the  Grammar  of  the  Old  Western 
Rajasthani  with  Special  Reference  to  Apa- 
bhraihsa  and  to  Gujarati  and  Marwari.”  I  A, 
XLIXI-XLV,  1914-1916. 


(E)  DRAVIDIAN  LITERATURE 


(Tamil,  Kannada  and  Telugu) 


Aiyar,  €.  P,  Venka- 

TARAMA 

Basawanal,  S.  S.  and 
Iyengar,  K.  R.  Sri¬ 
nivasa 

Chenchiah,  P.  and 
Raja  M.  Bhujanga 
Rao 

Kavitva  Vediit 

Nandimath,  S.  C. 
Narasimhacharya, 

R. 

yy  yy 

Pillai,  K.  Subha- 
mania 


Kamban  and  His  Art. 


Musings  of  Basava,  A  Free  Rendering •  1940. 

A  History  of  Telugu  Literature.  Oxford,  1928. 

Andhra  Vdnmaya  Charitra  Samgraham 
(Telugu). 

A  Handbook  of  Virasaivism.  Dharwar,  1942. 
History  of  Kannada  Literature.  Mysore,  1940. 

Karnataka  Kavi  Charite  (Kannada). 

The  Metaphysics  of  Saiva  Siddhdnta  System. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


PlLLAI,  M.  S.  PuRNA- 
LINGAM 

Rajagopalaciiari,  C. 
Raju,  P.  T. 

Rao,  C.  Narayana 

Rao,  T.  Rajagopala 
Rao,  Vanguri  Subba 
Rice,  E.  P. 
Shivapadasundaram, 

s. 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N. 

Si  tramai y a  ,  K. 
SOMAYAJI,  G.  J. 


Tamil  Literature .  Tinnevelly  1929. 

Bharat  Milap •  Delhi,  1955. 

Telugu  Literature.  Bombay,  1944. 

Andhra  Bhasha  Charitram  (Telugu).  2  vols. 
Waltair,  1937. 

A  Historical  Sketch  of  Telugu  Literature. 
Andhra  Vanmaya  Charitram  (Telugu). 
Kanarese  Literature.  2nd  Ed.  London,  1921. 

The  Saiva  School  of  Hinduism.  London,  1934- 
A  History  of  South  India .  (Ch.  XIV).  Madras, 
1955. 

A  Handbook  of  Telugu  Literature. 

Andhra  Bhasha  Vikasam  (Telugu). 


CHAPTER  XVI 

RELIGION  AND  PHILOSOPHY 


Original  Sources 

(See  Epics,  Puranas,  Philosophy,  Dharmasastra,  Buddhist,  Jain  under 
“Original  Sources”,  and  Religion  and  Philosophy  under  “Modern 

Works”,  in  General  Bibliography  above) 


Banerjea,  J.  N. 

Barnett.  L.  D. 
Barth,  A. 

Biiandarkar,  R.  G. 


(A)  GENERAL 
Modern  Works 

Development  of  Hindu  Iconography.  Calcutta, 
1942.  2nd  Ed.  Calcutta,  1956. 

Hindu  Gods  and  Heroes .  London,  1923. 

The  Religions  of  India  (Eng.  trans.  by  J.  Wood. 
5th  Ed.  London,  1921). 

Vaishnavism,  Saivism,  and  Minor  Religious 
Systems.  Strassburg,  1913;  Indian  Edition, 
Poona,  1928. 

Cultm'al  Heritage  of  India. 

Published  by  the  Ramakrishna  Mission  Insti¬ 
tute  of  Culture,  Calcutta,  1937,  1953,  1956. 
Hinduism  and  Buddhism.  3  vols.  London, 
1921;  New  Edition,  1953. 

Outline  of  the  Religious  Literature  of  India. 
Oxford,  1920. 

The  Religions  of  India.  Boston,  1895 


Eliot,  Sir  Charles 
Farquhar,  J.  N. 


Hopkins,  E.  W. 

Konow,  Sten  and 
Tuxen,  Paul  Religions  of  India.  Copenhagen,  1949. 

Kumaraswamiji,  Shri  Buddha  and  Basava.  Dharwar,  1956. 

Monier- Williams,  M.  Religious  Thought  and  Life  in  India .  4th  Edi¬ 
tion.  London,  1891. 

(B)  BUDDHISM 
Original  Sources 

(See  “Buddhist”  under  “Original  Sources”,  and  “Religion  and  Philo¬ 
sophy”  under  “Modern  Works”  in  “General  Bibliography”.) 

832 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Bapat,  P.  V.  (Ed.) 
Barua,  B.  M. 

Bhattachary  ya,  B . 


Bose,  P.  N. 
CORDIER,  P. 

Das,  S.  C.  (Ed.) 

Das  Gupta,  N.  N. 
Das  Gupta,  S.  B. 

>>  >» 

Getty,  Alice 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N. 

Vasu,  N. 

Vasu,  N.  and 
Sastri,  H.  P. 

VlDYABHUSHANA,  S. 

c. 


Modern  Works 

2,500  Years  of  Buddhism.  Delhi,  1956. 

Gaya  and  Buddha-Gayd.  2  vols.  Calcutta, 
1934. 

An  Introduction  to  Buddhist  Esoterism.  Bom¬ 
bay,  1932. 

Sddhanamdla .  Yol.  II.  GOS,  XLI  (Intr.J. 
Baroda,  1928. 

“Tantroic  Culture  among  the  Buddhists”.  Cult. 
Her.,  II.  208-221. 

Indian  Teachers  of  Buddhist  Universities. 
Madras ,  1923. 

Catalogue  Du  fonds  Tibetain  de  la  Biblio - 
theque  Nationale.  2  vols.  Parts  I-III.  Paris, 
1909-15, 

Pag-Sam-Jon-Zang  by  Sampa  Mkhan  Po.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1908. 

Bdhgldya  Bauddhadharma  (in  Bengali)  Cal¬ 
cutta,  B.E.  1354. 

An  Introduction  to  Tantric  Buddhism.  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1950. 

Obscure  Religious  Cults  as  Background  of 
Bengali  Literature.  Calcutta,  1946. 

Gods  of  Northern  Buddhism.  2nd  Ed.  Oxford, 
1928. 

“Buddhism  in  South  India”.  Mahabodhi,  1942. 
pp.  157-67. 

Archaeological  Survey  of  Mayurbhanja. 
Vol.  I.  Calcutta,  1911. 

Modern  Buddhism  and  Its  Followers  in  Orissa. 
Calcutta,  1901. 

History  of  Medieval  School  of  Indian  Logic • 
Calcutta,  1909. 


(C)  JAINISM 


Original  Sources 

(See  “Jain”  under  “Original  Sources”  and  “Religion  and  Philosophy” 
under  “Modern  Works”  in  “General  Bibliography”.) 


Modern  Works 


Ayyangar,  M.  S. 
Ramaswami  and 
Rao,  B.  Seshgiri 
Barodia,  U.  D. 

Buhler,  G. 


>» 


Studies  in  South  Indian  Jainism.  Madras, 
1922. 

History  and  Literature  cf  Jainism.  Bombay, 
1909. 

The  Life  of  Hemachandrachdrya  (Trans,  from 
the  original  German  by  M.  Patel.  SJS. 
Calcutta,  1936). 

Uber  die  indische  Sekte  der  Jainas.  Vienna, 
1887  (Eng.  trans.  The  Indian  Sect  of  the 
Jainas  by  J.  Burgess.  London,  1903). 


833 


S.E.— 58 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Deshai,  M.  D. 


Farquhar,  J.  N. 

Glasenapp,  H. 
Guerin ot,  A. 

>» 


>>  »» 

Hayavadanarao,  C. 
Jain,  H.  L. 

Muni  Darshana 
Vijaya 

Munshi,  K.  A. 
Nahar,  P.  C. 

N  ARASIMH  ACIIAR,  R. 

Parikh,  R.  C. 

Rice,  B. 

Saletore,  B.A. 
Sharma,  S,  R. 

Stevenson,  Mrs.  S. 
Winternitz,  M. 


»>  »» 


Jaina  Sdhityano  Samkshipta  Itihdsa  (In  Guja¬ 
rati)  (Short  History  of  Jain  Literature). 
Bombay,  1933. 

Outline  of  the  Religious  Literature  of  India. 
Oxford,  1920. 

Der  Jainismus .  Berlin,  1926. 

Essai  de  Bibliographie  Jaina.  Paris,  1908. 
“Notes  de  Bibliographie  Jaina”.  JA,  XIV.  48- 
148. 

Repertoire  d’Epigraphie  Jaina .  Paris,  1908. 
La  Religion  Djaina.  Paris,  1926. 

Mysore  Gazetteer.  Vol.  II. 
Jaina-Sildlekha-Samgraha.  Bombay,  1928. 
Pattavalx-Samuchchaya-  Part  I.  Viramgam, 
1933. 

Gujarat  and  its  Literature.  Bombay,  1935; 
2nd  Ed.  Bombay,  1954. 

Jaina-lekha-samgraha.  3  vols.  Calcutta,  1918- 
29. 

“Inscriptions  at  Sravana  Belgola”.  (EC.  II). 

2nd  Ed.  Bangalore,  1923. 

Kdvydnusasana  by  Acharya  Hemachandra. 

Vol.  II.  Part  I.  Introduction.  Bombay,  1938. 
Mysore  and  Coorg  from  the  Inscriptions.  Lon¬ 
don,  1909. 

Mediaeval  Jainism .  Bombay,  1938. 

Jainism  and  Karnataka  Culture .  Dharwar. 
1940. 

The  Heart  of  Jainism.  Oxford,  1915. 

History  of  Indian  Literature .  Vol.  II.  (Eng. 

trans.  by  Mrs-  S.  Ketkar).  Calcutta,  1933. 
“The  Jainas  in  the  History  of  Indian  Litera¬ 
ture”.  IC,  I.  143  ff. 


(D)  VAISHNAVISM 
Original  Sources 

(See  “Epics”  and  “Puranas”  under  “Original  Sources”  ana  **Reilgion 
and  Philosophy”  under  “Modern  Works”  in  “General  Bibliography”.) 


Modern  Works 


Aiyangar,  S.  Krish¬ 
na  SW  AMI 

,»  >> 

Bhandarkar,  R.  G. 


Farquhar,  J.  N. 

Govindacharyasva- 
min,  A. 
Macnicol,  N. 


Early  History  of  Vaishnavas  in  South  India. 
London,  1920. 

Sri  Rdmdnujachqxya  (Natesan),  Madras. 
Vaish-aavism,  Saivism  and  Minor  Religious 
Systems.  Strassburg,  1913;  Indian  Edition 
Poona,  1928. 

Outline  of  the  Religious  Literature  of  India . 
Oxford,  1920. 

Life  of  Ramanuja.  Madras,  1906. 

Indian  Theism.  London,  1915. 


834 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Majumdar,  A.  K. 

Rao,  T.  A.  G. 
Raychaudhuri,  H. 
C. 


Arulnandi 
Sivacharya 
Kaslnatha  Sastri 
Meykanda 

Umapati 


Mahadevan,  T.  M.  P. 
Paranjoti,  V. 

Rice,  E.  P. 

Sastri,  S.  S.  Surya- 

NARAYANA 

5>  »> 


Madhavacharya 

>>  >> 


Sankara,  Ramanuja, 


Bhandarkar,  R.  G. 


Dasgupta,  S.  N. 

Ghate,  V.  S. 
Garrat,  G.  T. 
Hiriyanna,  M. 
Ingalls,  Daniel  H. 
H. 

Jha,  Ganganatha 


“A  Note  on  the  Development  of  the  Radha 
Cult”.  ABORI,  XXXVI.  231-57. 

History  of  Sri  Vaishnavas.  Madras,  1923. 
Materials  for  the  Study  of  the  Early  History  of 
the  Vaishnava  Sect.  2nd  Ed-  Calcutta,  1936. 

(E)  6AIVISM 
Original  Sources 

Siva-jnana-siddhiyar.  Eng.  trans.  by  J.  M. 

Nailasvami  Pillai.  Madras,  1913. 
Sakti-Visishtadvaita. 

Siva-jnana-bodham.  Eng.  trans.  by  J.  M. 

Nailasvami  Pillai.  Madras,  1895.  * 
Siva-prakasam.  Eng.  trans.  by  Hoisington. 
JAOS,  1854. 

Modern  Works 

The  Idea  of  God  in  Saiva-Siddhdnta.  Anna- 
malainagar,  1955. 

Saiva  Siddhanta  in  the  Meykanda  Sastra. 
London,  1938. 

A  History  of  Kanarese  Literature.  2nd  Ed. 
London,  1921. 

‘The  Philosophy  of  Saivism”.  Cult.  Her.,  II, 
The  Sivadvaita  of  Srikantha.  Madras,  1930. 

(F)  PHILOSOPHY 
Original  Sources 

Sankara-digvijaya •  Ed.  by  B.  N.  Phadke.  ASS. 
2nd  Ed.  Poona,  1891. 

Sarva-darsana-samgraha.  Ed.  by  H.  N.  Apte. 
ASS.  Poona,  1906.  Ed.  with  a  Sanskrit 
comm,  by  V-  Sh.  Abhyankar.  2nd  Ed.  revi¬ 
sed  by  K.  V.  Abhyankar.  Poona,  1950. 
Nimbarka,  Madhva,  etc. 

Veddnta-sdtra-bhdshya  (See  above,  under 
“General  Bibliography”). 

Modern  Works 

Vaishnavism,  Saivism,  and  Minor  Religious 
Systems.  Strassburg,  1913;  Indian  Edition. 
Poona,  1928. 

History  of  Indian  Philosophy.  5  vols.  Cam¬ 
bridge,  1932  ff. 

The  Vedanta.  Poona,  1926. 

Legacy  of  India.  Oxford,  1937. 

Outlines  of  Indian  Philosophy.  London,  1932. 
Materials  for  the  study  of  Navya-Nydya  Logic. 
Cambridge-Mass,  1951. 

Purva  Mimdrhsa  in  its  sources.  Benares,  1942. 


835 


Keith,  A.  B. 

>»  »> 

>f  >> 

>>  »» 

Radhakrishnan,  S. 
Kapson,  E.  J.  (Ed,) 

Raychaudhuri,  H.C. 

Sastri,  S.  Kuppu- 

SWAMI 

Srinivasachari,  P. 
N. 

Stevenson,  Mrs.  S. 
Yidyabhushana,  S. 
C. 

Weber,  A.  and 
Perry,  R.  B, 

WlNTERNITZ,  M. 


Abdul  Haqq, 
Shaikh,  Dihlawi 
Abdul  Hayy,  M. 
Abu*l  Fazl 


‘Aflf,  Shams-i-Siraj 
Azad,  Mir  Ghulam 
‘Ali 

»»  >> 

Badaunl 

Bar  an! 

Dara  Shikuh 
Firishta,  Abu’l 
Qasim 

Gulbadan  Begum 

Ikraxn,  Shaikh 
Mohd. 

Khusrav,  Amir 


n  v 


Mohd.  Ma’sum 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Buddhist  Philosophy  in  India  and  Ceylon. 
Oxford,  1923- 

Indian  Logic  and  Atomism .  Oxford,  1921. 
Karma  Mimamsd.  London,  1921, 

Samkhya  System .  2nd  Ed.  London,  1924. 
Indian  Philosophy.  2  vols,  London,  1923,  1927. 
Cambridge  History  of  India ,  YoL  I.  Indian 
Edition.  Delhi,  1955. 

Political  History  of  Ancient  India.  6th  Edition. 
Calcutta,  1955. 

A  Primer  of  Indian  Logic.  Madras,  1932. 

Philosophy  of  Bheddbheda .  2nd  Ed.  Madras, 
1950. 

Heart  of  Jainism .  Oxford,  1915. 

Indian  Logic.  Calcutta,  1921. 

History  of  Philosophy.  London,  1945. 

History  of  Indian  Literature .  Eng.  trans.  by 
Mrs.  S.  Ketkar.  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1927,  1933. 

(G)  ISLAM 

Original  Sources 
Akhbdr  al-Akhy&r.  Delhi,  1889. 

Nuzhat  at-Khawatir. 

Akhar  Nama ,  3  vols.  Newal  Kishore  Ed 
Cawnpore,  1881-83.  3  vols,  BI.  Calcutta, 
1873-86. 

Ta’rikh-i-Firuz  Shdhi.  BI.  Calcutta,  1888-91. 
Ma’asir  al-Kirarn. 

Subhat  al-Mirfan . 

Muntakhab-ut-Tawdrikh.  3  vols.  BI.  Calcutta, 
1864-69. 

Ta’rikh-i-Firuz  Shdhi.  BI.  Calcutta,  1860-62. 
Safinat  al-Auliya. 

Gulshan-i-Ibrdhimi.  Newal  Kishore. 

Hum&yun  Ndma<  Trans,  by  Mrs.  A.  S.  Beve¬ 
ridge.  London,  1902, 

Chashma-i-Kauthar .  Lahore. 

Ashiqa.  Aligarh,  1917, 

Matla  al-Antoar.  Aligarh,  1926. 

Nuh  Sipihr.  Calcutta,  1948. 

Qirdn  al-Sa‘dain ,  Aligarh,  1918. 

Tughluq  Ndma»  Hyderabad,  1933. 

Khaza’in  aUFutuh.  BI.  Calcutta,  1953. 
Ta’rikh-i-Sindh. 


830 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Modem  Works 


Ahmad,  M.  G.  Z. 
Ashkaf,  K.  M. 

Ckooke,  W. 

Elliot  and  Dowson 

Ghani,  M.  A. 

Haio,  W.  (Ed,) 

Havell,  E.B. 

Mirza,  M.  W. 


Peasad,  Ishwaei 
Tara  Chakd 
Thomas,  E, 

Thomas,  F,  W. 

Titus,  M,  T. 

Yusuf  Ali,  Abdullah 


India’s  Contribution  to  Arabic  Literature, 

Life  and  Conditions  of  the  Peoples  of  Hindustan 
1200-1550  A.D. 

Islam  in  India, 

History  of  India  as  told  by  its  own  historians. 
Vote,  II,  III. 

A  History  of  Persian  Literature. 

Cambridge  History  of  India .  Vol.  III.  Cam' 
bridge,  1928. 

Indian  Architecture.  2nd  Ed.  London,  1927, 

The  Life  and  Works  of  Amir  Khusrau .  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1935. 

History  of  Medieval  India*  Allahabad. 
Influence  of  Islam  on  Indian  Culture . 

The  Chronicles  of  the  Pathan  Kings  of  Delhi. 
London,  1871. 

Mutual  Influence  of  Muhammadans  and  Hindus 
in  India .  Cambridge,  1892. 

Indian  Islam.  Madras,  1938. 

Hindustan  he  Mu’dsharatl  Haldt  Allahabad, 
1928. 


CHAPTERS  XV1X-XXX 

SOCIAL  CONDITION,  EDUCATION,  AND 
ECONOMIC  CONDITION 

Original  Sources 
I.  LITERARY 

1.  Smxiti  commentaries  and  Digests 

Commentary  on  Ydjnavalkya-snmti  called  Mitakshard  by  Vij  nines  - 
vara.  Pub.  NSP.  Bombay,  1909. 

Commentary  on  Y djnavalkya-smjdti  by  Apararka  (otherwise  called 
Aparaditya).  Pub.  ASS.  2  vols.  Poona,  1903-04. 

Praya£chitta~Pmkamnam  by  Bhafta  Bhavadeva.  Ed.  by  Girish 
Chandra  Vedantatirtha.  Rajshahi,  1927. 

Smriti-chandrikd  by  Devawabhatta:  (1)  Samsklra-kan^a,  (2)  Ah- 
nika-kan^a  (3)  V yavahara-kiinda  (4)  A£aueh&»kanda  and  (5) 
Sraddha-k&nda.  Ed.  by  L.  Srinivasacharya.  Mysore,  1914, 

Smrityarthasara  by  Sridhara 

Pub.  ASS.  Poona,  1912. 

Yajnavalkya-smHti  with  the  comms.  of  Vi  j  nan  es  vara  and  Mitrami&ra 

Eng.  Trans,  by  J.  R.  Gharpure.  Bombay,  1926  if. 

2,  Lexicons 

Abhidftima-chintarnani  bv  Hemachandra.  Ed.  by  O.  Bohtlingk  and 
Ch.  Rieu.  St.  Petersburg,  1847. 

Vaijayantx  by  YadavaprakaSa.  Ed.  by  Gustav  Oppert.  Madras,  1893. 

837 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


3.  Miscellaneous  Works 

Brihaddkarma  Purdna 

Ed.  by  H.  P.  Sastri.  BI.  Calcutta,  1887-97. 

Desopadeia  by  Kshemendra  (and  Narmamdld) 

Ed.  with  intr.  by  M.  Kaul  Sastri.  Poona,  1923. 

Hammira-MaJidkavya  by  Nayachandra  Suri 

Ed.  by  N.  J.  Kirtane.  BSS.  Bombay,  1879. 

Kathdsaritsdgara  by  Somadeva 

Ed.  by  Durgaprasad  and  K.  P.  Parab.  NSP. 
Bombay,  1915. 

Manasollasa  by  King  Somesvara 

Ed.  by  G.  K.  Shrigondekar.  2  vols.  GOS. 
Baroda,  1925,  1939. 

Prithvirdja-vijaya 

Ed.  with  the  comm,  of  Jortarajc,  by  G.  H.  Ojha 
and  C.  S.  Guleri.  Ajmer,  1941. 
Vikramdnkadeva-charita  by  Bilhana 

Ed.  by  G.  Biihler.  BSS.  Bombay,  1875. 


n.  ARCHAEOLOGICAL 

Annual  Reports  on  South  Indian  Epigraphy  (upto  1944-45) 
Annual  Reports  on  Indian  Epigraphy  (1945-46  onwards) 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Mysore  Archaeological  Department 
Antiquities  of  Orissa  by  R.  L.  Mitra.  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1875,  1880. 
Epigraphia  Carnatica 
Epigraphia  Indica 


in.  FOREIGN  TRAVELLERS  AND  HISTORIANS 


Alberuni’s  India 
Chau  Ju-Kua 


Elliot  and  Dowson 
Hodivala,  S.  H. 


Ferrand,  Gabriel 


Nainar,  S.  M.  H. 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N. 
Yule,  Sir  Henry 


Eng.  trans.  by  E-  Sachau.  2  vols.  London,  1910. 

His  work  on  the  Chinese  and  Arab  trade  in 
the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries,  en¬ 
titled  Chii-fan-chi.  Trans,  from  the  Chinese 
and  annotated  by  Fredrich  Hirth  and  W.W. 
Rockhill.  St.  Petersburg,  19i2. 

History  of  India  as  told  by  its  own  historians. 
Vols.  I  and  II.  London.  * 

Studies  in  Indo-Muslim  History.  A  Critical 
commentary  on  Elliot  and  Dowson’s  History 
of  India.  Bombay,  1939. 

Relations  de  Voyages  et  Textes  Geographiques 
Arabes,  Persons  et  Turks — Relatifs  a  V Ex¬ 
treme-Orient  du  VIIIe  au  XVII*  siecles . 
2  vols.  Paris,  1913-14. 

Arab.  Geographers ’  Knowledge  of  Southern 
India.  Madras,  1942. 

Foreign  Notices  of  South  India.  Madras,  1939. 

The  Book  of  Ser  Marco  Polo.  Trans,  and  ed. 
by  Sir  Henry  Yule.  2  vols.  London,  1903. 
3rd  Ed.  Revised  by  Henry  Cordier  with 
Notes  and  Addenda.  2  vols.  London,  1920. 


838 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Aiyangar,  K.  V. 

Rangaswami 
Altekar,  A.  S. 


»>  >> 

Ghosiial,  U.  N. 


»» 

Gupta,  K.  M. 

Kane,  P.  V. 

Mackenzie,  J. 
Sastju,  K.  A.  Nila- 

KANT  A 

Venkateswaka,  S.  V. 

Yule,  Col.  Henry 
and 

Burnell,  A.  C. 


Modern  Works 

Aspects  of  Ancient  Indian  Economic  Thought. 
Benares,  1934. 

Education  in  Ancient  India .  4th  Ed.  Banaras, 
1951. 

Position  of  Women  in  Hindu  Civilisation • 
Benares,  1938;  2nd  Ed.  Banaras,  1956. 
Contributions  to  the  History  of  the  Hindu 
Revenue  System.  Calcutta,  1929. 

The  Agrarian  System  in  Ancient  India .  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1930. 

The  Land  System  in  South  India  between  c. 

800  A.D.  and  1200  A.D.  Lahore,  1933. 
History  of  Dharmasdstra.  Vols.  II-XV.  Poona, 
1941,  1946,  1953. 

Hindu  Ethics .  London,  1922. 

Colas.  2nd  Ed-  Madras,  1955. 

Indian  Culture  through  the  Ages.  2  vols. 
Mysore,  1928-1932. 


Hobson-  Jobson.  New  Ed.  by  W.  Crooke. 
London,  1903. 


CHAPTER  XX 


ART 


Original  Sources 

Apardjitaprichchha  of  Bhuvanadeva 

Ed.  by  P.  A-  Mankad.  GOS.  Baroda,  1950. 

Isana-siva-guru-deva-paddhati  of  Isanasivagurudeva  Misra 

Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati  Sastri.  4  vols.  TSS.  Tri¬ 
vandrum,  1920-25. 

Mayamata  of  Mayamuni 

Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati  Sastri-  TSS.  Trivandrum, 
1919. 

Samarahgana  Sutradhdra  of  Bhoja 

Ed.  by  T.  Ganapati  Sastri.  GOS.  2  vols. 
Baroda,  1924,  1925. 

Silparatna  of  Kumara 

Ed.  by  T-  Ganapati  Sastri.  TSS.  2  vols.  Tri¬ 
vandrum,  1922,  1929. 

Vishnudharmottara,  part  III 

Ed.  by  Stella  Kramsrisch.  Calcutta,  1924. 

Modern  Works 
(A)  ARCHITECTURE 

Banerji.  R.  D.  History  of  Orissa.  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1930-31. 

,,  ,.  The  Haihayas  of  Tripuri  and  their  Monuments 

( MASI ,  No.  23).  Calcutta,  1931- 


889 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Banerji,  R.  D. 
Bose,  N.  K. 
Bbown,  Pebcy 
Burgess,  James 


»»  M 


»»  it 

Cobringtgn,  K.  de  B. 
COOMABASWAMY,  A. 

K. 


Eastern  Indian  School  of  Mediaeval  Sculpture . 
Delhi,  1933. 

Canons  of  Orissan  Architecture.  Calcutta, 
1932. 

Indian  Architecture  (Buddhist  and  Hindu). 

2nd  Ed.  Bombay,  1949.  3rd  Ed.  1956. 

Ancient  Monuments,  Temples  and  Sculptures 
of  India.  2  vols.  London,  1897. 
Architectural  Antiquities  of  Northern  Gujarat 
London,  1903. 

Report  on  the  Antiquities  of  Kathiawar  and, 
Kach.  London,  1878. 

Ancient  India .  London,  1928. 

History  of  Indian  and  Indonesian  Art.  London, 
1927. 


Cousens,  Henry  Architectural  Antiquities  of  Western  India. 

London,  1926. 

„  „  Chalukyan  Architecture  of  the  Kanarese  Dis¬ 

tricts.  Calcutta,  1926. 

,»  „  Mediaeval  Temples  of  the  Dakhan .  Calcutta, 

1931. 


»»  t* 

Cunningham,  A. 
Dxkseit,  K.  N. 
Febgusson,  James 


Febgusson,  James 
and  Burgess, 
James 

Ganguly,  M. 


Somnath  and  other  Mediaeval  Temples  in  Ka - 
thiawad .  Calcutta,  1931. 

Mahabodhi  or  the  Great  Buddhist  Temple  at 
Buddhagaya .  London,  1892. 

Excavations  at  Paharpur.  (MASI,  No.  55). 
Delhi,  1938. 

History  of  Indian  and  Eastern  Architecture. 
2nd.  Ed.  Revised  and  Edited  by  J.  Burgess 
and  R.  P-  Spiers.  2  vols.  London,  1910. 

Cave  Temples  of  India.  London,  1880. 


Orissa  and  her  remains,  ancient  and  mediaeval. 
Calcutta,  1912. 


Ha  yell,  E.  B.  Indian  Architecture:  its  psychology,  structure 

and  history.  London,  1913. 

„  *  „  Ancient  and  Mediaeval  Architecture  of  India. 

London,  1915. 

India,  Archaeological  Survey 

Reports  by  Alexander  Cunningham.  Vols.  II, 

vn,  vm,  ix,  xm,  xvh. 

Annual  Reports  started  by  John  Marshall, 
1904-05,  1905-06,  1906-07,  1908-09,  1909-10, 
1912-13,  1913-14,  1915-16,  1921-22,  1923-23, 
1924-25,  1925-26,  1926-27,  1927-28,  1928-29, 
1930-34,  1934-35,  1935-36. 

India,  Archaeological  Survey,  Western  Circle,  Annual  Report, 
1903-04. 


Jouveau-Dubreuil,  Archeologie  du  Sud  de  V  Inde.  2  vols.  Paris, 
G.  1914. 

Kak,  R.  C.  Ancient  Monuments  of  Kashmir .  London, 

1933. 


840 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Kbam&ibch,  Stella 

»»  f* 

Longhurst,  A.  H. 
Majumdar,  R.  C. 

(Ed-) 

Mff&a,  R.  L. 
Mukherjx,  P.  C. 

Ram  Raj 
Rea,  A. 

Rowland,  Benjamin 
Sanxaua,  H,  Dc 

Saraswati,  S.  K. 


Sastbi,  K.  A.  N. 
Smith,  V.  A. 


Swabup,  B. 

Vogel,  J.  Ph. 

Yazdani,  G. 

Zimmer,  Heinrich 


Banesji,  R.  D. 

Chanda,  R.  P. 

Codrington,  K.  de  B. 
Cohn,  W. 

Coomaraswamy,  A. 
K. 


Hindu  Temple.  Z  vols.  Calcutta,  1946. 

Art  of  India*  London,  1954. 

Pallava  Architecture  ( MASI ,  Nos.  17  and  33). 

Calcutta,  1924,  1928. 

History  of  Bengal .  VoL  I.  Dacca,  1943. 

Antiquities  of  Orissa .  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1875, 
1880 . 

Report  on  the  antiquities  of  Lalitpur,  N*W,P. 
Roorkee,  1899. 

Essay  on  the  Architecture  of  the  Hindus . 
London,  1834. 

Pallava  Architecture .  Madras,  1909. 

Art  and  Architecture  of  India .  London,  1953. 
Archaeology  of  Gujarat  (including  Kathia¬ 
war),  Bombay,  1941. 

Begunia  Group  of  Temples  ( JISOA ,  vol.  I). 
Calcutta,  1933- 

Temples  of  Bengal  (JISOA.,  Vol.  II).  Calcutta, 
1934. 

Date  of  the  Paharpur  Temple  (IC,  Vol.  VII). 
Calcutta,  1940. 

Origins  of  the  Mediaeval  Indian  Temple  Styles 
(IC,  Vol.  VII).  Calcutta,  1941. 

Temples  at  Pagan  (JGIS,  Vol.  IX).  Calcutta, 
1941. 

‘Abeyadana  and  Patothamya  (JGIS,  Vol.  XI). 
Calcutta,  1943. 

Temples  of  Orissa  (OHRJ,  Vol.  I).  Bhuvanes- 
war,  1953. 

Colas.  2nd  Ed.  Madras,  1955. 

History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon.  2nd. 
Ed.  revised  by  K-  de  B.  Codrington.  Oxford, 
1930. 

Konarka ,  the  Black  Pagoda.  Cuttack,  1910. 
Antiquities  of  the  Chamba  State.  Calcutta, 
1911. 

History  of  the  Deccan.  VoL  I,  Part  VIII.  Lon¬ 
don,  1952. 

Art  of  Indian  Asia:  Its  mythology  and  trans¬ 
formations.  Completed  and  edited  by 
Joseph  Campbell.  2  vols.  New  York,  1955. 

(B)  SCULPTURE 

Eastern  Indian  School  of  Mediaeval  Sculpture . 
Delhi,  1933. 

Mediaeval  Indian  Sculpture  in  the  British 
Museum.  London,  1936. 

Ancient  India,  London,  1926. 
lndische  Plastik.  Berlin,  1921. 

History  of  Indian  and  Indonesian  Art.  London, 
1927. 


841 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


COOMARASWAMY,  A.K. 

n  ft 

tt  ff 

tt  tt 

it  ft 

Diez,  E. 

Dikshit,  K.  N. 

Fischer,  O. 

Gangoly,  O.  C. 
Ganguly,  M. 

Garde,  M.  B. 
Goloubew,  V.  AND 
OTHERS 

Grousset,  R. 
Hackin,  J. 


Havell,  E.  B. 

ft  ft 

Kak,  R.  C. 


Kramrisch,  Stella 

•t  ft 


Visvakarma.  London,  1914. 

Catalogue  of  Indian  Collections  in  the  Museum 
of  Fine  Arts.  Part  II.  Boston,  1923. 

Dance  of  Siva.  New  York,  1918. 
Transformation  of  Nature  in  Art.  Cambridge 
(Mass),  1934, 

Die  Kunst  Indiens.  Potsdam,  1925. 

Excavations  at  Paharpur  (MAS I,  No.  55). 
Delhi,  1938. 

Die  Kunst  Indiens ,  Chinas  und  Japans.  Berlin, 
1928. 

South  Indian  Bronzes .  London,  1915. 

Orissa  and  her  Remains ,  ancient  and  mediae - 
val,  Calcutta,  1912. 

Archaeology  in  Gwalior.  Gwalior,  1934. 
Sculptures  Qivaites  ( Ars  Asiatica,  Vol.  II). 
Paris,  1921. 

Civilisations  of  the  East.  Vol .  2:  India.  London, 

1932. 

La  Sculpture  Indienne  et  Tibetaine  au  Musee 
Guimet.  Paris,  1931. 

Indian  Sculpture  and  Painting.  London.  1908. 
Ideals  of  Indian  Art.  London,  1911. 

Handbook  of  Indian  Art.  London,  1920. 
Handbook  of  the  archaeological  and  numisma¬ 
tic  sections  of  the  Sri  Pratap  Singh  Museum, 
Srinagar.  London,  1923. 

Ancient  Monuments  of  Kashmir.  London, 

1933. 

Indian  Sculpture.  Calcutta,  1933. 

Grundzuge  der  Indischen  Kunst .  Hellerau, 
1924.  x 


ff 


f 


ff 


ff 


Rowland,  Benjamin 
Saiini,  D.  R.  and 
Vogel,  J.  Ph. 

Sara sw ati,  S.  K. 


ft 


tt 


Sankalia,  H.  D. 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N. 
Smith,  V.  A. 


Pala  and  Sena  Sculpture.  Calcutta,  1929. 

Hindu  Temple.  2  vols.  Calcutta,  1946. 

Art  of  India.  London,  1954. 

Art  and  Architecture  of  India.  London,  1953. 

Catalogue  of  the  Museum  of  Archaeology  at 
Sarnath.  Calcutta,  1914. 

Early  Sculpture  of  Bengal  Calcutta,  1937. 

Survey  of  Indian  Sculpture .  Calcutta  (in 
press). 

Archaeology  of  Gujarat  (including  Kathia¬ 
war).  Bombay,  1941. 

Colas.  2nd  Ed.  Madras,  1955. 

History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon.  2nd 
Ed.  revised  by  K.  de  B.  Codrington.  Oxford, 
1930. 


Vogel,  J.  Ph.  Catalogue  of  the  Bhuri  Singh  Museum  at 

Chamba.  Calcutta,  1909. 

Catalogue  of  the  Archaeological  Museum  at 
Mathura.  Allahabad,  1910. 

History  of  the  Deccan .  Vol.  I,  Part  VIII.  Lon¬ 
don,  1952. 


842 


Yazdani,  G. 


GENERAL  BIBLIOGRAPHY 


ZnfifF.it,  Heinrich 


Brown,  Percy 

CoOMARASWAMY,  A. 

K. 


>*  »» 


Kramrisch,  Stella 


»»  »* 

Majumdar,  R.  C. 
(Ed.) 

Mon  Chandra 

Nawab,  Sarabhai 
Ramachandran,  T. 
N. 

SlVARAMAM URTI,  C. 

Smith,  V.  A. 


Vogel,  J.  Ph. 
Zimmer,  Heinrich 


Art  of  Indian  Asia:  Its  psychology  and  trans¬ 
formations .  Completed  and  edited  by  Joseph 
CampbelL  2  vols.  New  York,  1955. 

(C)  PAINTING 

Indian  Painting .  4th  Ed.  Calcutta,  1932. 

History  of  Indian  and  Indonesian  Art •  London, 
1927. 

Chitralakshana  ( Asutosh  Memorial  Volume ), 
Patna,  1924. 

An  early  passage  on  Indian  Painting  (Eastern 
Art,  Vol.  III). 

Abhasa  ( JAOS ,  Vol.  52). 

Theory  and  Technique  of  Indian  Painting 
(Technical  Studies). 

Vishnudharmottaram ,  pt.  Ill  (a  treatise  on 
Indian  painting).  Calcutta,  1924. 

Survey  of  Painting  in  the  Deccan .  London, 
1937. 

Nepalese  Painting  (JISOA,  Vol.  I).  Calcutta, 
1933. 

Art  of  India.  London,  1954. 

History  of  Bengal.  Vol.  I.  Dacca,  1943. 

Jaina  Miniature  Paintings  from  Western  India . 
Ahmedabad,  1949- 

Jaina  Chitra  Kalpadruma.  Ahmedabad,  1936. 

Cave  Temples  near  Tirumalaipuram  and  their 
Paintings  (JISOA,  Vol.  IV).  Calcutta,  1936. 

Notes  on  paintings  at  Tirumalaipuram 
(JISOA,  Vol.  IV).  Calcutta,  1936. 

History  of  Fine  Art  in  India  and  Ceylon .  2nd 
Ed.  revised  by  K.  de  B.  Codrington.  Oxford, 
1930. 

Discovery  of  Frescoes  in  South  Indian  Temples 
(ABIA,  1931).  Leiden,  1933. 

Art  of  Indian  Asia:  Its  psychology  and  trans¬ 
formations.  Completed  and  edited  by  Joseph 
Campbell.  New  York,  1955. 

CHAPTER  XXI 


COLONIAL  AND  CULTURAL  EXPANSION 

Modem  Works 

Bagchi,  P.  C.  India  and  China.  Calcutta,  1944;  2nd  Ed.  Bom¬ 

bay,  1950. 

.,  „  Le  Canon  Bouddhique  en  China.  2  vols.  Paris, 

1927  1938 

„  “Sino-Indian  Relations”.  SIS,  I.  65-84,  161- 

166. 

Bose,  P.  The  Hindu  Colony  of  Cambodia .  Adyar,  1927. 

„  „  The  Hindu  Colony  of  Champa .  Adyar,  1926. 

843 


Chatterji,  B.  R. 

»  »t 

COBDES,  G. 


j>  >» 

Das,  S.  C. 


De  Boer.  T.  J. 

Francke,  A.  H. 
GoldziheR,  I. 
Grousset,  R. 


Him,  F.  K. 
Hourani,  G.  F. 


Majumdar,  R.  C. 


Mukherji,  P.  K. 

Oakeshott,  W.  F, 
O’Leary  de  Lacy 
Petech,  L. 


»»  a 

Hay,  N.  K. 


Sarkar,  H.  B, 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N. 

♦> 


Titus,  M.  T. 
Wales,  H.  G.  Q. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Indian  Cultural  Influence  in  Cambodia .  Cal¬ 
cutta,  1928- 

India  and  Java.  Calcutta,  1933. 

Les  Mats  Hindonises  D’Indochine  et  D’Indo - 
nesie.  Paris,  1948. 

Inscriptions  du  Cambodge.  Vols.  I-VI.  Paris. 

Indian  Pandits  in  the  Land  of  Snow .  Ed.  by 
S.  C  Das.  Calcutta,  1893. 

“Contributions  on  the  Religion,  History,  etc. 
of  Tibet”.  MSB,  1881,  187  ff;  1882,  1  ft; 
87  ff. 

History  of  the  Philosophy  of  Islam.  London, 
1903. 

Antiquities  of  Indian  Tibet  Calcutta,  1914-26. 

Vorlesungen  iiber  den  Islam.  Heidelberg.  1910. 

The  Civilisations  of  the  East-India  (Eng. 
trans.).  London,  1932. 

The  Civilisations  of  the  East-China  (Eng. 
trans.).  London,  1934. 

History  of  the  Arabs .  1937. 

Arab  Seafaring  in  the  Indian  Ocean  in  ancient 
and  early  Mediaeval  Times .  Princeton  Uni. 
Press,  1951. 

Ancient  Indian  Colonies  in  the  Far  East  Vol. 
I.  Champa:  Lahore,  1927.  Vol.  II.  Suvanja- 
dvlpa.  Parts  1  and  2.  Dacca  1937,  38. 

Kambujadesa.  Madras,  1944. 

Hindu  Colonies  in  the  Far  Bast.  Calcutta,  1944, 

Inscriptions  of  Kambuja.  Asiatic  Society  Mo¬ 
nograph.  Calcutta,  1953. 

Indian  Literature  in  China  and  the  Far  East. 
Calcutta,  1931. 

Commerce  and  Society .  Oxford,  1936. 

Arabia  before  Muhammad. 

A  Study  of  the  Chronicles  of  Ladakh  (Suppl. 
to  IHQ,  XIII-XIV).  Calcutta,  1939. 

Northern  India  according  to  the  Shui-Ching - 
Chu.  Rome,  1950. 

Brahmanical  Gods  in  Burma.  Calcutta,  1932. 

Theravdda  Buddhism  in  Burma.  Calcutta, 
1946. 

Indian  Influence  on  the  Literature  of  Java  and 
Bali.  Calcutta,  1934, 

Foreign  Notices  of  South  India.  Madras,  1939. 

South  Indian  Influence  in  the  Far  East  Bom¬ 
bay,  1949. 

History  of  Srivijaya.  Madras,  1949. 

Indian  Islam.  London,  1936. 

The  Making  of  Greater  India.  London,  1951. 


844 


GENEALOGY 


1. 


Note:  Hie  names  in  italics  did  not  reign. 

The  Yaminis  of  the  Punjab  or  the  Ghaznavids 

1.  Sabuktigln 


r 


3.  Mahmud 


2.  Ism&'Il 


4.  Muhammad 


l 

6.  Maudud 

l 

7.  Mas*ud  II 


8.  ‘All 


5.  Mas'ud  I 

l 


0.  ‘Abd-ur-Rashld 


l 

10  .  Farrukhzad 


11.  Ibrahim 

l 

12.  Mas'ud  ni 


I 

13.  Shlrzad 


14.  Arsalan 


! 

15.  Bahram  Shah 

i 

16.  Khusrav  Shah 

I 

17.  Khusrav  Malik 


2.  The  Palas  of  Bengal  (For  earlier  kings  see  VoL  IV,  pp.  520-21) 

1.  Mahlpala  I 


2.  Nayapala 


4.  Mahlpala  II 


3.  Vigra 

lap&la  III 

1  J 

i 

5.  durapala  II 


•'"r“ 


i 

Rdjyapala 


I 

7.  Kumar  apala 

I 

8.  Gopila  HI 


9.  Madanapala 
Govindapa’la  (?) 


3.  The  Yadavas  of  East  Bengal 


Vajravarman 

Jatavarman 


Harivarman 


Samalavarroan 

Bhojavarman 


845 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


4.  The  Senas  of  Bengal 


! - 

Vitvarikpasena 

T J — 


Kum6r***na 


Saraantasena 

Hemantasena 

l 

Vijayasena 

Vallfilasena 

Tiakahma^aama 

''  -  ■ ' . . T 

Kesavasena 


— r 

Pvrushottamasena 


5. 


Hie  Deva  Dynasty  of  East  Bengal 

Puruahottama 

I 

Madhusudana  alia* 
Madhumathana 


l 

V&sudeva 

l 

D&modara 

l 


Dasaratha 


6.  The  Palas  of  Assam 

T"* 

Ratnapala 

l 

Purandarap&la 

Indrap&la 

I 

Gopak 

Harshapftla 

Dharmap&la 


7.  Dynasty  of  Bhiskara  (K&marupa) 


BhSikarm 

“T” 

Vallabhadeva 


846 


GENEALOGY 


8.  Dynasty  of  Kharavaija  (Srihatfa) 

Kharavftpa 

i 

Gokuladeva 

I 

Narfcyana 

Ke&avadeva 

lianadeva 

9.  Dynasty  of  Guittkama  (Nepal) 

Gupakimadeva  I 

Udayadeva 

Nirbhaya  | 

>  Joint  rule 
Rudradeva  * 

Bhoja 

•  - 

X^kahnlkimadeva 

i 

Jayak&madeva  alias  Vijaya 

10.  The  Thakuris  of  Nayakot  in  Nepal 

BMskaradeva 

Baladeva  alias  Balavantadeva 
Pradyumnakamadeva  alios  Padmadeva 
Nagarjunadeva 
gankaradeva1 
givadeva 

Indra  alias  Mahendra 
Manadeva 

i 

Narendradeva 

Anandadeva 

Rudradeva 
* 

Amjritadeva 
Ratnadeva 

Somesvaradeva  (son  of  Mahendra) 
Gu$ak&madeva  II 
Lakshmlkamadeva 
Vijayakamadeva 


847 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


11.  The  Thlkuris  of  Patan  in  Nepal 

Vamadeva 


12.  The  Mallas  of  Nepal 


Harshadeva 


Arimalladeva 

Rana&ura 

♦ 

Abhayamalla 


} 


joint  rule 


13. 


) 

Jayadevamalla 
* 

Jayabhima 
# 

Jayarfhamalla 
♦ 

Anantamalla 
Jayanandadeva 
Jayarudramalla 
Jaydrimalla 

Jayazfijadeva 

* 

Jayarjunamalla 

The  Kanp&taka  Dynasty  of  Mithila 

“T 

N|ig£mha 

Ramasimha 

Saktishfaha 

Bhupaiasiriiha 

Karisbbha 


Anandaxnalla 


14.  The  Gupta  Dynasty  of  Bihar 

Devagupta 

Baj&dityagupta 

Kfuh^/iagupta 

Saihgrfimagupta 

848 


GENEALOGY 


15. 


Khayaravala  Dynasty  of  Bihar 

Khadirapala 

9 

9 

Sadhava 

I 

Eansdiiavala 

Pratijpadhavala 

Sahasa 


Vikrama 


Indradhavala 
Pratipa  (?) 


18.  The  Rashtrakuta  Dynasty  of  Kanauj  and  Budaun 

Chandra 

n4- 

Bhuvanapala 

i 

Go  pal  a 


Tribhuvanapala 


- j— 

Madanapala 


Devapala 

Bhlmapala 


Sura 


t 


I — 

Amj-itapala 


17.  The  Gaha^avala  Dynasty  of  Kanauj  and  Varanasi 

Yaiowi^raha 

Mahichandra 

I 

Chandradeva 

Madanachandra 

Govindachandra 

l  


tala 


“I 

Lakhanapala 

Bharahadeva 


r — — 

Aaphotachandfa 


T 


Rajyap&la 


Harischandra 

Adakkamalla 


849 


3.$.— 54 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


18.  The  Yaduvarii&  Kings  of  Bayana-Srlpatha 

Jaitapala 

• 

9 

9 

Vijayapala 

Tahanapala 

Dharmapala 

Kunwarpala 

Ajayapala 

Haripala 

9 

Sohapala  or  Sahanapala2 

Anangapala 

0 

Prithvlpala 

Rajapala 

« 

Trilokapala 


19.  The  Kachchhapaghata  Dynasty  of  Gwalior 

Lakshmana 

Vairadaman 

l 

Mangalaraja 


KIrttiraja 

Muladeva 


Devapaia 

Padmapala 

Mahipala 

I 

Ratnapala 


20.  The  Pratlhara  Dynasty  of  Gwalior 

vi,r 

i 

Malayavarman 

Dewbul 


Nrivarman 

Hariraja 


830 


GENEALOGY 


21.  The  Kachchhapaghata  Dynasty  of  Dubkund 

Yuvaraja 

i 

Arjuna 

Abhimanyu 

I 

Vijayapala 

i 

Vikramasiriiha 

22.  The  Kachchhapaghata  Dynasty  of  Narwar 

Gangasimha 

I 

^aradasiriiha 

Virasimha 

23.  The  Yajvapala  or  Jajapella  Dynasty  of  Narwar 

Yajvapala 

Ya(Pa)ramadiraja 

ChahagLa 

i 

Nrivarman 

'  I 

Asalladeva 

Gopala 

Ganapati 

24.  The  Chandellas  of  Bundelkhand  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV, 

p.  522). 

1.  Dhanga 


2.  Gantfa 
Vidyadhara 
4.  Vijyapala 


O 

o 


I 


5.  Devendravarman 


6.  Kirttivarman 


f 


7.  Sallakshanavarman 

'I 

8.  Jayavarman 


9.  Plithvivarman 

'  l 

10.  Madanavarman 


Yasovarman  11 


I 


11.  ParamardI 


12.  Tailokyavarman 

13.  Vlravarmah 

I 


14.  Bhojavarman 


15.  Hammiravarman 


16.  Vlravarman  II 


851 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


25.  The  Kalachuris  of  Tripuri  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV,  p.  522). 

1.  Kokalla  H 

i 

2.  Gafigeyadeva 

i 

3.  Kama 

■I 

4.  Ya&ajskama 

5.  Gayfikanpa 

i- — — -1 - 

8.  Narasimha  <  •  Jayasimha 

8.  Vi  jayasimha 
Ajayasimha 


26.  The  Kalachuris  of  Ratanpur 

Kokalla  I 

(a  younger  son) 


1.  Kalingaraja 

2.  Kamalaraja 

3.  Ratnaraja  I 

4.  Prithvideva  I 

'  I 
I 

5.  Jajalladeva  I 

I 

I 

6.  Ratnadeva  n 

7.  Prithvideva  II 


8.  Jajalladeva  II 


11.  Pritkvsdeva  HI 


\ 

9.  Jagaddeva 


10.  Ratnac 


eva  III 


- - 1 

12.  Pratapamolla 


892 


GENEALOGY 


27.  The  Paramaras  of  Malava  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV,  p.  523). 

Sindhuraja 


1.  Bhoja 


2.  Jayasiihha 


3.  Udayaditya 


4.  Lakshmadeva  alias  (?)  Jagaddeva  5.  N&ravarman 


6.  Yasovarxnan 


7.  Jayav&rman  alias 
Ajayavarman 


8.  Vindhyavarman 

9.  Subha^avarman 

10.  Arjunavarman 


La  kshmivarman 


Harischandm 


1  1 .  Devapala 


Udayavamtan 


12.  Jaitugideva 


13.  Jayavarman  II 

14.  Jayasimlia  II 

15.  Arjunavarman  H 

16.  Bhoja  II 


17.  Mahlakadeva 

853 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


28.  Paramiras  of  Mt.  Abu. 


1.  Ara^yaraja  (son  of  Vakpati-Mufij  a ) 

2.  Kfish^iaraja 

3.  Dharanlvaraha 

4.  Mahlpala  altos  Dhruvabha(a 

5.  Dhandhuka 


I 

6.  Purnapala 


T 


7.  Dantivarman 


I 

14,  Dharavarsha 

16.  Somasimha 

17.  Rrishnaraja 

18.  Pratapasimha 

19.  Arjuna 


9.  Yogaraja 

10.  Hamadeva 

I 

13.  Yasodhavala 

l 


1 

8.  Krishna  U 

'  I 

11.  Kakaladeva 

l 

12.  Vikramasixhha 


15.  Prahladana 


29.  The  Paramaras  of  Vagagla 


Pambarasixhha 

Dhanika 

Chachcha 

Chandapa 

Satyaraja 

Limbaraja 

Chaminidaraja 

Vijayaraja 

8S4 


GENEALOGY 


30.  The  Paramaras  of  Jalor 

Chanda na  (son  of  V akpati- Mun j  a ) 

Devaraja 

Aparajita 

Vijjala 

Dharavarsha 

?.  • 

Vlsala 

Kumtapala 

The  Paramaras  of  Bhinmal 

Dusala  (son  of  Sindhuraja)  (Vol.  IV,  p.  523). 

Devaraja 

i 


31 


32. 


Krishnaraja 
i  chharaj 


So 


a]  a 


Udayaraja 

c  I. 

Somesvara 

Jayatasiha 

Salakha 

The  Chaulukyas  of  Anahillapataka 

1.  Mularaja  I 

2.  Chamundaraja 


f - 

3.  Vallabharaja 


4.  Durlabharaja 


Nagadeva 
5.  Bhima  I 


~ 

Mularaja 


I 

Kshemardja 

I 

Devaprasdda 

I 

Tribhuvanapala 

I 


6.  Karnadeva 

I 

7.  Jayasixhha 


Mahipdla 


~i  r 

Kirtipala  8.  Kumarapala 


l 

Premaladevi  Devaladevi 


r 

10.  Mularaja  II 


1 

11.  Bhima  II 

12.  Tribhuvanapala 


855 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


33.  The  Vaghelas  of  Gujarit 

Dhavala 

l 

Arnomja 

Lavanawrasada 

l 

Viradhavala 

f - ’ - 1 

1.  Vlrama  Pratapamalla  2.  Visa! a 

! 

3.  Axjiina 

f - - 1 

Rdvm  4 .  Sarangadeva 

5.  Kamadeva 

! 

Devaladevi 


34.  The  Chahamanas  of  ^akambhari  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV, 
p.  525). 

1.  Duriabharija  II 


2.  Govindaraja  II 


r 

6.  Siriighata 


3.  Vakpatiraja  II  4.  Viryarama  5.  Ohamundarajs 


T 


alias  Ddsala 


i - r - r 

13.  Jugadeva  (?)  14.  Vigraharaja  IV  X 

|  alios  Tisala 

16,  P|ithvlbha$a 

alias  Prithviraja  II 15.  Apara-Gangeya  p  * 


j 

a  9.  Vigraharaja  U 
alias  VIsala 

i 

10.  Pnthvlraja  I 

11.  Ajj&yaraja 

12.  Anporaja 

l 

17.  Somesvara 


I 


1 


18.  Frith vlraja  m  HarirSja 


856 


G3NEALOGY 


35.  The  Chahamanas  of  Ragastambhapura 

1.  Govindaraja  (a  descendant  of  Prithviraja  III) 

2,  Balkans 


3.  PraHada 


I 

4.  Virasarayajpa 


I — 

7.  Hammlrs 


5.  Vagfeha$s 

6.  Jaitrasimha 

l 

“1 - ~1 

Surattr&na  Virama 


36.  The  Chahamanas  of  Nadol  (See  VoL  IV,  p.  526). 


Lakshmana 


Sobhita 

! 

Baliraje 


Vigrahapila 

! 

Mahendra 

s 


I.  Asvajaala 
2.  Ahiia 


alios  Asele 


3.  AnahUia 

'  i 


4.  Balaprasada 


5.  Jinduraja 


6.  Prithvlpala 

9.  Ratnaj&ila 

10.  Rayajpala 


r 

7.  Jojalla 


- j 

8.  Asaraja  alias 
As  vara]  a 


Rudrapala 


T 

Amritapala 


SakajapaSa 


Punapdhshad  eva 


halt 


1 - 

11.  K&t&ideva  alios 

KatukT,a 

Jaystasimha 


12.  Alhanadeva 

r 


— i 

Manikyardya 


13.  Kelhana 

I 

14.  Jayatasiha 


— -p 

Gajasiviha 


Kirttipdla 


- j 

Vijayarimha 


15.  Semaniasimha 


857 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


37.  The  Chahamanas  of  Jalor  (Sonigara) 


KIrttipala  (son  of  Alhana) 


1.  Samarasimha 

I 

1 - 

Manavasimha 

I 

Pvatapa 

I 

Devard ja- 
Vijada 


Rudaladevl 


Lakhaimpdla 


1 

Abhayapala 


2.  Udayasirhha 


Lxlddevi 


3.  Chachiga  Chdmandardja  Vahadasimha 


4.  Samantasirhha 

I 

5.  Kanhatfa 


— f 

Rupddevi 


Vtranui 


38.  The  Chahamanas  of  Satyapura  (Sanchor) 

Vijayasimha  (son  of  Alhana) 

Padmasirhha 

Sobhita 

l 

I 

i 

Salha 

l 

! 

Vikramasimha 

i 

!  ) 

Bhima  Samgramasimha 

I 

Pratapasimha 


39.  The  Chahamanas  of  Mt.  Abu  (Deva$i  Branch) 

1 .  "Devaraja-Vija^a 

r r  1  i  i 

2.  Lu^uga  3.  Lun^iga  Lakshmana  Lunavarman 

4.  Tejasimha 

5.  Kanhatfadeva 


858 


GENEALOGY 


40.  The  Guhilas  of  Medapafa  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV,  p.  527). 

1.  Saktikumara 


2.  An 

ibaprasada  3.  Such 

ii varman  4 .  Nai 

a  varman  5 .  A  nan 

ta-  6.  KIrtti 

varman 

varman  (Yaso  varman ) 


7.  Yogaraja 

8.  Vairata 

9.  Harhsapala 


10.  Vairisimha 


11.  Vijayasimha 


12.  Arisiihha 


13.  Cho^asimha 


14.  Vikramasirhha 


Mahana  16.  Kshemasiriiha 

I 


17.  Samantasimha 


V 

15.  Ranasimha  alias  Karima 


Rdhapa 


18.  Kumarasiihha 
0 


19.  Mathanasimha 


20.  Padmasiriiha 


21.  Jaitrasimha 

22.  Tejasii  aha 

23.  Samarasiihha 

I 

24.  Ratnasimha 


859 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


41 .  The  Guhilas  of  Sisodiya 


Rahapa  (son  of  Karpa) 
Narapati 

Dinakara 

* 

Jasakarria 

« 

Nagapala 

Karnapala 

Bhuvanasimha 

Bhlmaslmha 

Jayashhha 

* 

Lakhanasimha 
ArasT  (Arisimha) 
Hammlra 


42. 


Kashmir:  First  Lohara  Dynasty 


f 

1 

Vigrahardja 

! 

1.  Sam^ramaraja 

1 

2.  Hariraja 

l 

3.  Anarifa 

1 

4,  Kaiasa 
! 

[ 

5.  Utkarsha 

1 

6.  Harsha 

! 

Bhoja 

1 

I 

Vijayamalla 

1 

Bhikshdchdra 

43.  Kashmir:  Second  Lohara  Dynasty 


1.  Uchchala  2.  Sussala 

f  r 

3.  Jayashhha  M alldr juna 

f - ! - ! 

Gulhana  4 .  Paramanuka 

I  ' 

5.  Vantideva 

860 


Salhatui  Lotkana 

r 

Bhoja 


~1 

Vigrahardja 


GENEALOGY 


44.  Line  of  Vuppadeva 


Vuppadeva  Jassaka 

Jagadeva 

Rajadeva 

Saihgr&madeva 

Ramadeva 

Lakshmadeva 


45.  Line  of  Simhadeva 


r 


Simhadeva 


l 

Suhadeva 


46.  Mamluk  Sultans  of  Delhi 


1.  Qutb-ud-dln  Aibak 


2.  Aram  Shah 


3.  Htutmish=  (Daughter) 


Nazir  ~ud~&in 
Mahmud 


4.  FSruz  5.  Raziyya 


7.  ‘Ala-ud-dln  Mas‘ud 


Muhammad 


Kaikhusrav 


6.  Mu‘izz-ud-din  8.  Nasir-ud-din 
Bahrain  Mahmud 


9.  Balkan 


Bughra  Khan 


10.  Kaiqubad 


11.  Shams -ud-din  Kayumars 


861 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


47.  Chalukyas  of  Kalyana 


1.  Taila  II 


I 

2.  Satyasraya 


Dasavarman 


Kunda  | ] ' 

|  3.  Vikramaditya  V  4.  Ayyana  II  Akkadevi  5.  Jayasimha  II 

Satyasraya 


l 


I 


G.  Somesvara  I 


Jayasimha 


I 


7.  Somesvara  II  8.  Vikramaditya  VI  Jayasimha  Vishnuvardhana- 


Vijayaditya 

1 

9.  Somesvara  III  Jaya 

karna  Malli 

1 

kdrjwia  Mailaladevi 

10.  Jagadekamalla  II 


11.  Tai 


a  III 


12.  Somesvara  IV 


48.  Kalachuris  of  Kalyana 


[Kannnma 


Raia 


Ammugi 


Sankama  I 


Jogama 

Perma^i  (or  Hemmadi)] 
1 .  £  ijjala 


I  I 

2.  Somesvara  3.  Sankama  II 


u T 

4.  Ahavamalla  5.  Singhana  Siriyadcvi 


49.  Silaharas  of  the  South  Maratha  country 

Gandaraditya 


Vijayaditya 


I 


Bhoja  II 


862 


GENEALOGY 


50.  Yadavas  of  Devagiri 


r — 

Jaitucii  11 

I  - 

4.  Krishna 

I  ' 

7.  Ramachnndra  (or  Ramadeva) 


Seunachandra 

Karna 

1.  Bhillama  V 

I 

2.  Jaitugi  I 

3.  Sihghana 

~J —  I 

Sa(  in  hnapdni 

! 

5.  Mahadeva 

I 

C.  Amana 


51 .  The  Kakatiyas 

1 .  Beta  I 

I 

2.  Prola  I 

I 

3.  Tribhuvanamalla  Beta  II 

1 

4.  Prola  II 


5.  Rudra  I  6.  Mahadeva 

I 

7.  Ganapati 


8.  Rudramba  Ganapamba 

(m.  Chalukya  Vlrabhadresvara ) 

Mummadamba 
(in.  Mahadeva) 

9.  Prataparutfra 


52.  The  Eastern  Chalukyas  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV,  p.  531), 

1.  Danarnava 

I ' 


2.  6aktivarman  I 


I 

3.  Vimaladitya 


4.  Rajaraja  I 
7.  Kulottunga  Choja  I 


5.  Vijayaditya  VII 
G.  6aktivarman  II 


86S 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOE  EMPIRE 


53 .  Later  Garigas  of  Kalinga  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV,  pp.  142, 

532). 


1.  Vajr 

abasia  IV 

1 

2.  Kam&r$ava  VI 


3.  Guii$am&  II 


I 

4.  Madhukamarpava  V 


5.  v**-  V 

6.  Rajaraja  I 

7.  Ananiavarman  Cho^aganga 


8.  Kamamava  VII 


- 1 — 

8.  Raghava 


T 


T 


10.  Rajaraja  II  11.  Aniyanka  Bhlma  II 

or  AnangabhJma 

12. WjaiiJ.in 

13.  Aniyankabhima  m 

14.  Narasimha  I 

i 

15.  Bhanudeva  I 

l 

16.  Narasimha  II 

54.  Sornavarhsis  (For  earlier  kings  see  Vol.  IV,  p.  533). 

1.  Yayati  Mahasivagupta  I 


I - 

3.  Dharmaratha  (Mahasivagupta  II) 


t 

2.  Bhlma ratha^  Mahabhavagupta  II 


I 

4.  Nahusha  (Mahabhavagupta  HI) 

(?Indraratha) 

5.  Chandihara-Yayati  Mahasivagupta  III 

6.  Uddyotakesarl  ( Mahabhavagupta  IV) 

7.  Kamakesan 


55.  Chhindaka-N  agas  of  Bas tar 

1.  Npipati-  bhushana  (?Kshiti-) 

2.  Dharavar&ha  Jagadekabhushana 

o 

3.  Madhurantaka 


4.  Somcsvara  I  (son  ol  2) 

5.  Kanhara 

« 

Rajabhikhana  Somesvara  H 

Jagadekabhushana  Narasimha 
♦ 

Jayasimha 


864 


GENEALOGY 


56 .  Telugu-Chodas 


Somesvara  I 


Challama 


Yasoraja  I 


Chandraditya 
Yasoraja  II 

Somesvara  II 


Dhara 


ladevavarman 


I 

Somesvara  (devavarman)  III 


57 .  Hoysalas 


4.  Ballala  I 


1.  Nri^akama 

2.  Vinayaditya 


3.  Ereyanga 


5.  Vishnuvardhana  (or  Bittiga 


G.  Vijaya  Narasimha  I 


7.  Ballala  II 


8.  Narasimha  II 


10.  Narasimha  III 


11.  Ballala  III 


S.  E. — 56 


9.  Somesvara 


R&man&tha 

Vi&van&tha. 


865 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


58.  Cholas  (For  earlier  kings,  see  Vol.  IV,  p.  534) 


1.  Rajaraja  I 

I 


2.  Rajendra  I  Kundava  —  Vimaladiyta 

(E.  Chalukya) 


I 

3.  Rajadhiraja  I  4.  Rajendra  II  5.  Virarajendra  I  Ammangddevi  —  Rajaraja 

Rajamahendra  6.  Adhirajendra  7.  Kulottuiiga  I 

(Rajendra  Chalukya) 


8.  Vikrama  Chola 


9.  Kulottuhga  II 


10.  Rajaraja  II 


(Other  sons  and  daughters) 


11.  Rajadhiraja  II  (grandson  of  8) 


12  Kulottuhga  III 


13.  Rajaraja  III 

14.  Rajendra  III 


59 .  Later  Pandyas 

1.  Jatavarman  Kulasekhara  Pandya  I 

2.  Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  I 

3.  Maravannan  Sundara  Pandya  II 

4.  Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  I 

5.  Maravarman  Kulasekhara  Pandya  I 


GENEALOGY 


60 .  Ceylon 


1.  Vijayabahu  I  Srlsahghabodhi 

2.  Jayabahu  (brother  of  1) 

3.  Vikramabahu  II  (son  of  1) 

4.  Gajabahu  (son  of  3) 

5.  Parakramabahu  I 

6.  Vijayabahu  II  (sister’s  son  of  5) 

7.  Mahendra  VT  (of  the  Kalinga  clan) 

8.  Nihsankamalla  or  Klrtinihsanka  (son  of  Jayagopa  of  Kalinga) 

9.  VIrabahu  II  (son  of  8) 

10.  Vikramabahu  III  (or  II)  (brother  of  8) 

11.  Chodagahga  (sister’s  son  of  8) 

12.  Lilavatl  (first  mahishi  of  5) 

13.  Sahasamalla  (step-brother  of  8) 

14.  Kalyanavatl  (first  mahishi  of  8) 

15.  Dharmasoka 

16.  Anikanga  (father  of  15) 

17.  Lilavatl  (again)  (No.  12) 

18.  Lokesvara  (of  South  India) 

19.  Lilavatl  (again  Nos.  12,  17) 

20.  Parakrama  Pan^ya 

21.  Magha  (from  Kerala) 

(End  of  Polonnaruva  period) 


1.  fhakuris  of  Patan  overthrew  the  Thakuris  of  Navakot  in  the  latter  part  of  the 
eleventh  century  A.D. 

2.  According  to  another  account,  Sohapala’s  successor  was  Kunwarpala  who  was 
the  predecessor  of  Ajayapala.  Anangapala  may  be  the  successor  of  Kunwarpala 
(p.  56  above). 


867 


CHRONOLOGY 


c.  695-C.722 
696-733 
c.  724-760 
c.  733-746 
749 

e.  758-773 
813-833 
820 
849 


872 

903 

907-953 

913-943 

c.  963 


973-997 

S77 

980-1003 

985-1014 

987-1036 

988 

990 

996 

997 

997-C.1008 

998 

999 

1000 


c.  1000 
1000 

c.  1000-1015 

1000-1055 

1001 

1003 


1004 

1005-1006 

1006 


1007 


Narasimhavarman  II  Rajasimha,  Pallava  (p.  612). 
Vijayaditya  Chalukya  (p.  615). 

Lalitaditya  Muktapida,  Kashmir  (p.  634). 
Vikramaditya  II,  Chilukya  (p.  615). 

Foundation  of  ‘Abbasid  Caliphate  (p.  1). 

Krishna  I,  Rashtrakuta  (p.  616). 

Ai-Ma‘mun  (p.  f). 

Tahir  made  governor  of  Khurasan  (p.  1). 
Foundation  of  Pagan  by  king  Pyanpya,  acc.  to 
some  Burmese  Chronicles  (p.  755). 

Tahirids  superseded  by  Saffarids  (p.  1). 
Samanids  wrest  Khurasan  from  Saffarids  (p.  1). 
Parantaka  I,  Chola  (p.  618). 

Nasr  II,  Samanid  (p.  1). 

Alptigln  establishes  independent  kingdom  after 
conquering  Ghazni  from  Abu  Bakr  Lawlk 
(p.  2). 

Taila  II,  Chalukya  (p.  161). 

Accession  of  Sabuktigin  (p.  3). 

Didda,  of  Kashmir  (p.  666). 

Rajaraja  the  Great,  Chola  (pp.  234,  281,  618). 
Bhaskara  Ravivarman  of  Kerala  (p.  234). 
Accession  of  Mahipala  I  (p.  24). 

Ilak  Khans  of  Turkistan  capture  Bukhara  (p.  2). 
Last  known  date  of  Taila  II  (p.  164). 

Death  of  Sabuktigin  (p.  5). 

Satyasraya,  Chalukya  (p.  164). 

Accession  of  Sultan  Mahmud  of  Ghazni  (p.  5). 
Accession  of  Saktivarman  I,  son  of  Danarnava, 
E.  Chalukya  (p.  203). 

Chola  Rajaraja  starts  a  great  land  survey 
(p.  235). 

Accession  of  Paramara  Bhoja  (p.  66). 

Mahmud  leads  first  expedition  against  India 
(p.  6). 

Bhimaratha  Mahabhavagupta  II,  Somavamsi 
(p.  209). 

Bhoja  Paramara,  of  Dhara  (pp.  331,  658). 

Death  of  Jaya-varman  V  of  Kambuja  (p.  736). 

Sri  Chudamanivarmadeva  of  the  Sailendras  sends 
two  envoys  to  China  (p.  730). 

Mahmud’s  invasion  of  Bhatiya  (p.  7). 

Mahmud’s  expedition  against  Multan  (p.  8). 
Mara-Vijayottuhga-varman,  Sailendra  ruler, 
founds  a  Buddhist  monastery  at  Negapatam 
(p.  239). 

Mahmud  captures  Nawasa  Shah  and  his  trea¬ 
sures  (p.  8). 

868 


CHRONOLOGY 


1007 

1008 

c.  1008-1014 

1009 

1009-1010 

1010 

1010 

1011 

1011-1018 

1012 

c.  1012 
1012-1044 
1013 


1014 

1015 

c.  1015-1020 

1015- 1043 

1016- 1017 
1018 
1018 


1018 

1018 

1018-1052 

1019 

1019;  1022 

1020 
1020-21 

c.  1020-1025 
1021 

1021 
c.  1021 
1021-22 

1022 
c.  1022 

1025 
c.  1025 

c.  1025-1055 

1027 

1028 
1030 

1030 


King  Nirbhaya  rules  jointly  with  Rudra  in 
Nepal  (p.  45). 

Mahmud’s  war  with  Anandapala  (p.  8). 
Vikramaditya  V.  Chalukya  (p.  166). 

Mahmud’s  expedition  against  Multan  (p.  10). 
Accession  of  Chaulukya  Durlabharaja  (p.  74). 
Completion  of  the  Rajarajesvara  temple  at 
Tanjore  (pp.  236,  618). 

Mahmud’s  expedition  against  Multan  (p.  10). 
Mahmud  leads  an  expedition  against  Thanes  war 
(pp.  10,  23n  7). 

Vimaladitya,  E.  Chalukya  (p.  235). 

Chola  Rajaraja  associates  his  son  Rajendra  in 
the  government  of  the  empire  (pp.  235-6). 
Death  of  Anandapala  (p.  11). 

Rajendra  I,  Chola  (pp.  236,  618). 

Mahmud  advances  with  his  army  to  Nandana. 

capital  of  Triloch anapala  (p.  11). 

Death  of  Chola  Rajaraja  (p.  239). 

Mahmud  attacks  Kashmir  valley  (p.  12). 
Dharmaratha,  Somavamsi  (p.  209). 

Jayasimha  II,  Chalukya  ^pp.  168,  237). 

Birth  of  Ramanuja  (p.  437). 

Rajaraja,  E.  Chalukya  (p.  204). 

Rajendra  Cho]a  makes  his  son  Rajadhiraja  heir 
apparent  fpp.  236,  240). 

Mahmud  marches  to  attack  Kanauj  (p.  13). 

Chola  Rajendra  conquers  Ceylon  (p.  238). 
Rajadhiraja  I,  Chola  (p.  240). 

Consecration  of  Airlangga  of  Java  (p.  749). 
Mahmud  of  Ghazni  invades  Kalanjara  (p.  58). 
Paramara  Bhoja  conquers  Konkan  (p.  66). 
Mahmud  advances  to  India  to  chastise  the  Chan- 
della  Vidyadhara  (p.  16). 

Nahusha.  Somavamsi  (p.  209). 

Chola  Rajendra  defeats  Chalukva  Javasimha 
(p.  238). 

Mahmud  leads  an  armv  against  Lohkot  (p.  18). 
Chola  invasion  of  Bengal  (p.  25). 

Mahmud’s  second  exoedition  against  Chandella 
Vidvadhara  (p.  18). 

Coronation  of  Raiaraja,  E.  Chalukya  (p.  204). 
Chaulukya  Durlabha  abdicates  in  favour  of  his 
nephew  Bhimadeva  I  (p.  74). 

Mahmud  plunders  Somanatha  (pp.  20.  74). 
Raiendra  Chola’s  expedition  to  Kadaram  (pp. 
239,  493). 

Chandihara,  Somavamsi  (p.  209). 

Mahmud  marches  to  punish  the  Jats  (p.  21). 
Hariraja  of  Kashmir  (p.  97h 

Vijavaditya  performs  his  coronation  ceremony 
(p.  204). 

Death  of  Mahmud  (pp.  22,  92). 

869 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


1031 

1031 

Accession  of  Mas‘ud  (p.  92). 

Completion  of  the  Adinatha  temple  at  Abu 
(p.  428). 

1034 

1034 

Ahmad  JNiyaltigin  invades  Banaras  (pp.  25,  61). 
Kalachuri  Gangeyadeva  bears  the  brunt  of  an 

1035 

attack  of  the  Muslims  (p.  61). 

Airlangga  establishes  his  authority  over  the 
whole  of  Java  (p.  749). 

1036 

Mas‘ud  sends  his  second  son  Majdud  as  the 

1038 
c.  1038 

governor  of  the  Punjab  (p.  93). 

Coronation  of  Vajrahasta  V,  E.  Gaiiga  (p.  205). 
Death  of  Mahipala  I,  and  accession  of  his  son 
Nayapala  (p.  27). 

1038-70 
c.  1039 

1040 

1040 

1041 

1042 

Anantavarman  Vajrahasta  III,  Ganga  (p.  212). 
Dlpahkara  Atlsa  visits  Nepal  (p.  45). 

Mas‘ud  proceeds  towards  Hindustan  (p.  93). 
Assassination  of  Mas‘ud  (p.  93). 

Accession  of  Jaya  Siihha-varman  II  (p.  743). 
Airlangga  of  Java  abdicates  and  takes  to  reli¬ 

1043 

gious  life  (p.  750). 

Indian  chiefs  form  a  confederacy  under  the 
Raja  of  Delhi  (p.  94). 

1043-44; 

1043-68 

1044 

Chola  invasions  against  Chalukyas  (pp.  167,  168). 
Somesvara  I,  Chalukya  (p.  167). 

Chola  Rajadhiraja  performs  a  horse  sacrifice 
(p.  241). 

1044-77 

1047-1101 

1049 

1052 

1052-1064 
c.  1055 
c.  1055 

Aniruddha  of  Burma  (p.  756). 

Hoysala  Vinayaditya  (p.  175). 

Death  of  Maudud  (p.  94). 

Battle  of  Koppam  (p.  241). 

Rajendra  Chola  II  (pp.  240,  241). 

Death  of  Paramara  Bhoja  (p.  67). 

Malava  falls  into  the  hands  of  the  Kalachuris 

c.  1055 

and  Chaulukyas  (pp.  67,  172). 

Vigrahapala  III  succeeds  his  father  Nayapala 
(p.  27). 

1055-1080 

Uddyotakesarl  Mahabhavagupta,  Somavarhii 

(p.  211). 

1058-59;  1063-64  Chalukya  Somesvara  leads  expeditions  against 


1059 

1060 

1060 

1061 

the  Cholas  (pp.  169,  170). 

Ibrahim  ascends  the  throne  of  Ghazni  (p.  94). 
Vijayaditya  usurps  the  Vengi  throne  (p.  204). 
Death  of  Rajaraja  I,  E.  Chalukya  (p.  242). 
Coronation  of  Saktivarman  II,  E.  Chalukya 
(p.  204). 

1062 

Rajendra  Chola  II  defeats  Chalukya  Somesvara 
(p.  241). 

1063 

Ananta  of  Kashmir  abdicates  in  favour  of  his 

1063-1064 

son  Kalasa  (p.  98). 

Chalukya  Somesvara  I  leads  an  expedition 
against  the  Cholas  (p.  170). 

1063-1070 

Vlrarajendra,  Chola  (p.  241). 

870 

CHRONOLOGY 


C.  1064 
1067 

1067- 1068 

1068- 1069 

1068-1070 

1068-1076 

1070 

c.  1070 

c.  1070 
1070-1078 
1070-1120 
c.  1072 
1072 

1075 


c.  1075 

1076 

1076- 1126 

1077 

1077- 1120 

1078- 1150 
1079 

1081 

1084 


1084-1088 
c.  1085 

1086 

1088-1094 

1088- 1172 

1089- 1101 
c.  1090 

1090- 1110 
1094 


c.  1094 
c.  1095 
1096;  1110 
c.  1097 

1098 


Chaulukya  Bhlma  hands  over  sovereignty  to 
Karna  (p.  75). 

Virarajendra  erects  a  pillar  of  victory  on  the 
banks  of  the  Tungabhadra  (p.  241). 

Chalukya  Vikramaditya  marches  against  Gah- 
gaikon<Ja  and  plunders  it  (p.  171). 

Virarajendra  leads  an  expedition  against  Chalu¬ 
kya  Somesvara  II  (p.  173). 

Adhirajendra,  Chola  (p.  241). 

Somesvara  II,  Chalukya  (p.  173). 

Coronation  of  Rajaraja  I  Devendravarman,  E. 
Ganga  (p.  205). 

Death  of  Vigrahapala  III,  and  accession  of  his 
son  Mahipala  II  (p.  28). 

Accession  of  Kulottunga  Chola  I  (p.  204). 

Rajaraja  I,  E.  Ganga  (p.  212). 

Kulottunga  I,  Chola  (p.  242). 

Death  of  Kalachuri  Karna  (p.  51). 

Death  of  ‘All  bin  ‘Usman  al-Hujwairi,  founder 
of  the  Sufi  cult  in  India  (p.  467). 

Ibrahim  appoints  his  son  Mahmud  governor  of 
the  Punjab  (p.  94). 

Divya  ascends  the  throne  of  Varendri  (p.  29). 

Kulottunga  Chola  I  annexes  the  Andhra  country 
(p.  204). 

Vikramaditya  VI,  Chalukya  (p.  174). 

Death  of  Aniruddha  of  Burma  (p.  757). 

Ramapala  (p.  415). 

Anantavarman  Chodaganga,  E.  Ganga  (p.  205). 

Ananta  of  Kashmir  settles  at  the  Tirtha  of 
Vijayesvara  (p.  98). 

Ananta  of  Kashmir  commits  suicide  (p.  98). 

Accession  of  Kyanzittha  of  Burma  under  the 
title  of  Sri  Tribhuvanaditya-dharmaraja 
(p.  757). 

Rajaraja  Chodaganga,  viceroy  of  Vengi  (p.  205). 

Vijayabahu  of  Ceylon  declares  war  against  the 
Cholas  (p.  262). 

Chola  Kulottunga  orders  a  land  survey  (p.  2441. 

Paramara  Lakshmadeva  (p.  206). 

Hemachandra  (pp.  345,  428,  433). 

Harsha  of  Kashmir  (p.  99). 

Kulottunga  Chola  receives  an  embassy  from 
Kadaram  (p.  243). 

Somesvara,  Chhindaka  Naga  (p.  214). 

Composition  of  Old- Javanese  Ramayana  by  Yogis- 
vara  (p.  767). 

Accession  of  Chaulukya  Jayasimha  (p.  75). 

Accession  of  Vijayasena  (p.  36). 

Kalinga  expeditions  of  Chola  Kulottunga  (p.  243). 

Nanyadeva  of  the  Karnataka  dynasty  establishes 
his  supremacy  over  Mithila  (p.  47). 

Death  of  Harshadeva  of  Nepal  (p.  46). 

871 


1099 

1099 

1099-1115 

1101 

1101 

c.  1106 
1110 
c.  1110 
1111 
1113 

1115 

1115 

c.  1116-1137 
1118 
c.  1118 

1118-1138 
2120 
c.  1120 
1120-35 
1121 

c,  1122 
1123 

c.  1125 
c.  1125 
1126 

1126-1138 

1128 

1128- 1155 

1129- 1163 
c.  1130 

1133-1150 
c.  1135 
1137 

c.  1137 
1138-1151 
1142 

c.  1143 


c.  1143 
1144 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Kulottunga  reconquers  Vengl  from  the  Chalukyas 
(p.  174). 

Mas‘ud  III  succeeds  his  father  Ibrahim  (p.  95). 

‘Ala-ud-Daulah  Mas'ud  III  (p.  52). 

Death  of  Harsha  of  Kashmir  (p.  99). 

Death  of  Hoysala  Vinayaditya  and  accession  of 
his  son  Ballala  I  (p.  228). 

Hoysala  Biftiga  succeeds  Ballala  I  (p.  228). 

Kulottunga  makes  another  land  survey  (p.  244). 

Death  of  Vijayabahu  of  Ceylon  (p.  262). 

Death  of  Uchchala  of  Kashmir  (p.  100). 

Accession  of  Surya-varman  V  of  Kambuja 
(p.  737). 

Earliest  known  date  of  Kakatlya  Prola  II  (p.  198). 

Kamal-ud-Daulah  Shlrzad  succeeds  his  father 
Mas‘ud  III  (p.  95). 

Vikramabahu  II  of  Ceylon  (p.  262). 

Bahrain  captures  Ghazni  (p.  95). 

Vengl  comes  under  the  control  of  Vikramaditya 
VI  (p.  244). 

Vikrama  Chola  (p.  245). 

Bhikshachara,  king  of  Kashmir  (p.  100). 

Ramapala  commits  suicide  (p.  31). 

Kalachuri  Ratnadeva  II  (p.  206). 

Sussala  recovers  the  throne  of  Kashmir  after  de¬ 
feating  Bhikshachara  (p.  100). 

Birth  of  Lakshmanasena,  acc.  to  Minhaj  (p.  40). 

Sussala  of  Kashmir  abdicates  in  favour  of  his 
son  Jayaslmha  (p.  100). 

Birth  of  Basava  (p.  367). 

Death  of  Kumarapala,  Bengal  (p.  32). 

Death  of  Chalukya  Vikramaditya  VI  (p.  177). 

Somesvara  III,  Chalukya  (p.  177). 

Death  of  Sussala  of  Kashmir  (n.  100). 

Jayasirhha  of  Kashmir  (pp.  100-1). 

Chandella  Madanavarman  (p.  53). 

Manasolldsa  of  Chalukya  Somesvara  III  (p.  352). 

Kulottunga  II,  Chola  (v>.  245). 

Death  of  Vikrama  Chola  (p.  245). 

Hoysala  Vishnu vardhana  performs  the  Tulapuru- 
sha  (p.  230). 

Death  of  Ramanuia  (p.  438). 

Jagadekamalla,  Chalukya  (p.  178). 

Anantavarman,  E.  Ganga,  crowns  his  son 
Kamarnava  VII  (p.  207). 

Chalukya  Jagadekamalla  together  with  Hoysala 
Narasimha  invades  Malava,  dethrones  Para- 
mara  Jayavarman  and  places  Ballala  on  the 
throne  (p.  178). 

Close  of  the  reign  of  Chaulukya  Jayasimha- 
Siddharaja  (pp.  53,  76). 

Madanapala,  son  of  Ramapala,  succeeds  Gopala 
HI  (p.  32). 


872 


CHRONOLOGY 


1145- 48 

1146- 1173 
1147 

1148-1155 

1149 

1150 


1151 

1151-1156 

1152 

c.  1153-1186 

1155- 1165 

1156- 1168 

1156- 1181 
1157 

1157- 1170 
c.  1158 

1160 

1161- 1167 

1162- 1185 
1163 
1163 

1163- 1179 
c.  1163-1203 

1165-1172 
c.  1167-1171 
1168 

1168-1169 
c.  1169 

1169 

1170 
1170 

c.  1171-1172 
1171-1192 
1173 


1173-1220 

1175 


c.  1176 
1177 


Sarya-varman  II  of  Kambuja  invades  Champa 
(p.  745). 

Rajaraja  II,  Chola  (p.  245). 

Foundation  of  the  Kharataragachchha  (p.  432). 

Kamarnava  VII,  E.  Ganga  (p.  207). 

Bahram  reconquers  Ghazni  (p.  96). 

Chaulukya  Kumarapala  leads  an  expedition 
against  Chahamana  Amo  raj  a  of  Sakambharl 
(p.  77). 

Last  known  date  of  Chalukya  Jagadekamalia  II 
(p.  178). 

Taila  III,  Chalukya  (p.  178). 

Death  of  Bahram  and  accession  of  his  son  Khusrav 
Shah  (p.  96). 

Parakramabahu  I  of  Ceylon  ip.  263). 

Paramanuka  of  Kashmir  (p.  101). 

Bijjala,  Kalachuri  (p.  180). 

Kalachuri  usurpation  of  the  Deccan  (p.  179). 

Composition  of  Bharata-yuddha  by  Mpu  Sedah 
(p.  768). 

Raghava,  E.  Ganga  (p.  207). 

Accession  of  Vallaiasena  (p.  37). 

Khusrav  Malik  succeeds  his  father  Khusrav  Shah 
(p.  96). 

Kalachuri  Jajalla  II  of  Ratanpur  (p.  65). 

Prataparudra  I  of  Warangal  (p.  444). 

Accession  of  Ghiyas-ud-dln  Muhammad  (p.  117). 

Death  of  Chalukya  Taila  III  (p.  179). 

Rajadhiraia  II,  Chola  (p.  245). 

Paramardi,  Chandella  (p.  122). 

Vantideva  of  Kashmir  (p.  101). 

Kulasekhara,  Pandya  (p.  264). 

Biiiala  abdicates  the  throne  in  favour  of  his  son 
Somesvara  (p.  181). 

Chahamana  Somesvara  (p.  104). 

Civil  war  between  Parakrama  Pandya  and  Kula¬ 
sekhara  Pandya  (p.  245). 

Vallaiasena  completes  Danasagara  (p.  37). 

Assassination  of  Narathu  of  Burma  (p.  757). 

Javachandra  succeeds  his  father  Vijayachandra 
(p.  54). 

Death  of  Chaulukya  Kumarapala  (p.  78). 

Rajaraja  II,  E.  Ganga  (p.  207). 

Ghiyas-ud-dln  wrests  Ghazni  from  the  Ghuzz 
(p.  97),  and  makes  his  brother  Shihab-ud-din 
(Mu‘izz-ud-din)  the  governor  of  that  province 
(p.  117). 

Hoysala  Ballala  II  (p.  247). 

Mu'izz-ud-din  wrests  Multan  and  Uch  from  the 
Qaramitah  chiefs  (p.  117). 

Accession  of  Chaulukya  Mularaja  II  (p.  78). 

The  Cham  king  sends  a  naval  expedition  against 
Kambuja  (p.  738). 


873 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


1177 


c.  1177 

1177 

1178 
1178 

1178 


1178 

1178 

1178 

1178-1216 

1180 

1181-c.  1189 
1181 

1181 

1181;  1184;  1186 
1182 


e  1182 
c  1182 

1183-1184 

1185 

1185- 1193 

1186 

1186- 1187 

1187- 1196 

1188- 1189 
1189 


c  1189 

1190-1191 

1190- 1216 

1191- 1192 
1192 

1192 

1192 


Last  known  date  of  (Kalachuri)  Somes  vara  and 
the  earliest  known  date  of  his  successor  San- 
kama  (p.  181). 

Death  of  Chahamana  Somesvara  (p.  104). 

Chahamana  Prithviraja  III  succeeds  Somesvara 
(p.  83). 

Accession  of  Lakshmanasena  (p.  38). 

Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  Ghuri  attacks  Gujarat 
(pp.  78,  105). 

Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  reaches  Kiradu  and 
takes  possession  of  Nadol  (p.  105)  and  plunders 
it  (p.  87). 

Mu‘izz-ud-dln  repulsed  by  Mularaja  II  (p.  109). 

Mu‘izz-ud-dm  takes  Peshawar  (p.  118). 

Accession  of  Chaulukya  Bhlma  II  (p.  78). 

Kulottunga  III,  Chola  (p.  246). 

Accession  of  (Kalachuri)  Ahavamalla  (p.  182). 

Somesvara  IV,  Chalukya  (p.  182). 

Death  of  Muslim  saint  Sayyid  Ahmad  Sultan 
Sakhl  Sarwar  (p.  467). 

Accession  of  Jaya-varman  VII  of  Kambuja 
(p.  738). 

Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  invades  Lahore  (p.  97). 

Chahamana  Prithviraja  goes  out  for  digvijaya 
(p.  107),  defeats  ParamardI  and  devastates  the 
Chandella  kingdom  (p.  108). 

Kulottunga  III  dethrones  Vira  Pandya  (p.  246). 

Sumra  chief  acknowledges  Mu‘izz-ud-dm’s  suze¬ 
rainty  (p.  117). 

Singhana  (Kalachuri)  acknowledges  the  supre¬ 
macy  of  Chalukya  Somesvara  IV  (p.  182). 

Siaikot  falls  to  Mu‘izz-ud-dln  (p.  118). 

Yadava  Bhillama  (p.  282). 

Mu‘izz-ud-din  overthrows  Khusrav  Malik  (p.  118). 

Vijayabahu  II  of  Ceylon  (p.  265). 

Klrtinihsarika  or  Nihsankamalla  of  Ceylon 
(p.‘  265). 

Hoysala  Ballala  II  inflicts  a  severe  defeat  upon 
Bhillama  V  (p.  186). 

Last  known  date  of  Chalukya  Somesvara  IV’s 
supremacy  over  Bellary  and  Shimoga  Districts 
(p.  183). 

Kulottunga  III  defeats  Vira  Pandya  who  takes 
refuge  in  Quilon  (p.  246). 

First  Battle  of  Tarain  (p.  110). 

Jatavarman  Kulasekhara  (p.  256). 

Conquests  of  Hoysala  Ballala  II  (p.  187). 

Second  battle  of  Tarain  and  defeat  and  death  of 
Prithviraja  (p.  112). 

Khusrav  Malik  and  his  son  Bahram  were  put  to 
death  (p.  97). 

Introduction  of  Ceylonese  Buddhism  in  Burma 
(p.  757). 


874 


CHRONOLOGY 


1192 

1193 

1193 

1193 

1193 

1193 

1193 

1193-1194 

1195 

1195 

1196 

1196 
c.  1196 

1197 

1197 

1198 

1199-1220. 
c.  1200 
c.  1200 

1201 


1202 

1202 


c.  1202 

1202-1203 

1205 

1205 

1205 


c.  1205 

1205-1206 
1206 
c.  1206 

1207 
c.  1208 

1210 


Anangabhima,  E.  Ganga  (p.  207). 

Hoysala  Ballala  II  declares  himself  independent 
ruler  of  his  territories  (p.  231). 

Last  known  date  of  Yadava  Bhillama  (p.  187). 

Mu‘izz-ud-din  Muhammad  Ghurl  defeats  Jaya- 
chandra  near  Chandawar  (p.  54). 

Conquest  of  Ajmer  by  Qutb-ud-din  (p.  114). 

Qutb-ud-din  makes  Delhi  his  capital  (p.  119). 

Ikhtiyar-ud-din  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khalji 
takes  up  a  soldier’s  job  (p.  122). 

Qutb-ud-din  occupies  Ajmer  (p.  79). 

Chaulukya  Bhima  sends  an  army  to  help  the 
Mhers  against  the  Muslims  (p.  79). 

Mu‘izz-ud-din  returns  to  annex  Bayana  and 
Gwalior  (p.  120). 

Muslims  conquer  Gwalior  (p.  56). 

Mu‘izz-ud-din  defeats  Kunwarpala  (p.  56). 

Kulottunga  III  recovers  Kanchi  from  his  Telugu- 
Choda  feudatories  (p.  246). 

Dharavarsha  suffers  defeat  at  the  hands  of  Qutb- 
ud-din’s  general  Khusrav  (p.  73). 

Qutb-ud-din  invades  Gujarat  (p.  79)  and  Yadava 
Jaitugi  comes  into  conflict  with  him  (p.  188). 

Accession  of  Kakatiya  Ganapati  (p.  200). 

‘Ala-ud-din  Khvarazm  Shah  (p.  117). 

Accession  of  Yadava  Singhana  (p.  188). 

Ikhtiyar-ud-din  commences  raids  on  the  Maga- 
dha  territory  (pp.  122-3). 

Ghurids  occupy  Khurasan  and  conquer  Nishapur, 
but  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khvarazm  recovers  Nishapur 
and  other  Ghurid  conquests  (p.  124). 

Qutb-ud-din  invests  Kalahjara  (pp.  59,  122). 

Death  of  Ghiyas-ud-dln  and  accession  of  his 
younger  brother  Mu‘izz-ud-din  (p.  124). 

Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khalji  conquers  Nadiya 
(p.  40). 

Harikaladeva  Ranavankamalla  ascends  the  throne 
of  Pattikera  (p.  41). 

Khvarazmians  defeat  Mu‘izz-ud-din  at  Andkhul 
(p.  124). 

Last  known  date  of  Lakshmanasena  (p.  40). 

Muhammad  Lakhtyar  Khalji  advances  for  the 
conquest  of  Tibet  (p.  43). 

Kulottunga  III  sends  the  third  expedition  against 
Jatavarman  Kulasekhara  Pandya  (p.  246). 

Rajaraja  III,  E.  Ganga  (p.  207). 

Assassination  of  Mu‘izz-ud-din  (p.  124). 

Assassination  of  Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khalji 
(p.  124). 

War  of  Champa  with  the  Annamites  (p.  739). 

Kulottunga  III  despatches  an  expedition  to 
Andhra-desa  (p.  246). 

Death  of  Qutb-ud-din  Aibak  (p.  131). 


875 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


1210-11 

1211 

1214 

1215 


c.  1215 
1216-1235 
1216-1238 
1216-1246 
1217 


1220 


c.  1220 
c.  1220-1234 
1222 

1223-1252 

1226 

1226 

1226 


1227 

1228 
1229 

1229 

1229-1278 

1230 

1231 


c.  1231 


1233 


1233- 1234 
1234 

1234- 1263 
1236 
1236 

1236-1240 
c.  1236-1271 
1238-1264 


Accession  of  Aram  Shah  (p.  56). 

Yadava  Singhana  launches  an  expedition  against 
Hoysala  Ballala  II  (p.  188). 

‘Ala-ud-dln  Khvarazm  Shah  drives  out  Ghurids 

(p.  117). 

The  Ahoms  start  from  Maulung  under  their 
leader  Sukapha  (p.  44). 

End  of  the  Ghuri  empire  in  Ghazni  (p.  125). 

Anangabhima  III,  E.  Gahga  (p.  207). 

Maravarman  Sundara  Panqlya  (p.  256). 

Rajaraja  III,  Chola  (pp.  200,  247). 

Hoysala  Ballala  II  compels  Sundara  Pandya  to 
restore  the  Chola  country  to  its  rulers  (p.  231). 

Forces  of  Kambuja  withdraw  from  Champa  (pp. 
739  747). 

Death  of  Hoysala  Ballala  II  (p.  231). 

Hoysala  Narasimha  II  (pp.  231,  247). 

Angrok  defeats  Kritajaya  and  annexes  Kadiri 
(p.  751). 

Abhayamalla  of  Nepal  (p.  46). 

Malik  Nasir-ud-din  Muhammad  Shah  overthrows 
and  kills  Bartu  of  Awadh  (p.  55). 

Iltutmish  conquers  Ranthambhor  (p.  84). 

Ghiyas-ud-din  Twaz,  Sultan  of  Lakhnawatl, 
makes  an  abortive  attempt  to  conquer  Vanga 
(p.  40). 

Ghiyas-ud-din  Twaz  makes  an  abortive  attempt 
to  conquer  Kamarupa  (p.  44). 

Foundation  of  Tapagachchha  (p,  433). 

Accession  of  Uktai  to  the  Supreme  Mongol  Khan¬ 
ate  (p.  142). 

Iltutmish  receives  investiture  from  the  Caliph 
(p.  136). 

Kop-Peruhjinga  or  Maharajasimha  (p.  248). 

Completion  of  the  Neminatha  temple  at  Abu 
(p?  428). 

Hoysala  Narasimha  II  defeats  Sundara  Pandya 
and  releases  and  restores  to  throne  Rajaraja 
III  (p.  231). 

Kop-Peruhjinga  defeats  Rajaraja  at  Tellaru  and 
imprisons  him  at  Sendamangalam  (p.  248). 

Iltutmish  conquers  Bhilsa  and  plunders  Ujjain 
(p.  71). 

Iltutmish  plunders  Malava  (p.  191). 

Yajvapala  Chahadadeva  defeats  Malik  Nusrat- 
ud-din  Tayasal  (p.  57). 

Hoysala  Somesvara  (p.  231). 

Death  of  Iltutmish  (p.  135). 

Sariigramadeva  succeeds  his  father  Rajadeva  of 
Kashmir  (p.  101). 

Raziyya  (p.  139). 

Parakramabahu  II  of  Ceylon  (p.  267). 

Narasimha  I,  E.  Gahga  (p.  551). 

876 


CHRONOLOGY 


1240-42 

1242-46 

1243 

1243 

1243 

1243 

1246-1265 

1246-1279 

1247 

1248;  1253 

1250 
c.  1250 

1251 

1251-1268 

1252 


1252- 1253 

1253 

1253 

1253- 1275 

1254 

1254 

1254- 1279 

1255 


1257 

1257 

1258 

1258-1259 
1260  ' 
1261 

1261-1270 

1262 

1263 

1264-1279 

1265 

1267 


1268 

1268-1310 

1271 

1271-1273 


Mu‘izz- ad-din  Bahram  (p.  138). 

‘Ala-ud-din  Mas‘ud  (p.  139). 

Accession  of  Visala  (p.  80). 

Kop-Perunjinga  assumes  titles  indicative  of  in¬ 
dependent  status  (p.  248). 

Narasirhha  I,  E.  Ganga,  attacks  the  Lakhnawatl 
frontier  (pp.  144,  2U8). 

Death  of  Indra-varman  11  of  Katnbuja  (p.  741). 

Sultan  Nasir-ud-dln  Mahmud  (p.  140). 

Rajendra  Chola  III  (p.  247). 

Accession  of  Yadava  Krishna  (p.  192). 

Ulugh  Khan  invests  Ranthambhor  (p.  85). 

Balban  invades  Malava  (p.  71). 

Kakatiya  Ganapati  occupies  Kahchl  (p.  248). 

Balban  defeats  Yajvapala  Chahadadeva  (p.  57). 

Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  I  (p.  257). 

Ramadeva  succeeds  his  father  Samgramadeva 
of  Kashmir  (p.  102). 

Kop-Perunj  inga  defeats  the  Hoysalas  at  Peram- 
balur  (p.  248). 

The  Ahoms  settle  at  Charaideo  (p.  44). 

Mongol  Emperor  Kublai  Khan  conquers  the  Thai 
kingdom  of  Gandhara  (p.  759). 

Jatavarman  Vira  Pandya  (p.  258). 

Balban’s  expedition  against  the  Katehriyas 
(p.  147). 

Accession  of  Narasimhapati  of  Burma  (p.  757). 

Yajvapala  Asalladeva  (p.  57). 

Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  reduces  Kop- 
Perunj  ihga  to  vassalage  (p.  249). 

Ikhtiyar-ud-dln  Yuzbak  Tughril  Khan  invades 
Kamarupa  (p.  44). 

Suktimuktavali  of  Jahlana  (p.  306). 

Balban  conquers  Gwalior  (p.  57). 

Rudramba  associated  with  the  government  of 
the  Kakatlyas  (p.  202). 

Kop-Peruhjinga  takes  possession  of  Kanchi 

(p.  202). 

Rudramba  succeeds  Kakatiya  Ganapati  (p.  202). 

Yadava  Mahadeva  (p.  202). 

Pandya  Jatavarman  kills  the  Hoysala  Somesvara 
near  Srlrangam  (p.  258). 

Foundation  of  the  Mahanubhava  sect  by  Chakra- 
dhara  (p.  353). 

Bhanudeva  I,  E.  Ganga  (p.  209). 

Accession  of  Balban  (p.  140). 

Yadava  Sa(m)rnapani  rules  Panungala  under 
Kakatiya  Rudramba  (p.  192). 

Death  of  Vishnu vardhana  of  Java  (p.  751). 
Maravarman  Kulasekhara,  Pandya  (p.  259). 
Kublai  Khan  sends  envoys  asking  Burma  to 
accept  his  suzerainty  (p.  757). 

Vijayabahu  IV  of  Ceylon  (p.  267). 

877 


1273 

1274 
1279 


1279-1306 

1279-1307 

1281 

1281 

1283 

1283 

1284 
1286 
1286 
1287 

1287-1289 

1289-1290 

1289 

1290 

1290 

1291 

1291-1298 

1291-1342 

1292 

1293 

1293 
c.  1293 

1294 

1295-1296 


1296 

1296 

1296-1316 

1299 

1301 

c.  1302-1310 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 

Brahmana  Lakshmadeva,  adopted  son  of  Rama- 
deva  of  Kashmir,  succeeds  the  latter  (p.  102). 

Chaulukya  Sarangadeva  succeeds  Arjuna  (p.  81). 

Pandya  Maravarman  Kulasekhara  defeats  Hoy- 
sala  Ramanatha  and  Chola  Rajendra  III 
(p.  232). 

Narasimha  II,  E.  Ganga  (p.  209). 

Anantamalla  of  Nepal  (p.  47). 

Death  of  Suteupha  of  the  Ahoms  and  accession 
of  his  son  Subinpha  (p.  45). 

Mongol  Emperor  Kublai  Khan  invites  the  king 
of  Java  to  pay  homage  (p.  752). 

Hammira  of  Ranthambhor  succeeds  his  father 
Jayasiihha  (p.  85). 

Sultan  Balban  comes  to  Sonargaon  and  enters 
into  an  agreement  with  Danuj  Rai  (p.  42). 

Kritanagara  of  Java  establishes  supremacy  over 
Bali  (p.  751). 

Death  of  Muhammad,  Balban’s  eldest  son  (p. 
155). 

Kajjala,  a  Muslim,  kills  Lakshmadeva  of  Kash¬ 
mir  (p.  102). 

Death  of  Balban  (p.  155). 

Sultan  Kaiqubad  (p.  156). 

Sultan  Kayumars  (p.  158). 

Hammlravarman  succeeds  Bhojavarman  (p.  60). 

Kakatlya  Rudramba  associates  Prataparudra 
with  the  government  (p.  202). 

Firuz  proclaims  his  accession  as  Sultan  Jalal-ud- 
din  Firuz  (p.  158). 

Death  of  Hoysala  Narasimha  III  (p.  232). 

Yajvapala  Ganapati  (p.  58). 

Hoysala  Ballaia  III  (pp.  232,  260). 

Kublai  Khan  sends  a  military  expedition  to 
Java  (p.  752). 

Establishment  of  the  kingdom  of  Maiapahit 
(p.  753). 

Accession  of  Sukhanghpha  of  the  Ahoms  (p.  45). 

Venetian  traveller  Marco  Polo  visits  Motupalli 
(p.  202). 

Ala-ud-din  Khalji  invades  Devagiri  (p.  195). 

Jaya-varman  VIII  of  Kambuja  abdicates  in 
favour  of  his  son-in-law  Srindra-varman 
(p.  741). 

Kublai  Khan  sends  an  ambassador  to  Kam¬ 
buja  (p.  741). 

Karna  succeeds  Sarangadeva  (p.  81). 

Sultan  ‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji. 

Ulugh  Khan  and  Nusrat  Khan  defeat  Karna  and 
capture  his  queen  Kamaladevi  (p.  81). 

‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji  captures  Ranthambhor  after 
defeating  and  killing  Hammira  (p.  86). 

Parakramabahu  III  of  Ceylon  (p.  267). 


878 


CHRONOLOGY 


1303 

1303 

1305 

1305 

1307 

1307 

1308 

1309 

1309- 1310 

1310- 1311 

1313 

1314 
1324 


1327 

1332 

1337 

1343 

1347-1355 

1350 

1350 

1363 

1363-1376 

1471 


Sikandar  Khan  Ghazl  conquers  Syinet  (p.  44). 

Ala-ud-din  marches  into  the  fort  of  Chitor  (p.  91). 

Ala-ud-din  Khalji  invades  Malava  (p.  72). 

Hoysala  Ballala  leads  an  army  against  the  Yada- 
vas  (p.  195). 

Death  of  Jay  a  Simha-varman  of  Champa  (p.  748). 

4  Ala-ud-din  Khalji  sends  Malik-Naib  Kafur 
against  Yadava  Ramachandra  (p.  196). 

Abdication  of  Srindra-varman  of  Kambuja  and 
accession  of  Srindra-Jaya-varman  (p.  741). 

Ala-ud-din  Khalji  wrests  Damoh  District  from 
Hammiravarman  or  his  successor  (p.  60). 

Malik  Kafur  invades  Warangal  (p.  203). 

‘Ala-ud-din  defeats  and  kills  Kanhada  and  his  son 
Virama  and  captures  Jalor  and  Sanchor  (p.  88). 

Malik-Naib  Kafur  invades  Devagiri  and  kills 
Sankaradeva  (p.  196). 

Chandesvara  conquers  Nepal  for  his  master 
Harisimha  and  performs  Tulapurusha  (p.  48). 

Traditional  date  of  the  conquest  of  Nepal  by 
Harisimha  (p.  48). 

Accession  of  Jayavarman  Paramesvara  of  Kam¬ 
buja  (p.  741). 

Death  of  Sukhanghpha  of  the  Ahoms  (p.  45). 

Kanhadadeva  of  the  Devada  branch  of  Chaha- 
•  • 

manas  succeeds  his  father  Tejasimha  (p.  89). 

Javanese  forces  rout  the  king  of  Bali  (p.  754). 

Jayarajadeva  of  Nepal  (p.  47). 

Death  of  Namadeva,  the  poet-saint  of  Maha¬ 
rashtra  (p.  365). 

The  ruler  of  the  Thai  principality  of  Uton  pro¬ 
claims  himself  as  independent  king  (p.  761). 

Date  of  composition  of  Sarngadharapaddhciti 
(p.  85). 

Jayarjunamalla  of  Nepal  (p.  47). 

Annamite  Emperor  conquers  Champa  (p.  749). 


879 


INDEX 


A 

Abbasids  (Caliphs),  1. 

Abdala  Rahamana,  298. 

‘Abdullah  Tal,  9- 
‘Abd-ul-Malik,  6. 

Abdul  Rahaman,  350. 

‘Abd-ur-Rashld,  92. 

Abdur  Rahman,  260. 

Abhaya,  98. 

Abhayadeva,  434. 

Abhariga,  353,  355,  387. 

Abhayachandra,  301. 

Abhayada,  108. 

Abhayadeva,  60. 

Abhayadeva  (poet),  301. 
Abhayakaragupta,  418. 

Abhayarnaila,  46. 

Abhayanandl,  319. 
Abhidhammattha-sarhgaha,  342. 
Abhidhanachintomani,  318,  397. 
Abhidhdnappadipikd,  343. 
Abhilashitartha-chintamani — See  Mdna- 
solldsa. 

Abhimanotturiga  Samanta,  733. 
Abhimanyu  (Kachchhapaghata),  57,  66. 
Abhimanyu  (Somavamsi),  209,  213,  214. 
Abhinavabharatachampii ,  313. 
Abhinavagupta,  323,  384. 
Abhinavakalidasa,  313. 

Abhinaya,  325. 

Abhlra(s),  75.  78,  172.  177,  189,  192,  393, 
678. 

Abhisheka,  406- 
Abid  Ali,  195. 

Ablur,  181. 

Aboriginal  Purana,  380. 

Abors,  755. 

Abraiman,  493. 

Abraiman  of  Lar,  497. 

Abu,  Mt.,  67,  69,  72-73,  74,  77,  78,  79,  81, 
85,  89,  90,  105, 108, 109,  118,  121,  428, 
433,  580,  660,  661,  662,  687. 

Abu  Dulaf,  520. 

Abul  Fida,  528. 

Abu  ‘Abdulla  Muhammad,  11,  12,  17. 
Abu-'AII,  10. 

Abu  ‘Ali  Lawik,  3. 

Abu  ‘All-i-Sunjur,  5.  6. 

(Amir)  Abu  Bakr  Lawik,  2,  3- 
Abu-l-Fath  Daud,  8,  10. 

Abul  Faraj  RuyanI,  503. 

Abul  Fath  Rtaku-ud-dln,  468. 

Abu-1  Hasan,  92. 

Abu-rdsa,  394. 

Abul  Fazl,  426. 

Abu  Zaid,  494. 

Abyssinia  (ns),  137. 

Acha  II,  175,  176,  178. 

Achalaraja,  104. 


Achalgadh,  687. 

Achanna,  373. 

Acharddarsa,  335. 

Achdrasdgara,  334,  338. 

Achdrya,  482. 

Acharya  Chandraklrtl,  764. 

Acharya  Jinesvara  Suri,  396 
Achit,  336. 

Achugi  II,  229. 

Achyuta-Nayaka,  194. 

Achy  utapreksha  chary  a,  441. 

Ada  b,' '504. 

Adab-al-Harb,  504. 

A^akkamalla,  51,  55. 

Adam,  468. 

Adbhutasagara,  38,  40,  330,  334,  338. 
Aden,  259. 

Adhal-dinka- Jhorhpda ,  120. 
Adi-Buddha,  411. 

Adhikaripurushas,  276- 
A dhikritainahattamas,  275. 
Adhirajendra,  173,  241,  243,  256. 
Adhishthana ,  566,  603. 
Adhislmakrishna,  768. 

Adhyagni,  294. 

Adhyakslia,  275. 

AdhydtmaAataka ,  435. 

Adidamma,  202. 

Adideva,  34,  329. 

Adigamans,  247. 

Adiiabad,  69. 

Adilanchana,  754. 

Adinagara — See  Mukhalinfiam. 
Adinatha,  580- 
Adindtha-cliarita ,  344. 

Adinatha  temple,  74. 

Adi  Purana .  508. 

Aditya  (General),  264. 

Aditya  II,  234. 

Adityavarman,  164. 

Adiyarkunallar,  362. 

Administrative  Organisation,  274-286. 
Northern  India,  274-277. 
Kalachuris,  274-275. 

Chandellas,  275. 

Paramaras,  275-276. 

Gahadavalas,  276. 

Senas,  276-277- 
Chahamanas,  277. 

South  India,  278-  286. 

Chalukyas,  278-281. 

Cholas,  281-282. 

Yadavas,  282-283. 

Hoysalas,  283-284. 

Adoni,  187 
Aduturai,  244,  245. 

Advaita,  312,  336,  352,  366,  403. 
Advaya,  408. 

Advayagupta,  417. 

Advayavajra,  417. 


880 


INDEX 


Adya  Mardfhi  Kavayitri,  387,  89(n). 
Afghanistan,  4,  22,  116,  117,  132,  678- 
Afghans,  12,  117,  150. 

Afrasiyab,  149. 

Agama,  326. 

Agamapramanya,  437. 

Agamiyaka-mata,  432. 

Agastimata,  330. 

Agastya,  352. 

Agastya  Myth,  373. 

Age-cycle,  272. 

Age  of  Kamban,  361. 

Aggavamsa,  343. 

Agha  Khan,  468. 

Aghapur,  55. 

Aghata — See  Ahar. 

Aghora,  445. 

Aghoraghanta,  459. 

Agnimitra,  373. 

Agni  Purdria,  321,  322. 

Agra.  94,  350. 

Agrahara,  252,  510. 

Agriculture,  516. 

A  Handbook  of  Virasaivism,  388,  106(n). 
Ahar,  89,  90,  91. 

Ahavamalla  (Chauhan),  349. 
Ahavamalla  (Kalachuri),  181,  182. 
Ahavamalla  (Chalukya) — See  Somes- 
vara  I 

Ahichchhatra,  215. 

Ahichchhatrapura — See  Nagpur. 

Ahila  (Chahamana),  75,  86. 

Ahimsd,  312,  402. 

A  History  of  South  India,  469,  8(n). 

A  History  of  Teluga  Literature,  383, 
112(n). 

Ahladana  (Chahamana),  77 
Ahmadabad,  75. 

Ahmad  Chap,  158. 

Ahmad-i-Sheran,  207. 

Ahmadnagar,  176,  185. 

Ahmad  Niyaltigin,  25,  51,  61,  92. 
Ahmud  Khan,  48. 

Ahnika,  332,  334,  48C. 

Ahobala  Mahdtmya,  375. 

Ahoms,  44,  45,  381. 

Ahom  Buranjis,  382. 

Aibak,  503- 

Aihole,  533,  534,  554,  615,  623. 
Ain-i-Akbari  102. 

‘Ain-ul-Mulk  (general),  72. 
Airavatesvara,  622. 

Airlangga,  749,  750. 

Aisvarikas,  427. 

Aiyangar,  672. 

Aiyangar,  Prof.  Rangaswami,  333,  334. 
Aitihasika,  Vividha  Vishaya,  387,  79  (n). 
Ajaigarh,  59,  60. 

Ajaipal,  118- 

Ajanta,  676,  678,  680,  681,  682,  683,  690. 
Ajayadeva  (Chahamana),  69. 
Ajayadeva  (Ag  Deo)  59,  122. 
Ajayagarh,  122. 

Ajayameru — See  Ajmer. 

Ajayapala,  665. 

Ajayapala  (Chaulukya),  70,  72,  78,  89. 
Ajayapala  (Poet),  318. 


Ajayapala  (Yaduvamsi),  55,  56. 
Ajayaraja,  82. 

Aghorasiva,  365. 

Ajayasimha,  91. 

Ajita,  346. 

Ajitadeva,  433. 

Ajitadeva  Suri,  433. 

Ajitasdntistava,  327. 

Ajiva,  346. 

Ajiyasanti-thaya,  346. 

Ajjavasa  (Yadava),  171. 

Ajmer,  4,  23,  54,  79,  82,  83,  84,  85,  87, 
105,  106,  107,  109,  111,  112,  113,  114, 
118,  119,  120,  134,  147,  277,  310. 
Ajre  (Ajurika),  319. 

Ajudhan — See  Pak  Pattan. 

Akhyanas,  357. 

Akkadevi,  165,  166,  167,  279,  280. 
Akshapatalika ,  274,  276,  277. 

Akshepa,  322. 

Akshobhya,  411. 

Akshobhyatirtha,  440. 

Alaf  Khan,  81. 

Alaka,  322. 

Alamkara,  299,  321,  322,  323,  324,  434. 
Alamkarachakra,  101. 
AlamkarachudamanL  323. 
Alamkararatndkara,  324. 
Alamkarasarvasva,  321,  323,  384. 
Alampur,  597. 

Aland!,  355. 

Alata,  385. 

Ala-ud-Daulah  Mas’ud  III,  52. 
‘Ala-ud-din  Husain,  96,  97. 

‘Ala-ud-din  Khalji,  60,  72,  81,  86,  88, 
90,  91,  103,  195,  196,  203,  232,  260. 
‘Ala-ud-din  Khvarazm  Shah,  117,  124. 
‘Ala-ud-din  Mas’ud,  139. 

Al-‘AufI,  504. 

Alaungsithu,  757. 

AlsvfiTiHsr  4Q7 

Al-BIruni,’  17,  50,  127,  480,  500,  513,  519. 
Alberuni’s  India,  507,  180(n). 

Algebra,  329. 

Alha,  107. 

Alhanadeva  (Chahamana),  87,  88. 
Alhanadevi,  511. 

‘All,  '468. 

‘All,  Abu-’l-Hasan,  94. 

Alibag,  192. 

‘All  bin  Rubia,  94. 

‘Ali  bin  ‘Usman  al-Hujwair!,467. 
Aligarh,  23,  119,  120,  144,  147. 

‘All  Mardan,  124,  131,  133. 

Allahabad,  656,  659. 

Allama  Prabhu,  367,  370. 

Alii  Arasani,  364. 

Aliya,  279. 

Allaraja,  324. 

Al-Ma‘mun,  1. 

Almora,  578. 

Alms-bowl,  263. 

Alptigln,  2,  3. 

Al-Qadir  Billah,  6. 

Altekar,  183,  286. 

Altuniya,  138. 

Altuntash,  9,  11. 


S.E.— *.8 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Alupa  dynasty,  484. 

Alupas,  172. 

Alur,  164. 

Al-’Utbi,  499. 

Aluvakhe^a,  227. 

Alvars,  361,  672,  673. 

Alwar,  10,  107,  134,  148. 

Amalaka,  486,  532,  540,  554,  558,  561,  562, 
563,  577. 

Amalaka-sild,  536,  539,  544,  545,  549,  553, 
557,  558,  559. 

Amalananda,  336. 

Amama-charita ,  302. 

Amamasvarni,  302. 

Amana,  193,  194. 

Amarabhujanga  Pan^ya,  234. 
Amarachandra,  301. 

AmaraklrMgani,  349. 

Amarakosa,  317,  318,  319,  343,  767. 
Amarakosatlkasarvasva,  319. 
Amarakosodghatana ,  318,  319. 
Amaramala,  767. 

Amarapura — See  Amber. 

Amaravatl,  200,  656,  746. 

Amaravatl  stupa ,  424. 

Amarkantak,  562,  563,  564,  695- 
Amaru,  302. 

Amatyamukhya — See  Maiitripradhdna. 
Amdtyas ,  277,  281. 

Ambada,  77,  78,  397. 

Ambadapura — See  Amrapur. 
Ambadeva-maharaja,  202. 

Ambala,  94. 

Ambam,  577. 

Ambaprasada  (Guhila),  81,  89. 
Ambaranatha,  602,  603. 

Ambamath  temple,  183. 

Amber,  84. 

Ambika,  162. 

Amin  Khan,  154. 

Amir  "All,  18. 

Amir  Fakhr-ud-din  ‘Amid 
Sunnami,  504. 

Amir  Khusrav,  103,  157,  197  ,  501. 

Amir  ‘Uzd-ud-Daulah,  95. 

Amitagati  (Amiyagai),  305,  349,  435. 
Amid ,  536,  537. 

Ammagrama,  216,  217,  219. 

Amman,  671.  , 

Ammangadevi,  204,  240,  242. 
Amoghasiddhi,  411. 

Ammugi,  179. 

Amnaydnusdrinx ,  418. 

Amndyas,  354. 

Amoda,  213. 

Amoghavritti,  320. 

Amrapur,  191. 

Amritadeva,  46. 

Amritanubhava,  353. 

Amritapala,  50. 

Amritesvara,  603. 

Amroha,  147,  150. 

Amsunagara,  164. 

Arhsuvarman,  45. 
Andgdra-Dharmdmrita,  434. 
Andgatavamsa ,  341. 

Anahilapattana,  432 


Anahilapura,  434. 

Anahilavada,  427. 

(Chahamana),  67,Anahilla  75,  81,  86.94. 
Anahillapataka  (Anahilwad),  20,  23,  53, 
67,  70,  75,  76,  79,  80,  81,  86,  121,  308. 
310,  427,  587. 

Anaimahgalam  236,  239. 

Anaka — See  Arnoraja. 

Anakula,  335. 

Anamalais,  228,  229. 

Ananda,  60. 

Anandadeva,  46- 
Anandagiri,  459. 

Anandajnana  (Anandagiri),  336. 
Anandamalla,  46. 

Anandapala  (Shahi),  6,  7,  8,  9, 10,  11,  67. 
Ananda  temple,  757. 

Anandatirtha,  441,  442. 

See  also  Madhva. 

Ananda vardhana,  321. 

Anangabhima  (Aniyankabhima )  II,  187. 
207. 

Anahga-  Bhlma  III,  66,  200,  207. 
Anangapala,  56. 

Ananta  (Lohara),  97,  98.  299,  314,  483. 
Ananta  (Poet),,  315. 

Anantadeva,  191. 

Anantaklrtti,  45. 

Anantamalla,  47. 

Anantapala,  171. 

Anantapur,  167,  172,  173,  178,  180,  183, 
189,  191,  201,  220. 

Anantavarman  (Guhila),  89. 
Anantavarman  Chodaganga,  *30,  31,  32, 
36,  37,  53,  65,  68,  178,  205,  206,  207, 
212,  213,  244,  266. 

Anantavarman  Vajrahasta  III,  212. 
Ananta- Vasudeva,  35,  550. 

An  Arabic  History  of  Gujrat,  160,  23(n). 
Anava,  454. 

Anavila,  335. 

Anawratha,  756. 

Anchalaka-mata,  432. 

“Ancient  Civilization  and  Geography  of 
Maharashtra”,  386,  67(n). 

Ancient  India,  223,  6a (n). 

Ancient  Monuments  of  Kashmir,  699, 
214(n). 

Andhra(-desa),  63,  65,  68,  75,  169,  170, 
171,  174,  175,  177,  180,  181,  182,  198, 
199,  200,  202,  203,  204,  205,  206,  207, 
220,  223,  235,  246,  372. 

Andkhul,  124,  130,  159,  2(n). 

Anegundi,  684. 

Anekarthakosa,  317. 
Anekarthasabdakosa.  318. 
Anekdrthatilaka ,  318. 

Ahga(s),  25,  28,  29,  30,  32,  33,  34, 
61,  68,  145,  180,  186,  197. 

Angkor  Thom,  769,  770. 

Angkor  (Vat),  761,  769,  770,  737. 
Angrok,  750. 

Anandadhvaja  Sribhadra,  427. 
Anekdnta-Jaya-Patdka-Panjikd,  432. 
Anga-sikhara(s) ,  543,  549,  571,  578- 
Angle- amalakas,  559. 

Anhilwara — See  Anahillapataka. 


882 


INDEX 


Anicuts,  516. 

Anlkanga  (Aniyanka),  266. 

Animal  sculptures  (of  Orissa),  655. 
Aniruddha,  37,  332,  334,  756,  757. 
Anjana-Pavananjaya,  435. 

An  jar,  20. 

Arijuvannam,  525. 

Anka,  194. 

Anmakonda(-uishaya),  172,  198,  199, 

200,  201. 

Annalan,  170. 

Annam,  737,  740,  741,  744,  745,  747,  749. 
Annambhatta,  464. 

Annigere,  182. 

Anoratha,  41. 

Arigada,  312. 

Angling,  492. 

Antala,  186. 

Antara,  72. 

Antarala  (ante-chamber),  557,  560,  563, 
564,  566,  572,  574,  613. 

Antarahga,  277. 

Antarvedi,  58. 

Antaryamin,  438. 

Anthologies,  305-306. 

Antiquities  of  Orissa.  506,  98(n),  695, 
33(n). 

Antyajatis,  476. 

Antyas,  476- 

Anubhava  Mantapa,  367. 

Anubhava  Sara,  376. 
Anubhutisvarupacharya,  323. 

Anuloma  (proper  order).  475,  476. 
Anumana,  321,  447. 

Anumeya ,  321. 

Anupamapura,  419. 

Anupama-'riJwTra,  420. 

Anuradhapura,  235,  263. 

AnuraYtd-pagas,  539,  544. 

Anuruddha,  342. 

Anushtegin,  117. 

Anushpabh,  324. 

Anuvaya-rayana-paiu ,  349. 
Anuvyakhydna,  337. 

Anvddheya,  294. 

Anwari,  507,  185  (n). 
Anyoktimuktalatdsataka,  304. 

Aonla,  135,  147- 

Apabhramsa,  298,  328,  327,  314,  345,  346, 
347,  348-351,  352,  358,  360,  361,  390, 
391,  392,  393,  434. 

Apabhramsa  Kdvyatrayi,  396,  l(n). 
Aparaditya  (6ilahhra),  101. 

Aparaditya  II,  181,  182. 

Apara-Gangeya  Prithvibhata— See  Pri- 
thvlraja  II. 

Aparajita  (Paramara),  73,  510. 
Aparajita  Mrigahka  (Silahara),  162, 
164,  171.  ' 

Apararka,  269,  287,  294,  295,  298,  333, 
334,  338,  505,  509,  510. 
Apara-Mandara,  29,  36. 

Apastamba  Dharma-sutra ,  335- 
Apastamba  Grihya-sutra,  335. 

Apavara,  224. 

Appanna,  247. 

Appar,  366,  672. 


Appayanadakuppa,  176. 

Appilar,  439. 

Arab,  467,  503,  524. 

Arabia,  250,  251,  259,  504,  520,  521,  522, 
Arabian  Sea,  237,  352. 

Arab  Geographers’  Knowledge  of 
Southern  India,  507,  145(n). 

Arabs,  1,  128,  260. 

Arddhand,  435. 

Araiyam,  226. 

Araiyan,  169. 

Arakan,  756. 

Arambagh  (Aramya),  206. 

Aram  Shah,  56,  131. 

Aramshahr,  52. 

Arang,  574,  604. 

Aranya  Parva,  374. 

Aranyaraja  of  Abu,  72. 

ArasI — See  Arisirhha. 

Archaeology  of  Gujarat,  471,  90(n). 
Architecture  of  Dharwar  and  Maisur , 
699,  200 (n). 

Arch.  Sur.  Reports,  159. 

Archer,  W.  W.,  380. 

Arcot,  231,  240,  245,  246,  247,  249,  257. 
Ardha- Magadhl,  358. 

Ardha-mandapa  (smaller  hall),  560, 
571,  684'. 

ArYcathood,  405. 

Arhadbali,  431. 

Arichit,  256. 

Arigon,  419. 

Arikesarin,  171. 

Arimalladeva,  46. 

Arimardanapura,  264,  265,  756. 
Arisimha  (poet),  302,  309. 

Arisimha  (Guhila),  89,  91. 

A rivrishabha- Sankara,  443. 

Ariyaruq,  92. 

Arjuna  (of  Gujarat),  80,  81. 

Arjuna  (of  Sarasapura),  85. 

Arjuna  ( Kachchhapaghata ) ,  57,  58. 
Arjuna  (Pan^ava),  302,  310,  311- 
Arjuna  (Paramara),  73,  86. 
Arjunavarman  (Paramara),  70,  71,  79, 
86,  310,  435. 

Arjunavarman  II  (Paramara),  71,  72. 
81,  190._ 

Arjuna-vivdha,  768. 

Arkalgud  Taluk,  431. 

Arka  temple,  654. 

Arnoraja  (Chahamana),  75,  77,  82,  83. 
Ar noraj  a  (Chaulukya),  79- 
Arpakkam,  264. 

Arsalan  ‘Abd-ul-Malik,  ’95. 

Arsalan  J5zib,  9,  11. 

Arsalan  Kh5n,  142,  154. 

Art  and  Architecture  of  Ceylon,  267. 
Artha,  322. 

Arthasdstra,  327. 

Arthuna,  73,  90. 

Artihara,  319. 

Arulnandi-^ivacharya,  365,  366. 
Arunachalam,  672. 

Aruna  pillar,  552. 

Aruna  stambha,  550. 

Arunthamilmalai,  364. 


883 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Arya,  303,  305,  346. 

Ary  a  Chakra  vartl,  259. 

Aryadesa,  262. 

Aryasaptasati,  303. 

Arya  6rutaklrti,  320. 

Aryavarman  (Kadamba),  164. 
Aryavarta,  502. 

Aryavarta  style,  534. 

Arzbadan,  160. 

Asa  (Bhilla),  75. 

Asadhara  (Poet),  71,  109,  113,  434. 
Asala,  87. 

Asalladeva,  57. 

Asapalll  (Asaval),  75. 

Asaraja  (Chahamana),  69,  76,  77,  86,  87. 
Asa$a,  98. 

Asaucha,  334. 

Ashfddhyayi,  319,  320. 

Ashta-dhdtu,  646,  647. 
Ashtamahasthana-chaitya-vandaTia- 
stava,  419- 

Ashtangahridaya  Samhita,  245,  335. 
Ashtasdhasrikd  Prajnapdramita,  418. 
Asl — See  Asni. 

Asiga,  394,  395. 

Asightigm,  9. 

Asika — See  Hansl. 

Asni,  15,  54,  119,  122. 

Asoda,  593. 

Asokaiyan,  169- 

Asokavalla  (or  Asokachalla),  426. 
Asphotachandra,  54. 

Asramas,  525. 

Asras,  531. 

Asrava,  346. 

Assam  31,  42-45,  123,  130,  206,  358. 

See  also  K§msrupa. 

Assassins,  468- 
Ashtavararia,  368. 

Assam  tribes,  380. 

Astronomy,  328-329,  511. 

Asutosh  Museum,  675. 

Asvachikitsa,  330. 

Asvaghosha,  312. 

Asvalayana  Grihya-sutra,  335. 

Asvapala  (Chahamana),  86. 

Asvapati,  274,  276. 

Asvas&dhanika,  274. 

Asvasdstra ,  329. 

Asvavaidyaka,  330. 

Asvayurveda,  330. 

Asvinikumara,  328. 

Atharvana,  377. 

Atlsa  Dlpankara,  417. 

Atithis ,  355. 

Atmasiddhi,  437. 

Atreya  Ramanuja,  439. 

Atru,  103. 

Atsiz,  117. 

Atula,  SOS. 

Attanagalla,  340. 

Attanagaluviharavamsa,  340. 
Atulyavajra,  417. 

Auchitya,  322. 

Auchityavicharacharcha,  322. 
Audumbara  coins,  533- 
Anurahds ,  549. 


Aufi,  159. 

Aurangabad,  162,  185,  668. 

Aurangzeb,  655. 

Austrics,  357,  381. 

Austro-Asiatics,  357,  378. 

Avadhuta,  357. 

Avadhutapada,  417. 

AvalladevI,  63,  481. 

Avalokitesvara,  424,  647,  759. 
Avantesvara,  635. 

Avanti,  76,  524. 

Avantika,  322. 

Avantipura,  635,  666. 

Avantlsvami,  635. 

Avarodha-vadhu,  479. 

Avasara  III  (Si’ahara),  162. 
Avatamsaka-siitra,  471. 

Avatara,  421. 

Avatdra  of  Vishnu,  425. 

Avlchi,  82. 

Avidyd,  448. 

Avvai  I,  364. 

Avvai  II,  362,  365. 

Awadh,  55,  122,  134,  135,  136,  141,  142, 
144,  146,  150,  154,  157,  208. 

Ayatdsra ,  531. 

Ayodhya— See  Kosala. 

Ayudha,  537. 

Ayurvedadlpika,  328. 

Ayurvedarasdyana,  335. 

Ayushmat,  266. 

Ayuthia  (Ayodhya).  761. 

Ayyalarya,  377. 

Ayyana  I,  161. 

Ayyana  II  (Chalukya),  165,  166. 
Ayyavole,  525. 

Ayyubides,  159,  l(n). 

B 

Baba  Fakhr-ud  din,  469. 

Bachcharasa — See  Vichchaya. 

Bada,  536,  537,  545,  554,  557,  559,  561, 
609. 

Badami,  161,  668,  672,  683. 

Badaiayana,  437. 

Badarikasrama,  441. 

Badayun— See  Budaun. 

Baddhapura,  98. 

Badr-ud*dln  Sunqar,  138,  139. 
Bagalkot,  167,  215. 

Bagar,  118. 

Bagchi,  P.  C.,  470,  19(n),  359,  360. 
Bag#,  37. 

Bageva#,  446. 

Bagewa#,  161,  165,  185. 

Bagh,  676,  683,  690. 

Baghdad,  1,  2,  116,  124. 

Baghelkhand,  59,  61,  64. 

Baglan,  81. 

Bahada,  76,  77. 

Bahar-deo  (Chahamana)— See  Vag- 
bhata. 

Baha-ud-dln  Sam,  96,  97. 

Baha-ud-dln  Tughril,  56,  120. 
Baha-ud-dln  Oshi,  504. 

Baha-ud-dln  Zakariya,  468. 

Bahikas,  42. 


884 


INDEX 


/ 


Bahraich,  142. 

Bahrain,  95,  96,  97. 

Bahubali,  394. 

Bahulara  (Bankura  District),  60S,  609. 
Baihaqi,  25,  62. 

Baijnath  (Kangra  District,  554,  558, 
559,  605. 

Bairat,  576. 

Baisas,  164. 

Bajaur,  18. 

Bajaura,  606. 

Baji  Ray,  7. 

Baka,  310. 

Bakhtyar  Khalji,  504. 

Bakulapura  (S.  W-  Borneo),  751 
Bdlabharcita ,  301. 

Balachandia  Suri,  309. 

Baladeva,  462. 

Baladeva  (Balavantadeva),  45. 
Baladhyachandra,  101. 

Balagami,  669. 

Balaghat,  65,  194,  218. 

Balaka,  237,  296,  331. 

Balakrishnasastri,  387,  78(n). 
Balaprasada  (Chaharnana),  74,  75,  86. 
Balaputra,  730. 

Balatkala,  261. 

Balarnrnayana,  321. 

Baldvabodha ,  319. 

Balban  (Sultan),  42,  57.  71,  81,  85,  90 > 
139,  140,  141,  142,  113,  144,  146,  147. 
159,  160,  192. 

Balban  restores  Sultanate,  148-155. 
Balban’s  Dynasty,  End  of,  156-158- 
Bal  Chanar,  749. 

Baley avattana — Sec  Beliapatam. 
Balhanadeva — See  Gadhapati  Valana- 
deva. 

Bali,  75,  86,  750,  751. 

Balijhari,  209,  210,  211. 

Balinese  Theology,  402. 

Balipura,  167. 

Balka,  134. 

Balkatigin.  3. 

Balkh,  1,  5,  6,  93- 
Ballakunde,  167,  182. 

Ballala  (Hoysala),  70,  72,  77.  175,  228. 
233. 

Ballala  II  (Hoysala).  70.  181,  182.  133. 
186,  187,  188,  189,  230-231,  233,  247. 
283. 

(Vira)  Ballala  III  (Hoysala).  195.  196, 
232,  233,  260. 

Ballala  (Malava),  178.  34S. 

Ballala  (Silahara),  176. 

Ballalasena — See  Vallalasena. 
Ballamahadevi.  484. 

Balligave,  180 
Balligrama — See  -Belgami. 

Balasane,  602 
Baluchistan,  7. 

Balvan  inscription.  85. 

Bamanwad,  386.  5S(n). 

Bambharvada,  348. 

BamhI,  13. 

Bamboo,  517. 

Bamlyan,  3,  665. 


Bammidevarasa — See  Barma. 

Bamra(garh),  209. 

Bana,  299,  306,  313,  344. 

Banafars,  107. 

Banapur,  46. 

Banaras,  25,  26,  38,  39,  52,  53,  54,  61,  62, 

63,  64,  67,  75,  92,  99,  119,  132,  135, 

194,  197,  301.  318,  335,  513. 

Banas,  247. 

Banavasi  120,  163.  164,  165,  166,  167, 

168,  170,  171,  172,  174,  175,  177,  178, 

179,  180,  181,  182,  183,  188,  189,  191, 

192,  195,  226.  227,  229,  231,  237. 

Eanda  Nawaz  Gisu  Daraz.  469. 

Bandanike  (Bandalike),  188,  189. 

Bandha,  346. 

Bandhana,  543,  545- 
Bcuulhus,  290. 

Bandon,  Bay  of.  239. 

Banerji,  R.  D.,  160,  27 (n),  538,  558,  638, 

695. 

Bangalore,  232. 

Bangarh  Grant,  24. 

Bahgiya  Sahitya  Parishad,  358. 

Bahglaya  Bauddhadharma.  470,  39(n). 
Baniyan,  144- 
Bankapura,  173,  178,  230. 

Bankura  District,  60S. 

Banswara,  66,  73. 

Bapatla,  165. 

Bappa,  230. 

Bapuhon,  771. 

Barabu^ur,  772. 

Bdrahavidsd,  393,  395. 

Barahdari  inscription,  160. 

Barakanur.  229 

Barakar  (Burdwan  District),  606. 

Baramba  (Cuttack  District),  540. 

Baranda,  536,  557. 

Barappa  (Chauiukya),  74.  162,  163. 

Barbara  (Chief),  75. 

Barbara  (Barbarika)  (Country),  177, 

197. 

Barda  hills.  583. 

Bardhankot,  43. 

Bareilly,  135. 

Bargaon,  559. 

Bargarh,  221,  222. 

Bari,  14,  17,  50. 

Barma,  178.  180. 

Barmer,  76.  77,  79,  88.  106. 

Barnadi,  44. 

Barnett,  278. 

Baroda,  103. 

Baroli,  559. 

Barons,  494. 

Barrackpore  inscription,  37. 

Bersur  (Barasuvu).  2,14.  215.  216,  218, 

219,  220. 

Barthwal,  331. 

Bartu — See  Bharahadeva. 

Barua,  B.  M..  159,  160,  471,  6D(n). 

Barvvara,  526. 

Basava,  180,  368. 

Basavannana  Pancha  Gadya .  370- 
Basavapurdna.  180. 

Basavura,  191. 

\ 


885 


THE  STRUGGLE  EOR  EMPIRE 


Basawanal,  S.  S.,  388,  104 (n). 

Bassein,  196. 

Bastar,  31,  65,  68,  172,  210,  214,  215,  216, 
219,  220,  237,  238,  242. 

Basu,  M.,  359- 
Batanghari,  752. 

Batiniya,  469. 

Bauddha-Dharma-o-Sahitya ,  470,  19(n) . 
Baudh,  556,  651. 

Baudh  State,  540. 

Raul,  359,  426. 

Bayalike  Kesimayya,  181,  182. 
Bayal-natfu,  227. 

Bayalu  nirbayalu,  368. 

Bayana ( - §ripatha ) ,  55-56,  109,  119,  120, 
134,  148. 

Bay  of  Bandon,  737. 

Bayon,  770,  771. 

Beas,  13,  132,  143,  144,  151,  153. 
Beddanna,  377. 

Bedwara,  59. 

Begmati — See  Karatoya. 

Bekal,  518. 

Beki  (=r  kantha),  537,  549,  558. 
Belagutti,  2i5. 

Belahan,  750. 

Belava  copper  plate,  33. 

Belavadi,  194. 

Belgami,  167,  188,  189. 

Belgaum,  164,  177,  189,  191,  192,  515. 
Beliapatam,  166. 

Bell,  H.  C.  P.,  268,  3(n). 

Bellary,  162,  163,  164,  167,  170,  173,  182, 
183,  187,  192,  201,  215,  238,  628. 
Belle,  441. 

Belles — Lettres,  298-316. 

Belupura,  178. 

Belur,  228,  632,  668- 
Belvalkar,  384,  20  (n). 

Belvola  100,  161,  165,  166,  167,  172,  175, 
178,  182,  185,  186,  187,  188,  191,  192. 
Benares — See  Banaras. 

Bendall,  Cecil,  46,  48,  472,  114(n). 
Bengal,  24,  25,  26,  28,  29,  30,  31,  32,  33, 
34,  35-41,  43,  54,  62,  123,  128,  145, 
153,  202,  206,  207,  208,  212,  222,  238, 
277,  295,  298,  300,  302,  303  ,  304,  308, 
316,  319,  322,  328,  330,  331,  332,  333, 
334,  335,  351,  401,  403,  413,  414,  415, 
517,  643,  646,  647,  649,  650,  651,  655, 
656,  675,  676,  679,  690. 

Bengal,  Bay  of,  251. 

Bengali,  357-361. 

Bengali- Assamese,  357. 

Bengali  Payar,  359- 
Bengal  terracottas,  642. 

Benjamin  of  Tudela,  521,  523. 

Berar,  69,  189,  191,  320,  352. 

Beta  I,  198. 

Beta  n,  198,  199,  223. 

Bethamangalam,  228. 

Bhadanakas,  107. 

Bhadra,  170,  640. 

Bhadra  ( pidha  deul ),  536,  537- 
Bhadrabhat,  75. 

Bhadranga  Kaqlparti,  172,  198. 
Bhadrapattana,  217. 


Bhadresvara,  80. 

Bhagalpur,  30,  415. 

Bhagalpur — See  Anga. 

Bhagavadgitd,  337,  353,  356,  388. 
Bhagavata,  311,  354,  355,  356,  357. 
Bhagavatachampu,  313. 

Bhagavata  Purana,  337,  354,  356,  403, 
436. 

Bhagavatl,  525,  550. 

BhagirathI,  145. 

Bhairamgarh,  218. 

Bhakta-siromanl  Namadeva  kl  nal 
jlvani,  nal  Padavali ,  388,  96 (n). 
Bhaktavijaya,  387,  94(n). 

Bhakti,  304,  337,  353,  354,  646,  674,  675. 
Bhakti-vada,  403. 

Bhakar,  133. 

Bhaktapura,  46,  48. 

Bhaktisataka,  304,  385. 

Bhama,  755. 

Bhamaha,  323. 

Bhamar  (Bhambhagiri) ,  189. 

Bhamati,  336. 

Bhammaha,  164. 

Bhana,  105. 

Bhdna ,  311. 

Bhanara,  65. 

Bhandak — See  Bhadrapattana. 
Bhandagarika  (BhdndaXika) ,  274,  275, 
276. 

Bhandara  (Bhantfagara),  194. 

Bhand  Dewal,  574. 

Bhandarkar,  D.  R.,  62,  87,  103,  22(n). 
Bhandarkar,  R.  G.,  183,  2(n),  197,  l(n), 
223,  4(n),  472,  140(n). 

Bhanga,  299. 

Bhanja,  651. 

Bhanudeva  I,  209. 

Bhanumatl ,  328. 

Bharaavaja,  333,  387. 

Bharahadeva,  50,  55.  135. 

Bharata  (King),  394. 

Bharata  (Poet),  88,  322,  325. 
Bharatachamputilaka,  313- 
Bhdrata-manjarl,  299. 

Bharatapala,  349. 
Bharatatdtparyaniriiaya,  442. 
Bharata-yuddha,  768. 

Bharatesvara,  430. 
Bharatesvara-Bahubali-ghora,  393. 
Bharatesvara-Bahubali-rasa,  393,  396. 
Bhdratlya-Ndtya-saastra,  88. 

Bharatji,  567. 

Bharatpur,  55,  56. 

Bharavi,  299,  310. 

Bhargava — See  Sukracharya. 

Bharhut,  555,  665. 

Bhars,  477. 

Bhartrihari,  302. 

Bhartula,  98. 

Bhasa,  314,  434. 

Bhashk,  347. 

Bhaskara — See  Mayagalasimha. 
Bhaskarabhatta,  354. 

Bhaskaracharya,  328,  329,  511. 
Bhaskaradeva,  45. 

Bhaskara  -  Rdmdyana  m ,  377. 


886 


INDEX 


Bhaskara  Ravivarman,  234. 
Bhaskaresvara,  573. 

Bhasvatl,  207,  329. 

Bhatara  Paramesvara,  754. 

Bhafas,  277. 

Bhatgaon — See  Bhaktapura. 

Bhatinda,  7,  115,  131,  132,  137,  143,  144, 
153. 

Bhatiya,  7. 

Bhafta,  167,  512. 

Bhatta — Bhavadeva,  34. 

Bhattaputras ,  277. 

Bhatiavritti,  511. 

Bhava,  304,  323,  324,  325. 

Bhavabhdvana ,  346. 

Bhavabhuti,  459. 

Bhavadeva,  434,  184. 

Bhavadevabhatfa,  331. 

Bhavalkar,  N.  B.  387,  82(n). 
Bhdvaprakasana,  323,  325,  397. 
Bhdvasataka,  304. 

Bhavavairdgya-sataka,  346. 
Bhavaviveka,  415. 

Bhave,  V.  L.  387,  85,  87,  90(n). 
Bhavanagar  Inscriptions,  160,  42(n). 
Bhavyaraja,  419 
Bhawal,  38,  39,  40. 
Bhayabhanjanasarman,  330- 
Bhedabheda,  448. 

Bhera,  7. 

Bheraghat,  575,  576. 

Bhikshachkra,  69,  100,  101. 

Bhikshatana,  303. 

Bhil,  378. 

Bhillama  II  (Yadava),  197. 

Bhillama,  V  (Yadava),  70.  79,  87,  162, 
163,  167,  183,  185-187,  189,  197.  282. 
Bhillas,  60,  75- 

Bhiisa,  59,  66,  68,  69,  70,  71,  75,  76,  77, 
78. 

Bhlma  (Chalukya),  161. 

Bhima  II  (Chalukya),  161. 

Bhlma  I  (Chaulukya),  20,  21,  23,  42,  43, 
63,  67,  68,  72,  74,  75,  76,  86,  171,  172, 
428,  581. 

Bhlma  II (Chalukya),  70  73,  78,  79,  80, 
86,  88,  108,  109,  114,  121,  181,  186, 
188,  190. 

Bhlma  (River),  161,  168. 

Bhlma  (of  VarendrI),  29,  30  ,  47. 
Bhimadeva  I  (Chaulukya),  74. 
Bhimadeva — Rime,  194. 

Bhimapala,  328. 

Bhimapala  ( Rashfrakuta ) ,  50. 
Bhimapala  (Shahi),  11,  12,  16,  17. 
Bhlmapalll,  79. 

Bhlmaraja,  261. 

Bhlmarasa,  165. 

Bhlma  ratha  (of  Mahabalipuram),  554. 
Bhlmaratha  Mahabhavagupta  II  (Soma- 
vamsl),  166,  209,  210,  224. 
Bhlmarathl,  176. 

Bhlmasimha  (Sisodiya),  91. 

Bhlmasimha  (of  Bhadresvara ) ,  80. 
Bhimnagar — See  Kot  Kangra. 
Bhlmayasas,  29,  52. 

Bhinmal,  73-74,  75,  77,  86,  88. 


Bhlshma,  271,  273. 

Bhltargaon,  532,  557. 

Bhiwani,  107. 

Bhoga — See  vishaya. 

Bhoga-mandapa ,  548,  549. 

Bhogapati,  276. 

Bhoja,  (Lohara),  99,  100,  101. 

Bhoja  (of  Nepal),  45. 

Bhoja  (Paramara),  16,  51,  56,  57,  58,  61, 
63,  66,  67,  68,  73,  75,  81,  86,  94,  166, 
172,  173,  210,  295,  298,  313,  315,  317, 
321,  322,  323,  328,  329,  331,  332,  335, 
336,  338,  435,  510,  658. 

Bhoja  II  (Paramara),  72,  85,  86,  189. 
Bhoja  (Siiahara),  176. 

Bhoja  II  (Siiahara),  184,  189,  319 
Bhojadeva,  434. 

Bhojapura,  67 
Bhojaraja,  365. 

Bhojavarman,  (Chandella),  60. 
Bhojavarman  (Varman),  33,  34,  35,  37. 
Bhojpuri,  357,  358. 

Bhojuka,  60. 

Bhomakdvya,  768. 

Bhopal,  70. 

Bhofa,  53 

Bhramarakofta  (kotya) -mandala,  216 
Bhramaravadra  -  desa,  65. 
Bhrigukachchha,  163,  189,  190,  345. 
Bhriti,  273. 

Bhujabala(-malla),  213. 

Bhujabala  Santara,  430. 

Bhujavala,  65. 

Bhujanga  Rao,  388,  117  (n). 

Bhukti,  277. 

Bhulokamalla,  183. 

Bhumi-amla,  536,  539,  543. 

Bhumij,  378. 

Bhumis ,  536,  539,  543. 

Bhupalasimha,  48. 

Bhutavali,  431. 

Bhutigadeva,  162. 

Bhutiyas,  755. 

Bhuvanabhyudaya,  307. 

Rhuvanaditya,  264. 

Bhuvanaikabahu  I,  267,  341. 
Bhuvanaikamalla,  104,  105,  106. 
Bhuvanapala,  50. 

Bhuvana-purtina,  768. 

Bhuvanaraja  (Lohara),  98. 
Bhuvanasirhha  (Guhila),  91. 
Bhuvanesvara,  35,  535,  536,  538,  540, 
541,  544,  546,  547,  548,  551,  554,  555, 
556,  559,  561,  573,  651,  653,  654,  695. 
Bhuvanesvara-Puri-Konarak,  651. 
Bhuvaneswar,  209,  211,  224,  519. 
BIchana,  188. 

Bidar,  167. 

Bihar,  24,  25,  27,  28,  30,  31,  37,  39,  40, 
47-49,  52,  63,  123,  128,  133,  134,  141, 
142,  146,  154,  160,  238,  357,  358,  401, 
403  ,  413  ,  414,  415,  504,  643,  646,  647, 
649,  650,  651,  655,  656,  668,  676,  679. 
690. 

Bihar  Hill,  32. 

Bihari  speeches,  357. 

BIjaganita,  328,  329. 


887 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Bijapur,  161,  165,  167,  179,  182.  185,  215,  j 
367,  534. 

Bijavodi,  167. 

Bijjala,  64,  176,  179,  180,  183,  184,  367. 
Bijjalartiya-charita.  180. 

Bijjarasa,  167. 

Bijnaur,  147. 

Bijoli,  83. 

Bikaner,  108,  660,  687. 

Bilaspur,  65,  192,  201,  213. 

Bilhana,  169,  172.  173,  177,  302,  304,  307, 
310. 

Bilhari  Inscription,  558. 

Binh  Thuan,  749. 

Birat  (Rangpur  District,  Bengal),  639. 

Bir  Singh  Deo  Bundela,  662. 

Bisama,  544,  545,  598. 

Bithandah,  115. 

Bithaur,  52. 

Bittiga  (Bittideva) — See  Vishnuvar- 

dhana. 

Black  Chlorite,  646 
Blochmann,  43. 

Bo  Chanh,  743.. 

Bodding,  P.  O.,  380. 

Bodh  Gaya,  26,  38,  146.  650. 

Bodhi,  405. 

Bodhi-chitta,  405,  407,  410,  411,  412. 
Bodhisativa,  405,  665. 
Bodhhattv-avadanc.kalpaiaia t  420. 
Bodhivarhsa ,  340. 

Bodo,  357,  380. 

Bombay,  71.  75,  161,  162,  164,  185,  189. 
518,  623. 

Bombay  Gazetteer ,  183,  2fn),  187,  t(n), 
224,  30(n),  225,  55(n). 

Bont.hadevi,  161. 

Bopadeva,  320,  335. 

Bopoa,  430. 

Boiarn,  606. 

Eorneo,  750. 

Bose,  N.  K.,  694,  18(n),  695,  26,  31(n), 
696.  72(n). 

Bose,  P.  N.,  470,  24,  39.  4.l(n). 

Brahma  (pantheon),  270,  273. 

Brahma  (Bomma,  Bammayya),  .182,  185. 
Brahmachari-kanda ,  332. 

Brahma- gayatri,  449. 

Brahmagupta,  329. 

Brahman,  336,  337,  355.  356. 

Brahmanas  (Brahmanism),  273  277,  278, 
284,  290,  291,  305,  307,  315,  316,  330, 
331,  334,  335.  337,  343,  355,  509,  512. 
Brdhmanasarvasva,  40.  334,  385. 
BrahmdrAa-purdna,  768. 

Brahmanical  temples,  579. 

Brahmanical  T antras.  414. 

Brahmanical  Tantrism.  407. 

Brahmapaia,  8,  42,  43. 

Brahma Pur  ana,  330. 

Brahmaputra, '  41,  42,  45,  123.  141,  145, 
755. 

Brahmarasa,  163. 

Brahma- sdkshdtkara,  457. 

Brahmaputra,  337. 

Brahmavadini,  481. 

Brahmavaivana  Pur  an  a,  330,  379.  436. 


Brahmesvara,  545,  546,  547,  550,  654, 
655. 

Brahmor,  663. 

Brahui,  378. 

Brazil  wood  (sappan),  517. 

Brick  temple,  607. 

Briggs,  23,  2(n),  103,  20,  28(n). 
Brihaddharma  Pur  ana,  476. 
Brihadisvara  temple,  439,  618,  678,  684, 
685,  685! 

Brihaduparika ,  277. 

Brihatkatha,  313-314.  316. 
Brihatkathd-manjari,  314,  316. 
Brihatkatha- slokasamgr aha,  314. 
Brihat-sarithitd ,  639.  226 (n). 

Brijnagar,  660. 

Broach  (Barus)  71,  312,  521. 

Brown,  P.,  584,  620,  621,  634,  695,  33 (n), 
696.  68(n),  697,  108,  112,  127(n),  698, 
156,  157,  158  (n),  699,  19G.  197, 

199(n). 

Buchkala,  577. 

Budaun,  50,  12.1,  122,  123,  135,  136,  147, 
150,  151. 

Budaunl,  115. 

Buddharaju,  377. 

Buddha (s),  184,  259,  253.  299,  339,  340, 
341,  353,  384,  402.  406,  408.  412,  G43, 
657,  660,  665,  673. 

Buddha  Bhatta,  330. 
Buddha-Bcdhisattva,  666. 
Buddhaghosha.  384. 

Buddhagupta  Tathagatanatha.  426. 
Buddhapriya,  341,  343. 

Buddharakk/ta,  341. 

Buddhasena,  49. 

Buddhasrljhana,  420. 

Bud dh  atva,  408. 

Buddhavamsa,  341. 

Buddhi-rasa,  394. 

Buddhism.  5,  34,  35,  236,  239.  243,  262, 
263,  267,  304,  341,  342,  400,  401,  402. 
403,  404.  405,  406. 

Buddhism,  Lamaistie,  667. 

Buddhism  of  Tibet,  472,  110(n). 
Buddhists,  25,  28,  27,  34,  123,  317,  318, 
319,  336,  339,  340,  .354,  399,  404,  510. 
650,  653,  656,  667,  690. 

Buddhist  chaitva  halls.  610. 

Buddhist  Charydpadas,  359. 

Buddhist  Dohd-koshas,  361. 

Buddhist  logic,  418. 

Buddhist  Va.irayOna,  360. 

Budhadeva,  43. 

Budhasvamin,  314. 

Bughra  Khan,  153,  155,  156,  157. 
Biihler.  289,  384.  5(iD. 

Bukhara,  2,  3.  116,  117. 

Bulandshahr,  13,  52,  118,  131,  499. 
Buldana,  193. 

Bullin,  521. 

Bundelkhand,  59,  60.  61,  62,  66,  107,  108, 
122,  275,  489,  657,  658. 

Bundi.  69,  121,  134,  147,  148. 

Buniar,  635. 

Buranjis,  382. 

Burdwan,  25.  607. 


8  88 


INDEX 


Burgess,  J.,  696,  77,  90,  99(n),  697,  105, 
106,  108(n). 

Buria — See  Burya. 

Burma,  41,  262,  264,  265,  339,  342,  343, 
521,  526,  640,  650,  678,  679,  737,  739, 
742,  755,  756,  757,  760,  782,  764.  772. 

Burmese  chronicles,  41. 

Burmese  painting,  642. 

Burulas,  476. 

Burya,  94. 

Bust,  3,  6,  96. 

Byzantine,  116. 

C 

Cail  (Kayal),  480,  495,  520. 

Calatu,  521. 

Calico  prints,  675. 

Caliphs  (Caliphate),  1,  2,  21,  116,  124, 
135. 

Cambay,  70,  71,  79,  80,  350,  517,  522,  523. 

Cambodia — See  Kambuja. 

Canons  of  Orissan  Architecture,  694, 
18(n). 

Canton,  260. 

Cape  Comorin,  533. 

Cape  Varella,  749. 

Cardamum,  517. 

Carrnathians  (Qaramita),  468. 

Caspian,  116. 

Caste  and  Race  in  India ,  505,  26(n). 

Catalogue  Du  fonds  Tibetain  de  la  Bib- 
liotheaue  Nationale,  470,  26 (n). 

Catalogue  of  Coins  in  the  Indian 
Museum,  160,  36(n). 

‘Celestial  Bride’,  16. 

Central  Asia,  116,  117,  125,  130,  132,  135, 
520,  667,  677. 

Central  India,  135,  212,  352,  557. 

Central  Magadhan  (speech),  358. 

Ceylon,  10,  33,  68,  172,  177,  234,  235,  237, 
238,  239,  240,  241,  242,  243.  244,  245, 
246,  248,  251,  256,  257,  258,  259,  261- 
288,  304,  309,  319,  339,  340.  341,  342, 
518,  650,  672. 

Ceylon  Historical  Journal ,  267, 

Ceylonese;  522. 

Chachcha  (Paramara),  73. 

Chachiga  (Chahamana),  80,  82,  83. 

Cha^obha — See  Dubkund. 

Chahatfadeva,  57,  135,  146,  159. 

Chahamanas,  4,  54,  56,  59,  66,  67,  68, 
69,  71,  72,  73,  74,  75,  76,  77,  79,  80, 
81-89,  90,  91,  94,  104,  105,  106,  107, 
108,  109,  110,  111,  112,  113,  114,  115, 
118,  119,  121,  134,  147,  148,  163,  173, 
186,  309,  310,  324,  349,  350,  477,  492, 
502,  687. 

of  Sakambhari,  81-83. 
of  Ranastambhapura,  83-86. 
of  Natfol,  86-87. 
of  Jabalipura  (Jalor),  87-88. 
of  Satyapura  (Sanchor)  and  Devatfa, 
88-89. 

Administrative  Organisation  of,  277. 

Chah&r  Maqala,  507,  187(n). 

Chahri  Beg,  116. 


Chaitanya,  337,  403,  675. 

Chaitya  arches,  583,  585,  586. 

Chaitya  window,  558,  610,  654. 

Chaiya,  734. 

Chajjd,  591. 

Chakradeo,  118. 

Chakradhara,  353,  387. 

Chakradhara-Siddhdnta-Sutre,  354. 

Chakradurga,  68. 

Chakrakota  (kot^a,  kuta),  31,  65,  172, 
198,  214,  216,  217,  218,  220,  237. 

Chakrapanidatta,  328. 

Chakravarti,  M.  M.,  224,  12(n). 

Challama,  215,  220. 

Chalukyas,  36,  38,  43,  47,  50,  53,  61,  63. 
64,  66.  68,  69,  70,  76,  107,  185,  186, 
197,  198,  199,  202,  203-204,  206,  211, 
215,  216,  217,  219,  220,  221,  223,  226, 
227.  228,  231,  235,  237,  240,  241,  242, 
243,  244,  262,  282,  283,  301,  307,  352, 
530,  662,  663,  687,  688. 
of  Kalyana,  161-184. 

The  Eastern,  203-204. 

Administrative  Organisation  of,  278- 
281. 

Chalukya  Kesava  temple,  576. 

Chalukyan  monuments,  557. 

Chaiya,  429. 

“Chalukyan”  style,  530. 

Chamara- deer,  517. 

Chamaravigraha,  221,  222. 

Chamba,  605,  663,  664. 

Chambal,  134. 

Champa,  98,  650,  736,  737.  738,  739,  740, 
741,  742,  744,  758,  772. 

Champaran(-a,  ya),  47,  53,  63. 

Champus,  312-313,  375. 

Chamunda  (of  Seuna-desa),  192. 

Chamunda  (of  Vamanasthall),  80. 

Chamundaraja  (Chahamana),  82. 

Chamundaraja  (Chaulukya),  67,  74, 

163,  164. 

Chamundaraja  (General).  168,  170,  171, 
172,  352. 

Chamundaraja  (Gupta) — See  Damo- 
daragupta. 

Chamundaraja  (Paramara),  73. 

Chamundi  hill,  229. 

Chanagiri,  193. 

Chan  Chub,  417. 

Chanda  (Chahanda),  65,  69,  189,  216, 
217. 

Chandala(s),  476,  480. 

Chandana  (Paramara).  73. 

Chandanabdld-rdsa,  394,  396. 

Chan^apa  (Paramara),  73. 

Chandarjuna,  29. 

Chanda  war,  54,  55,  119,  121. 

Chand  Bardal,  105. 

Chandel(las),  4,  16,  18,  53,  55,  56,  57, 
58-60,  61,  63,  64,  65,  66,  69,  76,  95, 
107,  108,  121-22,  130,  134,  135,  146, 
443,  477,  500,  564,  565,  656,  657,  658. 
Administrative  Organisation  of,  275. 

Chanderi,  57,  146. 

Chandesvara,  48,  284,  328,  331,  335,  336. 
Chandl,  304. 


889 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Chantfihara  (Yayati),  209,  210,  211. 
Chandi  Jago,  772. 

Chandi  Kidal,  772. 

Chandi  Loro  Jonggrang,  640. 

Chandika,  458. 

Chandi-kucha-panchasika,  304. 

Chandi  Sewu,  640. 

Chandi  Singhasari,  772. 

Chandor  (Chandradityapura),  185. 
Chandorkar.  G.  K.,  387,  76,  79 (n). 
Chandpur,  42,  658. 

Chandra,  319. 

Chandra  ( Gahadavala ) ,  53. 

Cliandra  (Rashirakuta),  50. 
Chandrabhanu,  267. 

Chandrabhanu  (Sailendra),  734,  735. 
Chandra-bhayasingha-varma-deva,  753. 
Clmndrachudamayii-Sataka,  367. 
Chandradeva  (of  Kanauj).  51,  52.  64,  95. 
Chandradeva  (of  Anga).  32. 
ChandradevI,  40. 

Chandraditya,  216,  217,  219,  220. 
Chandragachchha,  345. 

Chandragupta  Maurya,  315,  493. 

Chand  Rai,  15,  16. 
Chandrakullnagachcha,  344. 
Chandralekha,  174,  176. 

Chandrdloka,  324. 

Chandrapal  Bhur,  15. 

Chandra  Panditadeva,  4 29. 
Chandraprabha-charita ,  345. 
Chandraprabhamahattara,  344. 
Chandraraja,  109,  367. 

Chandra?  (vamsa),  24.  33,  43. 
Chandrasekhara,  664. 

Chandravatl,  72,  79,  119.  344,  660. 
Chandrehe,  573. 

Chandugideva,  182. 

Chandwar,  135. 

Chandwar,  350. 

Changadeva,  191. 

Charigalvas,  181,  228. 

Changanad  431. 

Chankot,  46. 

Channabasava,  367,  368.  446. 
Channahasavapurana.  180. 

Channagiri.  169. 

Chapas,  477. 

Chapotkatas,  309. 

Charaideo.  44. 

Charaka,  245,  328. 

Charkh,  3. 

Chdrucharya,  305. 

Charairongba,  383. 

Char  chart,  396. 

Charya,  454. 

Charydpadas,  358,  359.  360,  361. 
Chashma-i-Kauthar ,  473,  147(n),  507, 
189(n). 

Chatila,  388,  102 (n). 

Chatta  II,  178. 

Chattarpur,  59. 

Chatterjee,  C.  D.,  469,  ll(n). 

Chatterji,  S.  K.,  358,  359,  360,  397. 
H(n). 

Chatrarhi,  663. 

Cha^tuga,  167. 


Chatuhsala-griha,  639. 

Chaturbhuja  (Temple),  566,  573. 
Chaturamarakuli,  546. 

Chaturasra,  531. 

Chaturasrdyatasra,  531. 

Chaturbhdni,  311. 

Chaturmukha,  637. 

Chaturvargachintamani,  298,  335,  338. 
Chaturvimsati  Jinastuti  ( Chaturvim- 
si/cd),  304. 

Chaubari,  593. 

Chaucer,  376. 

Chauddadampur,  625. 

Chauduar,  651,  652. 

Chauhans — See  Chahamanas. 

Chau  Ju-Kua,  485,  494,  507,  517,  518, 
519,  520,  524,  528,  529,  732,  735,  750, 
754. 

Chaulukyas,  20,  42,  50,  53,  59,  63,  64, 
66,  67,  68,  69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  74-81, 
82,  83,  86,  87,  88,  89,  90,  106,  108, 
109,  118,  120,  134,  162,  164,  171,  172, 
173,  176,  179,  180.  181,  186,  188.  189. 
190,  309,  310,  320,  345. 

Chaumukha,  637,  638. 

Chaundisetti,  192. 

Chaunshat  Yoginls,  575. 

Ghauhshat  YoginI  temple  at  Khajuraho. 
575. 

Chaunshat  YoginI  temple  at  Mitauli, 
575. 

Chaurapahchasikd,  302. 
Chauroddharanika,  277. 

Chavanarasa,  166. 

Chavannes,  M.,  470,  48(n). 

Chavunda  II,  180,  181,  182. 
Chavundarasa,  194. 

Chedi(s),  58,  59,  61,  64,  180.  274. 
Chenab,  13,  124,  133,  137,  141. 
Cheitharol  Kumpaba ,  383. 

Chenchiah,  P.,  373,  388,  117 (n). 
Chenna  Kesava,  632. 
Chennamallikarjuna,  369. 

Chen-tamizh,  378. 

Chera(s)  (m),  166,  180,  181,  197,  228,  229, 
234,  235,  236,  238,  239,  243,  257,  525, 
Cheu  Ta-Kuan,  742,  761,  770. 
Chhakkammovaesa,  349. 

Chhandavada,  349,  350. 
Chhandogahnika,  336. 

Chhandonus&sana,  326,  327,  397. 
Chhandovichiti ,  343. 

Chhapada,  342,  343. 

Chhatarpur,  59. 

Chhaya-naiaka,  312. 

Chhindaka-Chola,  213. 
Chhindaka-Nagas,  210,  214-218,  219,  220, 
222. 

Chidambaram,  238,  245,  249,  256,  258, 
_  444,  670. 

Chidambaranatha  Mudaliar,  T.  K.,  363. 
Chikitsamrita,  328. 
Chikitsasdrasamgraha ,  328. 

Chikkadeva,  194. 

Chiklodarmata,  19. 

Chlkudar — See  Chiklodarmata. 


890 


INDEX 


China(ese),  1,  53,  117,  142,  250,  258,  260, 
267,  520,  521,  522,  667,  690,  730,  737, 
744,  747,  748. 

China  Sea,  739. 

Chin  dialects,  381. 

Chindwin,  755. 

Chinese  pilgrims,  421. 

Chingiz  Khan,  132,  135,  159,  503. 

Chingleput,  201,  203,  242,  243,  249,  614. 

Chin-kiang  fu,  522. 

Chintamani  Bha^ta,  315. 

Chintamani  Parsvanatha,  429. 

Chirakkal,  166. 

Chishtls,  468. 

Chishtiya,  469. 

Chit,  336. 

Chitaldroog,  163,  172,  173,  182,  183,  192, 
194,  195.  228. 

Chitapur,  168. 

Chitor,  66,  76,  90,  91.  92,  103,  641,  660, 
661,  662,  687. 

See  also  Chitrakuta. 

Chitrabhdrata,  309. 

Chitragupta  (temple).  567. 

Chitrakara,  656. 

Chitrakuta,  85,  90. 

See  also  Chitor. 

Chitral,  473. 

Chitrotpala — See  Mahanadi. 

Chittagong,  417. 

Chittaraja,  171,  313. 

Chittur,  201. 

Choda,  422. 

Chodaganga,  244. 

Chodaganga  (Ceylon),  262,  266. 

Chodaraja,  199. 

Chodasimha  (Guhila),  89. 

Chododaya,  199. 

Chokha,  355. 

Cholamandalam,  252,  259. 

Choia(s),  24,  25,  36,  50,  53,  54,  63,  66, 
68,  70,  162,  164,  165,  166,  167,  168, 
169,  170,  173,  174,  175,  177,  178,  179, 
180,  181,  186,  188,  197,  198,  200,  201, 
204,  205,  206,  210,  211,  214,  215,  216, 
217,  219-221,  224,  226,  227,  229,  230, 
231,  232,  234-255,  256,  257,  258,  259, 
261,  262,  263,  264,  265,  266,  267,  280, 
284,  318,  364,  404,  518,  525,  615,  617. 
618,  621,  622,  669,  670,  672,  684. 

Political  History,  234-249. 

Political  Organisation,  249-254. 
Central  Government,  249-251. 
Local  Self-Government,  252-253. 

Functions  of  the  Mahasabhd,  253- 
254. 

Administrative  Organisation,  281-282. 

Chola  (Rajaraja),  730. 

Chojesvara,  617. 

Chotanagpur,  605,  606. 

Chou-k’u-fei,  493  ,  520. 

Chronicles  (Pali),  340. 

Chronicles  of  the  Pathan  Kings  of 
Delhi,  160,  18(n). 

Chudamani-varmadeva,  730. 

Chudamani-varman,  733. 

Chudamani-Vihara,  236. 


Chudda,  100. 

Chii-fan-cnl,  506. 

Chulavamsa,  267,  268,  340.  734. 
Chulikapaisachl,  347. 

Chunar,  146. 

Circular  shrine,  618. 

Circular  Yogini  temple.  575. 

Cloves,  522. 

Codrington,  H.  W.,  268,  12(n). 

Coelho,  W.,  233,  4(n.J. 

Coimbatore,  63,  229. 

Coins  and  Metrology  of  the  Sultans  of 
Delhi,  159,  12(n). 

Colas,  255,  5a(n),  286.  100(n),  471. 
100(n). 

Coleroon,  231. 

Colgong  inscription,  37. 

Combatants’  duels,  491. 

Comedies,  Court,  310-311. 
Commentaries,  342. 

Comilla  District,  383. 

Comparative  Tables  of  Muhammadan 
and  Christian  dates ,  160.  44(n). 
Concepts  of  Buddhism,  469,  13(n). 
Conjeeveram — See  KanchT. 

Cooch-Behar,  44. 

Coomaraswamy  (A.  K.),  576.  584,  609. 
641,  661,  672,  673,  692,  698,  151,  152 
(n)  etc. 

Coorg,  181,  234. 

Cordier,  P„  470  26 (n),  36  etc.,  471,  100 
(n),  472,  115(n) . 

Coromandel  (coast),  251.  519. 

Cotton,  517. 

Cousens,  H,  583,  584,  585,  696,  68,  69 
(n),  etc;  697,  107,  109(n)  etc.;  698, 
167,  168(n)  etc.;  699,  196,  197(n), 
etc. 

Cranganore,  526. 

Crusaders,  116. 

Cuddalore,  231,  249. 

Cuddapah,  167,  177,  179,  201,  202,  203, 
220,  223,  258. 

Cultural  Heritage  of  India,  472,  138(n). 
Cunningham,  A.,  10,  15,  55,  57,  62,  159. 

7(n),  160,  40(n) . 

Cuttack,  212,  650,  651. 

D 

Dabhoi,  70,  662. 

Dabhyuhadavarman,  60. 

Dacca,  40,  42,  650. 

Dadapuram,  445. 

Daddarnava,  205. 

Dadu,  675. 

Dahala  ( mandala ),  52,  60,  61,  63,  64,  76, 
177,  179,  194,  211,  213. 

Daila  mites  12. 

Pak,  388,  102a(n). 

Dakhan,  600,  602. 

Dakhanese  (temple),  605. 

Pakinls,  413. 

Pakra  Bhlmesvara,  695,  24a (n). 
Dakshina-desa,  261. 

Dakshinapatha,  35. 

Dakshinatya,  42. 

1  Dalju— See  Dulucha. 


891 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Pamaras,  97,  99,  100. 

Damayanti,  299. 

Dambddeniya,  267. 

Pambal,  624. 

Dambarasimha  (Paramara).  73. 

Damila — See  Tamil. 

Damodara  (Chief),  201. 

Damodara  (Deva),  42. 

Damodaragupta,  49,  305. 

Damodara  (Poet),  354,  387. 

Damoh,  60. 

Damyak,  124,  130. 

Dana,  249,  332. 

Danarnava,  203. 

Ddnasagara ,  37,  334,  338. 

Danasila,  416. 

Dana-srljnana.  423. 

Danda,  269. 

Dandabhukti,  25,  29.  30,  31,  141.  145, 
212,  237. 

Daiyiddhisa,  275. 

Dandaka(pura),  65,  185. 

Dandandyaka,  277.  278,  279,  283. 
Dandanlti,  272. 

DaxidapaMka,  277 
Dandekar,  S.  V.,  387,  92  (n). 

Dandin,  313,  324,  377. 

Dantadhatuvamsa.  340. 

Dantakumara,  340. 

Dantapura,  340. 

Dantewara,  216,  218. 

Dantidurga  (Rashtrakuta ) ,  161,  616. 
Dantivarman  (Paramara),  72. 

Dantura,  311. 

Danujamadhava  Dasarathadeva,  41.  42. 
154. 

Danuj  Rai — See  Danujamadhava  Dasa- 
rathadeva. 

Darad(s),  97,  99,  101. 

Darah,  94. 

Darasuram,  240,  622. 

Darjeeling,  44,  381. 

Darpadalana ,  305. 

Daruka,  445. 

Darvabhisara,  98. 

Dasakarmapaddhati  ( Dasakarmadipikd) 
— See  Karmanushthanapaddhati. 
Dasakumnra-charita,  3il. 
Dasakumdra-charita  (in  Telugu),  377. 
Dasamulika,  274. 

Dasapanman,  169. 

Dasarna — See  Maiava, 

Dasasioki ,  441. 

Dasavarman  (Clialuk.ya),  164,  165. 
Dasdvatara-charita,  299. 

Dasavatara  temple,  532,  538,  680. 

Das  Gupta,  N.  N.,  470,  39(n). 
Dasgupta,  S.  B.,  469,  17(n),  470,  19(n). 
Ddsyatva,  272. 

Date,  S.  G.,  386,  65(n). 

Date,  Y.  R.,  386,  67(n). 

Ddthavaihsa.  340. 

Datia,  60,  662. 

Dattatreya,  354. 

Dauhsadhanika,  277. 
Dauh&ddhasadhanika,  274. 

Dauiatabad,  162,  185. 


See  also  Devagiri. 

Dauvarikas,  277. 

Davanagere,  163,  183,  192. 

Da  war,  3. 

Ddya,  289,  293. 

Ddyabhdga,  287,  288,  293,  295,  296,  333, 

7  338. 

Dayapala,  320. 

De,  S.  K.,  300,  310,  321,  384,  4(n). 
Debal,  133. 

Deccan,  27,  35,  36,  42,  50,  53,  61,  63.  64, 
66,  68,  70,  107,  161,  165,  166,  168,  173, 
174,  179,  180,  182,  183,  185,  188,  189, 
195,  196,  198-225,  278,  282,  316,  402, 
404. 

Dynasties  of  Eastern,  198-225. 

See  also  Dakshinapatha. 

Deccani  miniatures,  642. 

Deccan  College  Postgraduate  and  Re¬ 
search  Institute,  Poona,  MSS. 
Catalogues  of,  386,  66 (n). 

Debar,  609. 

Delhana,  394. 

Delhi,’  4,  11,  14,  52.  54,  81.  82,  83,  84, 
85,  86,  91,  94,  109,  110,  111,  112,  113, 
114,  115,  118,  119,  120,  121,  122,  130- 
160,  195,  196,  203,  208,  232.  309. 
Delvada,  20. 

Delmal,  593. 

Dennayaka,  191. 

Deodhais,  382. 

Deogarh,  532,  538. 

Deoguna  (Jaso  State),  563. 

Dera,  11. 

Deopara  inscription,  37. 

Dera  Ismail  Khan,  117. 

Desaladevi,  310. 

Desas,  279,  283. 

Desa-salattu-gandar,  525. 

Deshpande,  V.  N.,  387,  89 (n). 
Deshpande,  Y,  K.,  387,  81(n  ). 

Desi,  344,  373. 

Desl-gana,  432. 

Desxrvdmamdld,  318,  347. 

Desopadesa.  305,  514. 

Deul,  548,  652. 

Deul-Charanis,  544. 

Deva,  332. 

Devabhadra,  345. 

Devabhata,  106. 

Devachandra,  345. 

Devacharya,  441. 

Deva^a,  88-89. 

Deva-diisls,  401,  495. 

Devadatta,  211. 

Devaditya,  48. 

Devagiri,  81,  105,  185-197,  200,  201,  202, 
282,  329,  335. 

Devagrama,  29. 

Devagupta,  49. 

Deva  Kavi,  370. 

Devakot,  124. 

Devakota,  207. 

Devakulikd,  580. 

DevaladevI,  81,  195. 

Devala-Vada,  429. 
Devalaya-chakravaHi,  627. 


INDEX 


Devala  Raya,  373. 

Devananda,  301,  424. 

Devanathan,  171. 

Devangana,  660. 

Devannabhatta  (Devana,  Devananda, 
Devagana),  287,  295,  334,  338. 
Devapala  (Kachchhapaghata),  56. 
Devapala  (Pala),  26.  35,  415,  435,  730. 
Devapala  (Paramara),  71,  80.  190. 
Devapala  (Rashtrakuta),  50. 
Devaradiyar,  495. 

Devaraja  (Chahamana) — See  Vijada. 
Devaraja  (Paramara),  73,  74. 
Devarakshita,  54. 

Devas,  41,  42,  154. 

Devasvemin,  483. 

Devasuri,  311,  336,  433.  434. 

Devavarma,  57. 

Devendra  Ganin,  386,  434. 

Devendra  Suri,  346,  433. 
Devendravarman,  58. 

Devi,  324,  330. 

Devi  Jagadamba,  567. 

Devikota,  417. 

Devisataka,  324. 

Devotional  Poems,  304. 

Dewas,  69. 

Dewbul — See  Devavarma. 
Dhamdhaladeva,  79,  87. 

Dhamma,  341. 

Dhammachariya-tippana,  349. 
Dhammakitti,  340. 

Dhammasiri,  342. 

Dhammavilasa-Dhammasattha,  343. 
Dhammovaesachud&mani,  349. 
Dhamsaka,  221. 

Dana-kanda,  385. 

Dhamek  stupa,  641. 

Dhanarijaya  (Srutaklrti).  300.  318,  325. 
334,  385. 

Dhanapala  (Poet),  67. 

Dhanapatigrama,  739. 

.Dhandhuka  (Paramara),  67,  72.  74. 
Dhandhuka,  345. 

Dhanesa,  320, 

Dhanesvara,  344. 

Dhahga,  56,  58,  61. 

Dhangan,  94. 

Dhanika  (Paramara),  73. 

Dhankhel,  46. 

Dhansiri,  45. 

Dhanushtra,  526. 

Dhar,  85,  171,  656. 

Dhara,  59,  66,  71,  85,  171,  172.  315,  317, 
322,  331,  434,  658. 

Dhdragriha  (bathing  chambers),  490. 
Dharalladeva-varman,  220,  221. 
Dharanamahadevi,  216. 

Dharanlndra,  215. 

Dharanis,  406. 

Dharanlvaraha  (Paramara),  72. 
Dharavarsha  (Chhindaka  Naga),  215, 
216,  218,  219,  220. 

Dharavarsha  (Paramara),  72,  73,  77,  78, 
79,  105,  108,  121. 

Dharesvara,  287,  290,  295,  331. 
Dhari-Srljnana,  423. 


Dharma,  269,  270,  331,  394. 
Dharmabhyudaya,  302. 
Dharmadhikarana,  275. 

Dharmadhikarin,  278. 

Dharmddhyaksha,  276,  279,  334,  385. 
Dharmaghosha  Suri,  433,  434. 
Dharmakara,  416. 

Dharmakarmadhikari,  274. 
Dharmakumara,  302. 

Dharmamegha,  405. 

Dharmaklrti,  420. 

Dharmamrita.  371. 

Dharmanatha,  384. 

Dharmapala  (Pala),  25,  33,  43.  415,  638. 
Dharmapala  (Yadu),  55. 
Dharmuparlkshd.  305,  349. 
Dharmapradhcma,  274. 

Dharmaraja,  610,  611.  612. 

Dharmarajika  stupa ,  422. 
Dharmasarmnbhyudaya,  384. 
Dhurmasastra,  288,  330-336.  338. 
Dharmasoka,  266. 

Dharma-Thakur,  402. 

Dharmavaihsa,  749. 

Dharmavardhana,  346. 

Dharmavdriyam,  254. 
Dharmodayana-varma-deva,  154. 
Dharmottara,  419. 

Dharwar,  35,  161,  162.  165,  168,  173,  178. 

182,  185,  187,  188.  192,  215,  625,  668. 
Dharyagrama,  38. 

Dhatupatha,  320. 

Dhatuvritti,  319. 

Dhavala  (Chaulukya),  79,  396. 

Dhavale,  354. 
phekkarl,  28,  44. 

Dhekkarlya,  29. 

Dhillika — See  Delhi. 

Dhlratara,  224. 

Dhlru,  65. 

Dholka,  79,  80. 

Dhondo  Raghunatha.  442. 

Dhor,  118,  120. 

Dhoti ,  486. 

Dhoyl,  40,  303. 

Dhruvabhata  (Paramara),  72. 
Dhruvananda,  424. 

Dhruvesvara,  200. 

Dhumar,  680. 

Dhvaja-stambha,  616. 

Dhvani,  321,  323,  324. 

Dhvanikara,  321,  323. 

Dhvanyaloka.  325. 

Dhyanabhadra,  471. 

Dhyanas,  411. 

Dhyanl-Buddhas,  411,  412. 

Didactic  and  Satiric  Poems,  304-305. 
Didactic  Works,  346. 

Didda  (Queen),  666. 

Digambara(s),  301,  311,  313,  318,  327. 
349. 

Digvijaya-Rama,  441. 

Dikhu,  44,  45. 

Dikpalas,  644. 

Dlksha-bodhe,  370, 

Dikshit,  K.  N.,  609,  636,  637,  640.  699, 
221  (n). 


893 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Dilwara,  597,  660. 

Pima,  311,  385. 

DimaskI,  734. 

Dinajpur,  650. 

Dinakara  (Guhila),  91. 

Dinapore,  32. 

Dinapur,  52. 

Dinarkotah,  93. 

Dipakalikd,  296. 

Dipaladin,  424. 

Dipal  Har,  93. 

Dipalpur,  153,  155. 

Dipankara,  330. 

Dipankara  6rijnana,  27,  45.  417. 
Dipavaihsa,  340. 

Diptarasa,  311. 

DIrgharava,  224. 

Disorder,  Internal,  140-142. 

Divakara  Bhatta,  335. 

Divakara  Pan^ita,  737.  763. 

Divya,  28,  29',  34. 

Doab,  54,  118, 119,  120,  121,  130,  135.  137, 
141,  142,  146,  150. 

Dodda  Basappa,  624.  628,  629.  630. 
Dodda  Vasavanna,  628. 

Doha,  349,  350. 

Dohds&ra — See  Yogasara. 

Domesday  Survey,  244. 

Ipomma,  199. 

Dommanapala,  39. 

Donur,  165. 

Dopichha  simha,  539,  549. 
Dorasamudra,  68,  166,  175,  177,  178,  183, 
186,  189,  194,  196.  228,  229.  230,  244, 
247,  283. 

Doravatfi,  194. 

Dosha,  323. 

Double  dmalaka.  561,  562. 

Draksharama,  207,  373. 

Drama,  309-312,  325. 

Dramas,  Allegorical  312. 

Dramas,  Irregular,  312. 

Dramaturgy,  325. 

Dramila,  177.  / 

Dramila-gana,  432. 

DraupadI,  310,  375,  610. 
Draupadisvayamvara.  310. 

Dravida,  530,  531,  533,  556,  610,  611,  612, 
613,  614,  615,  616,  617,  621,  623,  624. 
Dravida  Sangha,  429. 

Dravida  Vimana,  610. 

Dra vidian  dialects,  357. 
Dravyagunasarhgrahaf  328. 
Dravyalankdra,  435. 

Dri^haprahara,  185,  196,  197. 
Drishtdnta-pdtha,  354. 

Drishtdntasataka ,  304. 
‘Dualism-monism’,  461. 

Dubkund,  56,  57,  66. 

Dudahi,  575,  659. 

Dudakhut — See  Dugdhaghata. 

Duel,  491. 

Dugdhaghata,  99. 

Dugga  (Tribhuvanamalla),  198,  223. 
Dulmi  606. 

Dulucha,  102. 

Dumme,  194,  228. 


Dungarpur,  66,  73,  79,  687. 

Durga,  598,  606. 

Durgapura,  191. 

Durgasimha,  320. 

Durghatavritti,  319. 

Durjaya(s),  198. 

Durlabha  (Chahamana),  82. 
Durlabharaja  (Author),  330. 
Durlabharaja  (Chahamana),  74,  81. 
Durlabharaja  (Chaulukya),  67,  74. 
Durlabharaja  III — See  Dusala  (Chaha¬ 
mana). 

Duroiselle,  773. 

Dusala  (Chahamana),  82. 

Dusala  (Paramara),  73. 

Dushta8ddhya,  274. 

Duta,  276. 

Duta-Kavyas,  303. 

Dutangada,  312. 

Dvadasakosasaihgraha,  318. 
Dvaitadvaita,  337. 

Dvarasamudra,  439,  623,  629.. 
Dviriipakosa,  317. 

Dvisandhana,  300,  318. 

Dvitiya  Rajatarangini,  103,  30 (n). 
Dvyasraya,  75,  308,  309. 
Dvorapavardhana,  29,  36. 

Dwaraka  (Dvaravatipura),  184,  196; 
354. 

E 

Early  History  of  Kdmai'upa,  159,  12(n). 
East  India,  215,  223,  238. 

Eastern  Chalukyas,  375. 

Edevatte,  182,  188. 

Edgerton,  365,  26 (n). 

Edrisi,  734. 

Egypt,  159. 

Ekdksharakosa,  317. 

EkalingajI  inscription,  91. 

Ekamra — See  Bhuvaneswar. 

Ekanta,  445. 

Eastern  Gangas,  444. 

Ekantada  Ramayya,  181,  183. 
Ekasilanagari — See  Warangal. 

Ekavalx,  325. 

Ekibhavstotra,  435. 

Ekorama,  367. 

Elephant  sports  and  the  Indian  polo. 
490. 

Elephanta  cave,  586. 

Elephant’s  tusks  (or  ivory).  517. 

Eli,  521. 

Elimalai,  529. 

Eliot,  Charles,  471,  110(n). 

Ellichpur,  195. 

Elliot,  H.  M.,  18,  23,  8(n),  159,  15(n). 
Ellora,  616,  641,  653,  668,  670,  676  ,  678) 
681,  682,  683. 

Eluganti  Peddanna,  376. 

Elwin,  V.,  380. 

Embar,  440. 

Endle,  380. 

Engal  Alvar,  439. 

England,  244. 

Ennayiram,  240. 


894 


INDEX 


Epics,  356,  508. 

Epigraphia  Indo-Moslemica,  160,  28(n). 
Era,  198. 

Erambarage,  175,  176,  177,  178,  180,  181, 
182,  185,  187,  188,  191,  215. 
Ereyanga  (Hoysala),  68,  174,  175.  227, 
233. 

Erivariyam,  252. 

Errakot,  215. 

Erelupathu,  363. 

Etawah,  15,  52,  54,  119. 

Errana,  374. 

Europe,  260,  520,  690. 

Exotic  Type  temples,  634. 

F 

Fables,  316. 

Fakhr-i-Mudabbir,  504. 

Fakhr-ud-dln  Mubarak  Shah,  504. 
Fandarina,  517,  520. 

Far  East,  239. 

Farrukhabad,  135,  150. 

Farrukhzad,  94. 

Fatehpur,  15,  52,  54,  574. 

Fatehpur  Sikri,  426. 

Fatimid  (branch),  468. 

Feni,  154. 

Fergusson,  J.,  534,  535,  541.  640,  694. 
17 (n),  697.  117(n),  698.  157.  159(n) 
etc.:  699,  196,  197 (n)  etc. 

Ferrand,  528. 

Fights  of  birds  and  beasts  and  pigeon- 
flights,  491. 

Fiqh,  504. 

Fire,  271,  272. 

Firishta,  2,  4,  7,  8,  9,  15,  16,  23.  7(n), 
48,  97,  115,  121. 

Firishta,  103,  20 (n),  28. 

Firozabad,  350. 

FIruz,  136. 

FIruzkuh,  97,  130. 

FIruz  Shah  (Sultan),  44,  195. 
Fishermen,  476. 

Fleet,  J.  F.,  170,  183,  2(n),  197,  l(n). 
Flywhisks,  517. 

Foliated  star- shaped  plan,  603. 
Formation  de  la  langue  marathe,  386, 
67  (n). 

‘Forty’,  137,  138,  139. 

Foundation  of  Muslim  Rule  in  India, 
159,  10  (n). 

Friar  John  of  Monte  Corvino,  487. 
Fufal,  518. 

F'utuhus-Saldtin,  160,  21(n). 

G 

Gachchhas,  431. 

Gadaba,  380. 

Gadaba-Savara,  378. 

Gadadhara,  320. 

Gadag,  185,  186,  625,  628,  668. 
Gadaraghatta,  78. 

Gadhamandala,  85. 

Ga^hapati  Valanadeva,  84,  85. 
Gadhinagara — See  Kanauj. 

Gadhipura — See  Kanauj. 


Gadia,  217,  218. 

Gadyachintdmani,  313. 

Gadyakarnamjnta,  247,  313. 

Gaekwad’s  Oriental  Series.  331. 
Gaganaghosha,  417. 

Gaganasiva,  424. 

Gahatfavalas,  30,  32,  37,  38,  49,  50,  51- 
55,  58,  59,  62,  64,  65.  67,  83,  95,  101, 
105,  109,  118,  119,  122,  130,  135,  150, 
244,  333,  477. 

Administrative  Organisation  of,  276. 
Gahinlnatha,  353,  386. 

Gait,  159,  12(n). 

Gajabahu,  262,  263. 

Gajabandh  desa,  75. 

Gajapati,  274,  276. 

Gajapati,  51. 

Gajasimha  (Chahamana),  87,  544,  549. 
Gakkhars,  9,  118,  124,  125,  139. 
Galaganatha,  598. 

Gallesvara  temple,  602. 
Gallitipyaka-uishaya,  44. 

Gambhlraslha,  98. 

Gampola,  267. 

Gana,  330. 

Ganapamba,  202. 

Ganapatha,  319. 

Ganapati  (General),  168,  515.  589,  597. 
Ganapati  (Kachchhapaghata),  58. 
Ganapati  (Kakatlya),  187.  388,  189.  192, 
193,  200,  201,  202,  207,  223,  248.  258. 
Ganapatyas,  357. 

Gaiiaratnamahodadhi ,  318,  319. 
Ganastha,  276. 

Ganda,  58. 

Gandagopala,  257. 

Gandak,  47. 

Gandappaya,  168. 

Gandaraditya,  236. 

Gandaraditya  (6ilahara),  176.  180.  184. 
Gan^ar — Dinakara,  168. 

Gandharan  monastery  shrine,  576. 
Gandharavadi  (Gandhatapati.  Gandha- 
radhi),  224,  540. 

Gandharva,  303. 

Gandhi,  L.  B.,  396,  l(n). 

Gandi,  538,  554.  555,  556,  557.  559,  560. 
562,  563,  578. 

Gandu — See  Govindaraja  II. 

Ganesa,  549,  606,  611,  652. 

Ganesa  (temples),  680,  682. 

Ganesa  rathas  at  Mahabalipuram,  555. 

nflnpeuflfn  4R 

Ganga,  14,’  25,  30,  31,  32,  36,  37,  47,  53, 
58,  66,  92,  95,  121,  123,  135,  142,  147, 
151,  206,  208,  212,  238,  239,  276,  295, 
331  334. 

Gahgadeva  (of  Karad),  176. 

Gahgadeva  (of  Mithila),  48. 
Gahgadhara,  168. 

Gangaikondachola-puram,  53,  171,  238. 
241,  244,  245,  246,  248,  249,  618,  620, 
621. 

Gangaikondapuram,  669. 

Ganga — MahadevI,  218. 
Gangamandalam,  174. 


895 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Gangaraja,  175,  230. 

Gangas,  30,  31,  32,  53,  161,  162,  180,  181, 
188,  200,  204,  212,  213,  226.  230,  235, 
261,  263,  265,  266,  267,  325. 

The  Eastern,  205-209. 

Ganga  Sahani,  223. 

Gangasimha,  57. 

Gangatataka,  263. 

Gangavatfi  (padi),  166.  169,  170,  172, 
175,  178,  183,  226,  227,  228,  223,  234, 
235,  244,  245. 

Ganga  vatarana  relief,  682. 
Ganga-Yamuna,  604. 

Gangesa,  336,  464. 

Gangeya,  428. 

Gangeyadeva  (Kalachuri).  25,  26,  27, 
58,  61,  62,  65,  66,  67,  92,  166,  213. 
Gangeyadeva  (SomavarhsI ) ,  48. 
Gangeya  Sahani,  195,  201. 

Ganguly,  M.,  538,  694.  19(n). 

Ganjam,  65,  66,  181,  207,  211,  223. 
“Garbha-Chciitya” ,  638. 

Garbhagriha,  539,  540,  515,  566,  569,  572, 
642,  652. 

Gardlzi,  13,  23. 

Gargachandra,  100 
Garga-Yavanas,  159. 

Garh  Mandaran,  145,  212. 

Garhwa,  656,  657. 

Garo,  380. 

Garo-Jaintia,  145. 

Garuda,  184,  197,  221.  511,  750. 

Garuda  Purana,  330. 

Gathakosa,  346. 

Gathas,  344,  345,  346,  353.  387. 
Gauda(s),  27,  28.  32.  33,  37,  38.  42,  43, 
44,  47,  52,  53.  61,  62,  68,  74,  106,  172,. 
181,  186,  211,  317.  417. 

Gaudapura,  37. 

Gaudiya,  322. 

Gaudiya  Vaishnavas,  383. 

Gauhati,  42,  43,  44,  145. 

Gaulla,  526. 

Gaulmika ,  277. 

Gaur,  123. 

Gaur  and  Panduah,  159,  12(n). 

Gaurl,  316,  329,  464. 

Gauri  temple,  555. 

Gantoma,  505. 

Gautama-Dharma-kastra ,  474. 

Gautama  Dharma-sutra,  335. 

Gdvunda,  280,  281,  283. 

Gaya  and  Buddha  Gaya ,  471,  69(n). 
Gayakarna,  59,  64,  76,  89. 

Gaya -mandala,  27,  28,  31,  33,  49,  54. 
Gayasukumdla-rasa.  394.  396. 

Geiger,  267,  l(n),  268.  ll(n). 

General  Principles  of  Hindu  Jurispru¬ 
dence,  296,  4(n). 

Geschichte  des  Buddhismus,  470,  24(n). 
Ghantakarna,  445. 

Gharpure,  J.  R.,  296,  9(n). 

Ghataika,  111. 

Ghantai  temple,  572. 

Ghatikd-sthanas,  526. 

Ghatiyala  Inscription,  396,  3(n). 


Ghaznavids,  1-23,  26,  58,  61,  95,  116, 
117,  118,  503. 

Ghazni,  2,  3,  5,  7,  8,  10,  11,  12,  13,  15. 
16,  18,  19,  21,  22,  23,  50,  51,  56,  58, 
67,  74,  79,  81,  92,  93,  94,  95,  96,  97, 
102,  109.  Ill,  113,  117,  118,  119,  121, 
122,  124,  125,  130,  131,  132,  513. 
Ghatage,  A.  M.,  386,  56(n). 
Ghiyas-ud-dln— See  Shams-ud-dln 
Muhammad. 

Ghiyas-ud-dln  Twaz,  40,  44,  207. 
Ghiyas-ud-dln  Tughluq,  48,  92,  203. 
Ghor,  139. 

Ghoshal,  U.  N.,  284,  8(n),  235,  8(n),  286, 
55  (n). 

Ghughula,  80. 

Ghtir  (ids),  3,  10,  95,  96.  109,  113,  116, 
117-118,  119,  120,  124-125,  130,  159. 
Ghumli,  587,  588,  595. 

Ghurl,  504. 

Ghurye,  G.  S.,  505.  26(n). 

Gidrisingi,  205. 

Ginger,  517. 

Girl,  93. 

Girija-Kalyana,  370. 

Giritala — See  Gangatataka. 

Gimar,  394,  576,  662.  ' 

Gitagovinda ,  40,  302,  309.-  337,  360,  436, 
648. 

Gita ,  437. 

Gitarthasamgraha,  437. 

Giyaspur,  158. 

Glan-dar-ma,  419. 

The  Glory  that  was  Gurjaradesa,  396. 
3(n). 

Goa,  75,  78,  162,  167,  175,  177,  178,  181, 
182,  183,  185,  186,  189,  191,  192. 
Godavari,  66,  163,  170,  177,  173,  200, 
201,  203,  206,  207,  238,  249. 

Gode,  P.  K.>  300,  323,  385,  32(n). 
Godraha,  80. 

Godhra  (Godahaya),  349. 

Godwar,  79,  86,  87,  88. 

Gokarna  (-choda),  65,  199. 

Gokuladeva,  44. 

Gola,  329. 

Gonial,  117. 

Gondesvara,  602. 

Gonanda,  349. 

Gonda,  50,  52. 

Gondi,  378,  380. 

Gonds,  477. 

Gongiraja  (Chaulukya),  74 
Gohka  I,  174. 

„  III,  182. 

Gonna,  172,  198. 

Gooty,  180,  186. 

Gop,  583. 

Gopadri — See  Gwalior. 

Gopaka-pattana— See  Goa. 

Gopal,  146. 

Gopala  (of  Assam),  43. 

Gopala  (Kachchhapaghata),  57,  58,  60. 
Gopala  (Pala),  33. 

Gopala  (Rashtrakuta),  50,  51. 

Gopala  (Vassal),  58,  63. 

Gopala  (writer),  270,  284,  295. 


896 


INDEX 


Gopala  III,  32. 

Gopala  (m?),  692. 

Gopala-Krishna,  442. 

Gopalpur,  424. 

Gop  class,  588. 

Gopls,  403,  435,  436. 

Gop  type,  586. 

Gopuram,  533,  610,  611,  614,  616,  617, 
619,  622,  670. 

Gora,  355. 

Gorad,  593. 

Goraksha-gita,  386,  73(n). 

Gorkhali,  381. 

Gorakh-Bodh,  361. 

Gorakh-nath,  352,  353,  361. 

Gorakhpur,  52,  66. 

Goraksha-Amarandtha-Samvada,  353. 

Goraksha-natha  (Gorakh-nath),  359. 

Goravadevarasa,  178. 

Govardhana  (poet),  303. 

Govardhana,  32,  34,  331,  436. 

Gove — See  Goa. 

Govindachandra  (of  Kanauj),  30,  37, 
49,  52,  53,  54,  59,  62,  65,  95,  101,  276, 
311,  332,  333,  348. 

Govindachandra  (of  Vangala),  25,  32, 
33,  328. 

Govindachandra  (Gahadavala),  443. 

Govindachandra-uihdra,  427. 

Govindapala,  33,  37,  54. 

Govindapur,  212. 

Govindaraja  (Chahamana),  84,  114,  134, 
159. 

Govindaraja  II  (Chahamana),  81. 

Govindaraja  (commentator),  287,  295, 
331,  332,  334,  335,  338. 

Govindaraja  (Governor),  109,  110,  111, 
112,  113,  199. 

Govindarasa,  174. 

Govindavagla  (-vadi),  173,  183. 

Grags-pa-mtha-yas — See  Anantaklrtti. 

Grahaganita,  329. 

Grammar,  319-320,  332,  342-343,  345, 
346-347,  511,  512. 

Granthasaheb,  355. 

Greek,  316. 

Grihastha,.  332. 

Grousset,  R.,  670. 

Gudapura,  106,  107. 

Gddha-mciouiapa,  580,  590. 

Gudimallam,  614. 

Gugga,  664. 

Guhesvara,  370. 

Guhilas  (lots),  72,  73,  78,  81,  83,  85,  87, 
89-92,  103,  109,  134. 

Guhilaputras  (Guhilots),  477. 

Guhram,  112,  114,  118,  132. 

Guild  (of  horse-dealers),  525. 

Gujarat  (Gujjaravishaya),  20,  59,  63,  64, 
66,  67,  68,  69,  70,  71,  72,  73,  74-81, 
83,  85,  86,  88,  90,  104,  106,  108,  114, 
118,  119,  121,  134,  162,  171,  173,  188, 
189,  190,  191,  192,  193,  194,  195,  284, 
298,  301,  309,  312,  318,  320,  326,  349, 
353,  398,  402,  435,  517,  518,  521,  524, 
579,  583,  642,  643,  656,  662,  663,  666, 
687. 

Gujarata,  389. 


Gujarati,  315,  675. 

Gujarati,  book  and  textile  illustrations, 
642. 

Gujarati  language,  389. 
Gujarati-Marwari-Malwi,  389. 

Gujarati  miniatures,  671,  679. 
“Gujjaratta”,  389. 

Gulbarga,  167. 

Gulf  of  Cambay,  517. 

Gulhana  (Lohara),  101. 

Gumani,  304. 

Guna,  322,  323,  324. 

Gunachandra,  344,  397,  435. 

Gunaqlhya,  313,  314. 

Gun  aka  ma,  45. 

Gunakamadeva  II,  46. 
Gunapriyadharmapatnl,  754. 

Gunda,  199. 

Gunda-MahadevI,  218. 

Gundamaya,  171. 

Guntur,  165,  200,  201,  203,  611. 

Guptas,  274,  276,  285,  330,  554,  642,  646, 
663,  664,  665. 

Guptas  of  Jayapura,  48-49. 

Gupta  temples,  533,  811. 

Gurdon,  380. 

Gurjara(s),  42,  64,  69,  86,  89,  106,  162, 
163,  164,  176.  177,  178,  180,  181,  186. 
190,  211,  389,  524,  678. 
“Gurjaratra”,  389. 

Gurjara  Pratihara,  577. 

Gurgi  Masaun,  573,  574. 

Guru  Gambhlramati,  472. 

Gurun  (Gorang),  751. 

C-ur  Khan,  117. 

Guruparampara,  440. 

Guttal,  188,  191. 

Guttas,  188,  191. 

Gutti — See  Gooty. 

Guvala  II,  176. 

Guvaiadeva  II,  175. 

G^idhrakuta,  759. 

Gwalior,  18,  56,  57,  60,  66,  85,  109,  119, 
120,  131,  134,  135,  144,  146,  147,  159, 
555,  656. 

Gwalior  Namah ,  159,  16(n). 

H 

Habib,  M.,  103,  27(n). 

Haidara,  102. 

Habibullah,  A:  B.  M.,  159,  10(n),  160, 
50(n). 

Hadagalli,  162,  192. 

Hadda,  665. 

Hadharamaut,  522. 

Hadlth,  504. 

Haidarabad,  21. 

Haig,  W.,  23,  7(n),  160,  44(n). 
Haihayas,  104,  167,  169,  171,  205,  656, 
659. 

Haikku,  368. 

Haimavyakarana,  350. 

“Haiar  Bachharer  Pumna  Bangald 
Bhashdy  Bauddha  Gan  O  Doha”, 
358. 

Hajib  Tughatigfln,  95. 


897 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Haji  Dabir,  160,  23 (n). 

Hajner,  133. 

Hala,  303. 

Halabid,  627,  634. 

Halasige  12000,  176. 

Halayudha,  40,  331,  334,  335,  336,  385. 
Haider,  R.  R.,  103,  27  (n). 

Halebid,  631,  632,  633,  668,  669. 
Halebidu,  633. 

Halsasige  12000,  165. 

Hamirpur,  146. 

Hammira  (Chahamana),  71,  72,  85,  86, 
324. 

Hammira  (Guhila),  91,  92. 

Hammira  (Mlechchha),  312. 
Hammlramadamardana,  311. 
Hammira-MahdkcLvya,  84,  85,  110,  111, 

113,  115,  159,  7(n),  492. 

Hammira var man,  60. 

Hammuka,  75. 

Hamsapala  (Guhila),  89. 

Hamsavatl,  760.  , 

Hanamkonda,  179,  198. 

Hanasoge,  431. 

Hangal,  597. 

Hansi,  67,'  82,  83,  93,  94,  112,  118,  136, 
148. 

Hansur  Taluk,  431. 

Hanuman,  197,  363. 

Hanuhgal  (Hangal),  175,  180,  181,  183, 
186,  188,  192,  229,  281. 

Hapta-Hindu  (Sapta-Sindhu),  469. 

Hara  (pantheon),  320,  464. 
Haracharitachintamani,  300. 

Haradatta — See  Hardat. 

Haradatta,  474,  499,  505. 

Haradata  (Poet),  319,  335. 
Harakeli-ndtaka,  83.  310. 

Haralata,  332,  334. 

Haralhalli,  626. 

Harapaladeva,  196. 

Haraprasad  Sastri,  M.  M.  358,  361. 
Haravdll,  317. 

Hardat,  13,  23. 

Hardy,  373. 

Hari,  30. 

Hari  (pantheon),  320,  355. 

Harianah,  148. 

Haribhadra  Suri,  309,  345,  349. 
Harichandra,  384. 

Harideva,  746. 

Harihara,  302,  336,  367,,  576. 

Hari-Hara  image,  763. 
Harihara-mahatva,  370. 

Harikaladeva  Ranavankamalla,  41,  42. 
Harijit,  748. 

Harilil&vivarana ,  320. 

Harinatha,  331. 

Haripala  (of  Bayana),  55. 

Haripala  (General),  194,  197. 

Hariraja  (Chahamana),  83,  84,  104,  113, 

114,  119,  120. 

Hariraja  (Kachchhapaghata),  57,  60. 
Hariraja  (Kaurava),  60. 

Hariraja  (Lohara).  97. 

Hariscnandra  (Chnindaka),  218. 
Harischandra  (Gahadavala),  55,  135. 


Harischandra  (Paramara),  71. 
Harischandra-Kavya ,  370. 
Hari(a)simha,  47,  48. 

Harisimhadeva,  385. 

Hari  Singh,  382. 

Harlta,  481. 

Harivamsa,  375. 

Harlsvara,  444. 

Harivaraian,  30,  34,  35,  47. 
Hari-varmari,  II,  742. 

Hari-varman  IV,  744,  745. 

Harivildsa,  300. 

Harivyasadeva,  441. 

Harsar,  664. 

Harsha  (Lohara),  98,  99,  100,  308,  665. 
Harsha-charita,  306,  307. 

Harshadatta,  210,  211. 

Harshadeva,  46. 

Harshadmata,  585. 

Harshagiri,  660. 

Harshapala,  34,  43. 

Harsha- vardhana,  414. 

Harsha-varman,  736. 

Harsha-varman  III,  763. 

Harshe,  R.  G.  386,  67(n). 

Harwan,  665,  666. 

Hasan  Amal,  122. 

Hasan  Nizami,  50,  113,  114,  159. 

Hasan  Qarlugh,  133,  137,  142,  143. 
Hassan,  175,  177,  194,  633. 

Hastimalla,  435. 

Hastyayurveda,  329. 

Hasyachuddmaniy  311. 

Hatha-Yoga,  463. 

Haveri,  188,  626. 

Hawking,  492. 

Hazabbar-ud-dln  Hasan  Arnal,  59. 
Hazara  Rama  Temple,  671. 

Hazra,  R.  C.  330. 

Hellenistic  Gandhara  influence,  664. 
665,  667. 

Hemachandra,  76,  77,  269,  270,  284,  298. 
301,  302,  308,  309,  315,  317,  318,  320, 
322,  323,  325,  326,  327,  338,  345,  346, 
347,  348,  349,  350,  391,  392,  434,  435. 
Hemachandra  Suri,  433. 

HemadpantI,  193,  335,  603. 

Hemadri,  187,  189,  193,  195, 196,  223,  334, 
335,  338. 

Hemantasena,  36. 

Hemmadi — See  Permadi. 

Hendari — Raya,  192. 

Herat,  6,  10,  117,  124. 

Hertel,  315,  385,  27(n). 

Hijabr-ud-dln  Hasan  Adlb,  122, 
Himagiri,  664. 

Himalayan  Art,  642,  649,  666. 
Himalayas,  47,  142,  300,  534,  606,  663. 
Hiihsa,  288. 

Hindi  Chaupai,  359. 

Hinduism  and  Buddhism ,  471,  10  (n). 
Hindu  Kush,  3,  130,  503. 

Hindu  Law ,  296,  8(n). 

Hindu  Power,  Revival  of,  144-148. 
Hindu  Revenue  System,  286,  55(n). 
Hindu  Rule,  Causes  of  the  Collapse  of. 
125-128. 


898 


INDEX 


Hinayana  405,  413. 

Hingloji,  Mata,  593. 

Hiraj — See  Hariraja  (Chahamana). 
Hiralal,  218,  224,  31  (n),  33,  225,  36(n), 
44  etc. 

Hiraman  Munshi,  159,  16(n). 

Hirehalla,  169. 

Hirth  and  Rockhill,  506,  87  (n). 
Hisam-ud-dln  Iwaz  Khaljl,  133, 134,159. 
Hissar,  82,  93,  109. 

Historical  Kavya,  300,  306,  307. 
Historical  Poems,  306-309. 

History  of  Assam,  159,  12(n). 

History  of  Buddhism  in  Bengal  (in 
Bengali),  469,  17 (n). 

(A  Short)  History  of  Ceylon ,  268, 
12(n). 

(The  Early)  History  of  Ceylon,  268, 
12(n). 

(A)  History  of  Hindu  Political  Theories, 

284,  8(n). 

(A)  History  of  Indian  Political  Ideas, 

285,  9(n). 

History  of  Kanauj,  285,  37 (n). 

History  of  the  Mediaeval  School  of 
Indian  Logic ,  470,  22(n). 

History  of  Orissa,  160,  27(n),  695,  33 (n). 
History  of  the  Mongols,  159,  10 (n). 
History  of  the  ParamaJa  Dynasty,  102, 
ll(n),  103,  28(n). 

History  of  Rajputana,  103,  27(n). 

(A)  History  of  South  India,  233,  4(n), 
255,  5a(n). 

Hitavadins,  524. 

Hitopadesa,  316. 

Hiuen  Tsang,  33. 

Hivale  S.,  380. 

Ho,  378. 

Hodivala,  S.  H.  23,  5(n). 

Hoffmann,  J,  380. 

Hoisington,  H.R.  367. 

Ho-kien  fu,  522. 

Hollavur,  215. 

Hooghly,  32,  33,  36,  145,  206,  207,  208, 
212,  268. 

Hormuz,  521,  524. 

Hosaguntfa,  188. 

Hoshangabad,  70,  71. 

Hospet,  167. 

Howroth,  159,  10  (n). 

Hoyasala(s),  [Poyasala(s)],  68,  70,  174, 
175,  177,  178,  180,  181,  182,  183,  186, 
187,  188,  189,  192,  193,  194,  195,  200, 
201,  203,  226-233,  244,  246,  247,  248, 
249,  257,  258,  259,  260,  313,  402,  429, 
623,  624,  628,  629,  630,  631,  632,  668. 
Origin  of  the,  226-227. 

Early  Kings,  227-232. 

Administrative  Organisation,  283. 
(The)  Hoysala  Vaihsa,  233,  4(n). 
Hoysolesvara  Temple,  631,  633,  669. 
Hormos,  259. 

Hridayadhara,  332.  , 

Hrdayasira,  558. 

Hu-ch’a-la  (Gujarat),  486. 
Huchchimalligudi,  598. 

Hulagu  Khan,  143,  144, 


Hulakki  Bhaskara,  377. 

Huligere,  187,  188,  191. 

Hulla,  430. 

Hulluri,  177. 

Humcha,  177,  178,  180,  199. 

Huna  (-Manijala) ,  63,  74. 

Hunas,  678. 

Hunting,  492. 

Husain,  97. 

Hussain  Ambar,  388. 

Hutton,  380. 

Hyderabad,  69,  162,  164,  165,  167,  168, 
172,  173,  177,  185,  191,  195,  198,  199, 
201,  203,  237,  352,  354,  372,  624,  668. 
Hyderabad  Archaeological  Series,  197, 
3(n),  223,  5(n). 

I 

Ibadatkhana,  426. 

Ibn  Batuta,  160,  21  (n). 

Ibn  Said,  519,  734. 

Ibnu’l-Athlr,  23,  7(n). 

Ibrahim  (Sultan),  50,  94,  95. 

Ibrahim  Alvi,  96. 

Ichchhanldevl,  105. 

Ichchha-sakti,  456. 

Idahgai  (left  hand),  477. 

Idar,  687. 

Itfiturai-nadu,  165. 

IdrlsI,  493,  497,  517,  520,  521,  529. 
tdu,  440. 
lhdmriga ,  310. 

Ikhiyar-ud-dln,  Aitigin,  137,  138,  139. 
Ikhtiyar-ud-d3n  Muhammad  Bakhtyar 
Khaljl,  122-124,  126,  128,  130,  131, 
133,  382. 

Ikhiyar-ud-dln  Yuzbak  Tughril  Khan, 
42  44. 

Ikram,’  M.‘,  473,  147 (n),  507,  189(n). 
Ikshvakus,  266. 

Ilak  Khans,  2,  8,  116. 

Ilamandalam — See  Ceylon, 
liamuridesam,  731. 

Ilahgasoka,  239,  731. 
libaris  149 

Iltutmish,  50,  55,  57,  60,  71,  73,  80,  84, 
88,  90,  130-136,  137,  139,  140,  141, 
144,  146,  147,  148,  149,  152,  155,  159, 
160,  191,  503,  504. 

Tmad-ud-dln  Raihan,  140,  142,  143,  160. 
Indarpat,  118,  119. 

India  and  China,  470,  48(n). 

India  in  the  Fifteenth  Century,  529,  71 
(n). 

Indian  Architecture,  695,  33 (n). 

Indian  Influences  on  the  Literature  of 
Java  and  Bali ,  472,  110(n). 

Indian  Pandits  in  the  Land  of  Snow , 
470,  39(n). 

Indian  Philosophy,  473,  144(n). 

Indian  Teachers  of  Buddhist  Univer¬ 
sities,  470,  24(n). 

India’s  Contribution  to  Arabic  Litera¬ 
ture,  507,  186(n). 

Indo- Aryan  and  Hindi,  397,  11  (n). 

Indo -China,  739. 


899 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Indo-Javanese  literature,  767. 
Indo-Mongoloids,  378. 

Indore,  656,  658. 

Indra  (pantheon),  271,  300,  309,  315. 
Indra  (Thakuri),  46. 

Indradhavala,  49. 

Indramala,  434. 

Indrapala,  43. 

Indraratha,  66,  210,  211,  237. 

Indrasabha  (temples),  680,  682. 
Indrasthana,  52,  310. 

Indra- varman,  XI,  747. 

Indumati,  768. 

Indus,  130,  132. 

Influence  of  Islam  on  Indian  Culture , 
472,  143  (n). 

Ingalaguppe  (-kupe),  186. 
Ingaleshwar-Bagevadi,  367. 
Ihgulesvara-bali,  432. 

Inscriptions  of  Bengal,  469,  4(n). 
Inscriptions  at  Sravana  Belgola ,  472, 
135  (n). 
lnsha,  504. 

Introduction  to  Tantric  Buddhism ,  469, 
12(n). 

Iramadeva,  176. 

Iran,  143,  678. 

Iranians,  469. 

‘Iraq,  15,  92,  143,  260  ,  520. 

Irattapadi,  234,  235,  237,  238,  251. 
Irawadi,  772. 

Irechchayan,  170. 

Iron,  522. 

Iron-beams,  519. 

Iron  in  Ancient  India,  528,  49(n). 
Iron-pillar  at  Dhar,  519. 

Irugaiyan,  169,  170. 

Irungo  Vel,  226. 

Irungulachola,  178. 

Irungula — Chola  II,  194. 

IrupavirupadUf  450. 

Isami,  160. 

Isana,  445. 

Isanadeva,  44. 

Is-haq,  3. 

Ishta-linga,  449. 

Islam,  1,  3,  4,  5,  7,  8,  12,  13,  17,  18,  22, 
111,  112,  116,  149,  399,  498,  520,  645. 
Islamic  Culture,  102,  12 (n). 

Ismael  (I),  5,  8,  10,  125. 

Isma'iliya,  468. 
isvara,  336,  337. 
fsvarabhatta,  437. 

Isvara-bhupa,  182. 

Isvaraghpsha,  28,  44. 

Isvarasiddhi,  437.  _ 

Itxhdsa  dni  Aitihasika,  386,  67(n). 
Ittagi,  627,  668. 

‘Izz-ud-daulah  ‘Abd-ur -Rashid,  94. 

J 

Jabalipura — See  Jalor. 

Jabalpur,  60,  61,  63,  194,  575,  659. 
Jadonbhattis— See  Yaduvamsls. 

Jaffna,  267. 

Jagaddala  Soma  Nayaka,  191. 


Jagaddala,  416,  417,  511. 

Jagaddeva  (Kalachuri),  65. 

Jagaddeva  (Minister),  108. 

Jagaddeva  (Paramara),  68,  69,  75,  175, 
228,  330. 

Jagaddeva  (Santara),  178,  179,  180,  183, 
/  199. 

Jagadekabhushana — See  Dharavarsha. 
Jagadekabhushana  Narasimha,  218. 
Jagadekamalla  (Chalukya),  70,  167,  183, 
237  238 

Jagadekamalla  II,  178,  179.  , 

Jagadekamalla  Jayasimha  III,  424. 
Jagadekamalla  Pratapachakravartin. 
329. 

Jagadeva,  101. 

Jagadu,  395. 

Jagadvijaya  (Jagattraya),  264. 

Jagama  Rahuta,  192, 

Jagamohana,  536,  537,  539,  540,  545, 
546,  547,  548,  549,  550,  552,  553,  554. 
555. 

Jagannatha,  440,  551,  654. 
Jagannatha-kshetra,  441. 

Jagannatha  temple,  207. 

Jagapala,  65. 

Jagat ,  337. 

Jagatchandra  Suri,  433. 

Jagatipala,  261. 

Jagadalpur,  214,  215,  216. 

Jaideva,  194. 

Jaimini,  322,  460. 

Jain  ArdhamagadhI,  434. 

Jain  Aitihdsik  Gurjar  Kavya  Samchay, 
397,  23(n). 

Jainendra,  319,  320. 

Jain(s)  (Jainism),  76,  77,  78,  80.  88,  109, 
113,  120,  168,  180,  181,  226,  229,  230, 
270,  298,  301,  302,  304,  305,  308.  311, 
312,  313,  315,  316,  318,  324,  325. 
326,  327,  329,  336,  344,  345,  346,  348, 
349,  354,  361,  399,  402,  404,  576,  676, 
686,  688. 

Jain  Maharashtrl  and  other  Prakrits, 
344-347. 

Jain  Mahavlra  temple,  577. 

Jain  temple-complexes  at  Dilwara,  580. 
Jain  temple  at  Gimar,  581. 

Jain  temple  at  Lakkundi,  625. 

Jain  temple  at  Meguti,  .554. 

Jain  temples  of  Mount  Abu,  579. 
Jaintias,  383. 

Jain  writers,  370. 

Jiaipal,  95,  115. 

Jaipur,  75,  83,  84,  85,  576,  651,  652,  660. 
Jaipuri,  389. 

Jaisalmer,  19,  326,  327,  350. 

Jaisalnatha  Mahadeva,  593. 

Jaita  (Paramara),  105. 

Jaita,  349. 

Jaitapala,  55. 

Jaitramalla — See  Jaitugideva. 

Jaitrapala — See  Jaitugi. 

Jaitrasagara,  85. 

Jaitrasimha,  492. 

Jaitrasimha  (Chahamana),  71,  85. 
Jaitrasimha  (Guhila),  81,  89,  90. 


900 


INDEX 


Jaitrasiihha  (General),  185,  186. 

Jaitra  Singh,  159. 

Jaitugi  (Governor),  193. 

Jaitugi  (Yadava),  70,  79,  81,  187-188. 
200,  223. 

Jaitugi  II,  191,  202. 

Jaitugideva  (Paramara),  71,  90,  435. 
Jaiyata,  319. 

Jajalla,  197,  3(n),  213,  218. 

Jajalla  II,  65. 

Jajalladeva  (of  Rariga),  189. 
Jajalladeva  I  (of  Ratanpur),  53,  65,  176, 

177. 

Jajapellas — See  Yajvapalas. 

Jajnagar,  141. 

Jajpur,  83,  212. 

Jakabba,  164. 

Jalal-ud-dln  Firuz,  158. 

Jalal-ud-din  Khaljl,  72,  84,  86. 
Jalal-ud-din  Mahmud,  97. 

Jalal-ud-dln  Mangbaml,  132,  133,  159. 
Jalal-ud-dln  Mas‘ud,  143. 

Jalal-ud-din  Yaqut,  137,  138. 
Jalandhar(a),  94,  97,  467. 

Jalhana,  192,  305,  306,  308. 

Jalhana,  82. 

Jalor,  73,  80,  82,  83,  87-88,  89,  90,  103, 
134,  147. 

Jalpaiguri,  44. 

Jamalgarhi,  576. 

Jambhaladatta,  315. 

Jambi,  732. 

Jambulinga,  598. 

Jambusvdmi-chariya,  394. 
Jambusvamin,  394. 

Jamiu-l  Hikayat ,  115,  l(n). 

Jami  Mosque,  15,  21. 

Jammu,  118. 

Jammu  MS  (Stein).  385,  38(n). 
Janabal,  355. 

Janamejaya  Mahabhavagupta  I,  209. 
Jananatha,  171. 

Janasadhu-varma-deva,  753. 
Janasthana,  352. 

Jangala-desa,  108. 

Jangamas,  357. 

Jangha,  538,  557. 

Janki,  13. 

Janmadi'Sutra ,  457. 

Japila,  49. 

Janna,  371. 

Jarasandha,  768. 

Jarrett,  472,  lll(n). 

Jasahara-chariu,  349. 

Jasakarna,  91. 

Jasaraja,  107. 

Jassaka,  101. 

Jataka  stories,  773. 

Jatanpal,  218. 

Jatar  deul ,  609. 

Jatavarman  (Yadava),  29,  34,  43,  62. 
Jatavarman  Kulasekhara,  246,  256,  264, 
265. 

Jatavarman  Sundara  Pantfya  I,  201,  232. 

'  248,  249,  257-259,  284. 

Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  II,  259, 
260. 


Jatavarman  Sundara  Pandya  III,  259. 
Jatavarman  Vira  Pandya  I,  258,  259. 
Jatavarman  Vira  Pandya  II,  259,  260. 
Jatavarman  Vira  Pandya,  735. 
Jatesvara,  65. 

Jath,  186. 

Jatiga,  184. 

Jatiga  II,  167. 

Jatis,  475,  476. 

Jafoda,  44. 

Jats,  21,  22,  93. 

Jaumara,  320. 

Jaunpur,  55. 

Java,  236,  250,  267,  402,  522,  640,  650, 
678,  734.  748,  749,  753,  754,  762,  763, 
768,  772. 

Javaka,  734. 

Javalilu  (Love  songs),  373. 

Javanese  sculpture,  679. 

Jayabahu,  261,  262. 

Jayabhaya,  750. 

Jayabhlma,  47. 

Jayachandra  (Gahadavala),  38,  53,  54, 
55,  105,  107,  119,  298. 

Jayadaman,  385,  40a (n). 

Jayadatta,  330. 

Jayadeva,  40,  302,  303.  309,  324,  337,  436. 
648. 

Jayadevamalla,  46. 

Jayaditya,  335. 

Jayadratha,  300,  384. 

Jayadurga — See  Ajaigarh. 

Jayagopa,  265. 

Jaya-Hari-varman,  737. 

Jay  a  Hari-varman  VI,  746,  747. 

Jay  a  Indra-varman  V,  744. 

Jay  a  Indra-varman  VI,  745. 

Jaya  Indra-varman  VII,  738,  746,  747. 
Jaya  Indra-varman  VIII,  738.  747. 

Jaya  Indra-varman  X,  747. 

Jayakama  (of  Nepal),  45. 

Jayakarna,  177. 

Jayakatvang,  752,  753. 

Jayakesin  (Kadamba),  75,  172,  175. 
Jayakesin  II.  176,  178,  229. 

Jayakesin  III,  183,  185,  189. 

Jayaklrti,  326,  327,  346. 

Jayamahgald,  330. 

Jayanaka,  109,  309,  384. 

Jayananda,  420. 

Jayahgondar,  243,  244. 

Jayanta,  301. 

Jayantasimha,  312. 

Jayantavijaya,  301. 

Jayapala,  3,  4,  5,  6. 

Jaya  Paramesvara-varma-deva  Is  vara - 
murti,  743,  744. 

Jaya  Paramesvara-varman  IV,  747. 
Jayaplda,  419. 

Jayapura,  48-49,  84. 

Jayarajadeva,  47. 

Jayaratha,  324,  384. 

Jayarimalla,  47. 

Jayarjunamalla,  47. 

Jayarudramalla,  47. 

Jayasaha  (slha)  malladeva,  47. 
Jayasena,  49. 


901 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Jayasimha  (Chhindaka),  218. 

Jayasimha  (of  Dan^abhukti),  29,  31,  212. 
Jayasimha  (Guhila) — See  Jaitrasirhha. 
Jayasirhha  (Kalachuri  of  Chedi),  180, 
274. 

Jayasimha  (of  Karnata),  36. 

Jayasirhha  (of  Kashmir),  53,  100,  101, 
318. 

Jayasimha  (of  Malava),  67,  68,  85,  172, 
204. 

Jayasimha  (Sisodiya),  91. 

Jayasimha  (of  Tripun),  64. 

Jayasimha  (Usurper),  79. 

Jayasimha,  435. 

Jayasimha  II,  429. 

Jayasimha  II  (Chalukya),  61,  63,  66,  82, 
86,  165,  166-167,  169,  170,  172,  173, 
174,  176. 

Jayasimha  II  (Paramara),  71,  75,  103, 
173,  193. 

Jayasimha-Siddharaja,  53,  59,  63,  69,  70, 
74,  75,  77,  83,  107,  176,  320,  345,  443. 
Jayasimha  Suri,  311. 

Jayasimhadeva  Chaulukya,  434. 

Jaya  Simha-varman  II,  743. 

Jaya  Simha-varman  IV,  748. 

Jayatala — See  Jaitrasirhha  (Guhila). 
Jayaswal  family,  349. 

Jayatari,  47. 

Jayataslha  (Chahamana),  87. 
Jayatasimha  (Paramara),  74. 
Jayatlrtha,  442. 

Jayavarman  (Chandella),  58,  59. 
Jayavarman  (Paramara),  70,  71,  76,  178. 
Jayavarman  II  (Paramara),  71,  103. 
Jaya-varman  V,  736. 

Jaya-varman  VI,  736,  737,  763. 
Jaya-varman  VII,  738,  739,  740,  741, 
762,  763,  764. 

Jaya-varman  VIII,  741. 
Jayavarma-Paramesvara,  741. 

Jayendra,  419. 

Jayendra-riTidra,  419. 

Jaynagar — See  Jayapura. 
Jejabhukti(-man-dala) ,  59. 
Jejakabhukti,  564. 

Jerusalem,  468. 

Jesala — See  Jaitrasirhha  (Guhila). 

Jeso,  92. 

Jetakarna,  417. 

Jetari,  417. 

Jetavana,  422. 

Jewels,  520. 

Jeweller,  520. 

Jews,  496. 

Jeyideva,  194. 

Jhalawar,  68. 

Jhalrapatan,  577. 

Jhampaithaghatta,  71,  85. 
Jhampa-sirhha,  545. 

Jhdnapalu,  349. 

Jhanjhanadeva,  434. 

Jhansi,  58,  59,  134,  135,  146,  159,  658. 
Jharikhanda  (Orissa),  418. 

Jhat  Rai,  120. 

Jhelum,  13,  93,  124,  133. 

Jhinjuved,  662. 


Jhogda,  603. 

Jiddulige,  188. 

JImutaketu,  184. 

Jlmutavahana,  184. 

Jlmutavahana  (commentator),  287,  288, 
289,  290,  292,  293,  294,  295,  296,  331, 

/  333,  334,  338. 

Jlmutavahana- Avaddna,  421. 

Jina(s),  184,  302,  304,  344,  345. 
Jinachandra  Ganin,  346. 

Jinacho.rita,  341,  343. 

Jinadatta,  301,  348. 
Jinadharmasuri-bdraha-navau,  395. 
JinalamkAra ,  341. 

Jinamitra,  420. 

Jinapala,  109. 

Jinaprabha  Suri,  309,  311,  327. 
Jinavallabha,  346. 

Jinduraja  (Chahamana),  86. 

Jinesvara,  434. 

Jinesvara-suri-samyamasrl-Vivaha- 
varnana-rasa,  396. 

Jitendra,  767. 

Jitendriya,  287,  296,  331. 

Jlva,  337,  346,  355. 

Jlvadaya-rdsa,  395. 

Jlva  GosvamI,  462. 

Jivakachintamani,  301. 

Jivandhara,  301,  313. 

Jivaviyara,  346. 

Jizya,  499. 

Jnana,  454. 

Jnanadeva,  353,  354,  355,  356,  387, 
76(n). 

Jnanadeva  va  Jiidnesvara,  387,  75(n). 
Jnanadevl,  386,  67(n). 

Jhana-mdrga,  455. 

Jnanasrlmitra,  417. 

Jhanesvara-darsana,  387,  76(n). 
Jhanesvari,  353,  386,  67 (n). 

Jodhpur,  75,  76,  79,  82,  86,  88.  89,  108, 
386,  576fl. 

Joga,  355. 

Jogama,  179. 

Jogin  Dinakara,  472. 

Jojalla  (Chahamana),  76,  86. 

Jomarasa,  171. 

Jonaraja,  103. 

Joshi,  S.  P.,  388,  96(n). 

Jugadeva  (Chahamana),  82. 
Jumaranandl,  320. 

JunaidI,  136. 

Jurbatan,  521. 

Jurjan,  1. 

Juwaini,  159. 

Jwamxul  Hikaydt,  159,  11  (n). 
Jyeshthakalasa,  307. 

Jyotirlsvara  (Kavisekharacharya),  330, 
385. 

K 

Kabir,  337,  356,  615. 

Kablr  Khan,  142. 

Kabul,  1,  2,  3. 

Kachar,  45. 

|  Kachara,  477. 


902 


INDEX 


Kachari  (Dimasa),  380. 

Kachans,  44,  45. 

Kachchayana,  342,  343. 
Kachchhapaghatas,  18.  56-58,  109,  477. 
Kachchhavahas,  84. 

Kachwaha,  56. 

Kadamba-kula  471,  96(n). 

Kadambalige  1000,  163,  165,  167,  195. 
Kadambari,  313. 

Kadambas,  75,  78,  163,  164,  167,  171,  172, 
175,  176,  177,  178,  180,  181,  182,  183, 
185,  186,  189,  191,  192,  229,  231,  281, 
301. 

Kadambavasa,  104,  105,  106,  108. 
Kadaram,  239,  242,  243,  730,  732,  733. 
Kadavas,  231,  247,  248,  257. 

Kadiri,  750,  752,  753,  754. 

Kadparti,  198. 

Kadsiddhesvara,  598. 

Kadur,  174,  183,  226. 

Kadvar,  586. 

Kafir  istkn,  18. 

Kahnaradeva,  29. 

Kaikhusrav,  155,  156. 

Kaikkolas,  251, 

Kailasa  mountain,  570. 

Kailasanatha  (temple).  612,  613,  614, 
615,  616,  676. 

Kailasa  temple,  681,  682.  683. 

Kaiqubad,  156,  157,  158. 

Kaira,  79,  81. 

Kaithal,  139. 

Ka.ivalyadipika,  335. 

Kaivartas,  28,  29,  30,  34,  47,  68,  476. 
Kaiyata,  319. 

Kajangala — See  Kayangala. 

Kajjala,  102. 

Kak,  R.  C.,  699,  214(n). 

Kakadadaha  (Kakadwa),  59. 
Kakaladeva  (Paramara),  72. 
Kakaredika  (Kakeri),  60,  64,  146. 

See  also  Rewah. 

Kakatipura  (Kakati-khandi,  Kakati- 
pallika,  Kakatlyapuram) ,  198,  223. 
Kakawin,  767-68. 

Kakatiya(s),  53,  65,  171,  172,  177.  179- 
187,  189,  192,  193,  195,  198-203,  207, 
223,  247,  248,  249,  258,  376,  444,  511. 
Kakayara-desa,  65. 

Kakkalla,  189. 

Kakshasanas,  561,  577. 

Kola,  412. 

Kalachakrdcharyas,  420. 
Kalachakra-yana,  412. 

Kalachuri(s),  25,  27,  28,  32,  34,  36,  48, 
51,  52,  53,  58,  59,  60,  61-66,  67,  68, 
75,  83,  89,  92,  94,  102,  104,  161-184, 
185,  200,  204,  205,  206,  207,  210,  212, 
213,  217,  218,  230,  231,  243,  276,  402, 
421,  565. 

of  Tripun,  61-64,  443. 
of  Ratanpur,  64-66. 
of  Kalyana,  161-184. 

Usurpation,  179-182. 

Administrative  Organisation  of,  274- 
275. 

Kaladgi,  177. 


Kalagam,  731. 

Kaiakalabha,  247. 

Kalambakam,  364. 

Kalamukha(s),  403,  444. 

Kalanjara,  4,  18,  51,  58,  59,  60,  76,  95, 
107,  108,  122,  130,  147,  179  310,  423, 
500,  565. 

Kalasa,  545,  549,  559,  571,  592. 

Kalasa  (Lohara),  98,  299,  537,  549,  571. 
Kalasvarupakulakam,  348. 

Kalavatl,  305. 

Kaldvilasa,  305. 

Kalaviveka,  333. 

Kalegaon,  197. 

Kalesvara,  373. 

Kalhana,  16,  17,  101,  306,  307,  308,  337, 
384,  516,  517,  665. 

Kali,  664,  672. 

Kali  Age,  474,  508. 

Kalidasa  (general),  167,  168. 

Kalidasa  (poet),  299,  303,  344,  396,  434. 
Kali-Kalidasa,  435. 

Kalikala-Sarvajna,  345,  435. 
Kalikala-Valmlki,  308. 

Kdlika  Purana,  44,  379. 

Kalindl,  32,  33,  37. 

Kalinga(s)  (nagara)  (Kalihgam),  32, 
33,  36,  37,  38,  53,  63,  66,  68,  172,  178, 
180,  183,  186,  188,  197,  200,  204,  205, 
211,  212,  234,  235,  243,  244,  261,  262, 
263,  265,  266,  267,  268,  340,  516,  518. 
Kalingaraja,  64,  213. 

Kalingattupparani,  243. 

Kalinjar — See  Kalanjara. 

Kaliya-naga,  436. 

Kali  Yuga,  373. 

Kallang,  45. 

Kallesvara,  624,  625. 

Kallinatha,  324. 

Kalpadrukosa,  385,  31(n). 

Kalpasutras,  512. 

Kalpataru .  333,  334.  336. 

Kalpi,  122. 

Kalsar,  586. 

Kalviolukkam,  364. 

Kalyana (i),  66,  70,  76,  161-184,  185,  197, 
198,  200,  215,  216,  219,  220,  240,  243, 
278,  281,  283,  307,  333,  510. 
KalyanadevI,  40. 

Kalyanavati,  266. 

Kama  (Kumayun),  426. 

Kamadeva,  172,  176,  301,  335,  348. 
Kamadevarasa,  182. 

Kamadhenu,  270,  284,  295,  319. 
Kamalabhava,  372. 

Kamaladev5  (Kowladevi),  81. 
Karrialaraja,  61,  65,  213. 
Kamal-ul-Daulah  Shlrzad,  95. 
Kamandaka,  271,  272. 

Kamandaki,  434. 

Kdmandakiya-Nitisara,  316. 

Kamapala,  192. 

Kamamava  VII,  207. 

Kamarupa,  30,  32,  34,  37,  38,  42,  43,  44, 
45,  123,  145,  159,  172, 

See  also  Assam. 

Kamasdstra,  479,  653. 


903 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Kamasutra,  330. 

Kamata,  45. 

Kamban,  245,  362,  363. 

Kamba  Ramdyana,  362,  363. 

Kambhoja,  526. 

Kambojas,  24. 

Kambuja,  264,  266,  736,  743,  745,  746, 
747,  758,  76i;  762,  764,  765. 
Kamesvara,  750. 

Kampa  hares  vara,  622. 

Kamikagama,  694(n),  1,  3,  5,  etc. 
Kampanas,  279. 

Kampil,  150. 

Kamp(i)li,  167,  168,  169,  173. 
Kampilya-Mahavihara,  424. 

Kamrud — See  Kamarupa. 

Kamsa,  300. 

Kanaibarshi,  44. 

Kanakanandideva.  430. 

Kanakasena  Vadiraja,  301. 

Kanama,  176. 

Kanara,  229. 

Kanarese  Literature,  388(n),  108. 
Kanas,  222. 

Kanauj ,  13,  14.  15,  16,  17,  30,  37,  50-55, 
56,  57,  62,  66,  83,  95,  105,  107,  109, 
119,  121,  135,  147,  172,  194,  244,  298, 
311,  332,  333. 

KanchanadevT,  82,  83. 

Kahchl(puram),  63,  169,  174,  182,  200, 
201,  202,  203,  231,  232,  243,  244,  246, 
247,  248,  249,  252,  257,  317,  336,  612, 
613,  614,  615,  616,  617,  670,  676,  684. 
Kanda,  98. 

Kanda,  332,  334. 

Kandahar,  102. 

Kandahat — See  Kanthakot. 

Kandai,  171. 

Kandalur-Salai — See  Trivandrum. 
Kandarpa,  99. 

Kandarya  Mahadeo,  4897  561,  564,  566, 
568,  569,  570,  572. 

Kandase(hva)ra,  65. 

Kandh,  378. 

Kane,  P.  V.,  284,  l(n).  295,  l(n),  296, 
6(n),  333,  334,  384,  4(n),  385,  37, 
38,  40(n),  etc.,  386,  67(n). 
Kangalvas,  431. 

Kangra,  61,  62,  68,  102,  533,  663,  664. 
Kanha,  349,  361. 

Kanhadadeva  (Chahamana),  88,  89,  91. 
Kanhara,  215,  217,  218. 

Kanhara  II  (Kannara),  218. 

Kanho  Pathak,  387,  91  (n). 

Kanhargarh,  60. 

Kahkagrama,  38. 

Kannada  (Kamata),  35,  36,  74,  215,  219, 
220,  222,  223,  278,  279,  280,  283,  318, 
327,  623. 

Kannada  (Poetry),  362. 

Kannada  language,  367. 

Kannada  literature,  367. 

Kannama,  179. 

Kannanur,  231,  232,  233,  248,  257. 
Kannaradeva,  194. 

Kannegal,  175. 

Kanoda,  593. 


Kanpur,  15,  52. 

Kamsa,  436. 

Kantalai,  263. 

Kantara,  65. 

Kanthakot,  20,  21,  23,  74. 

Kantipura,  46,  47. 

Kantiraja  (Lohara),  99. 

Kanura-gana,  432. 

Kanva  §5kha,  334. 

Kanyakumarl,  530. 

Kanyakubja — See  Kanauj. 
Kapalakundala,  459. 

Kapalikas,  403. 

Kapardikadvipa,  172. 

Kapilar,  226. 

Kapilavastu,  421. 

Kappadi,  446. 

Karad*  (Karahataka),  176,  180. 
Karadi(kal),  173. 

Karala-Chaimunda,  459. 

Kara-Manikpur,  141,  142,  147,  195,  208. 
Karauakutuhala,  329. 

Karanas,  279. 

Karan  Dahariya,  562. 

Karas,  210. 

Karatoya,  43,  145. 

Karhad,  184. 

Karika,  322,  324,  325. 

Karkala,  430. 

Karikalachola,  198,  219,  220. 
Karimnagar,  199. 

Karkaralagiri,  85. 

Karkka  II  ( Rashtrakuta ) ,  161,  162. 
Karkota,  308. 

Karma,  271,  307. 

Karmagrantha(s) ,  346,  433. 

Karman,  346. 

Karman,  1. 

Karmanasa,  123. 
Karmdnushthdnapaddhati ,  331. 
Karmasena,  102. 

Kdrmikas,  427. 

Karmopadesinipaddhati  —  See  Pitri- 
dayita. 

Kama  (Chaulukya),  68,  69,  75,  81,  82, 
86,  173,  176,  310,  320. 

Kama  (Guhila),  89,  91. 

Kama  (Kalachuri),  27,  34,  36,  51,  58, 
62,  63,  64,  67,  75,  94,  102,  172,  205, 
274. 

Kama  (Sevuna),  185,  107. 

Kama  (Vaghela),  195. 

Karnaha,  101. 

Kamakesarl,  31,  205,  206,  212. 
Karnapala  (Guhila),  91. 

Kamaparya,  372. 

Karruisundart,,  310. 

Kamatakas(tas),  29,  35,  47-48,  53,  75, 
163, 166, 177,  201,  211,  222,  238,  262,  670. 
Karnataka  Bhasha  Bhushaua ,  371. 
Karpvira-charitaf  311. 

KarpuradevI,  104. 

Karra,  421. 

Karttavirya  I,  164. 

Karttavirya  III,  180. 

Karttavirya  IV,  189. 

Karttikeya,  549,  652. 


904 


INDEX 


Karugodu  (Kurugodu),  194. 

Kanina,  405,  406,  407,  408,  411. 
Karunakara  (Tonqlaiman) ,  205,  243. 
Karwar,  521. 

Karyachintaka,  524. 

Kasahrada,  87,  106. 

Kashf  al-Mahjub,  467. 

Kashli  Khan,  140. 

Kashmir,  8,  12,  13,  18,  53,  69,  97-103, 
109,  177,  298,  299,  300,  304,  305,  307, 
309,  313,  314,  315,  318,  319,  322,  323, 
324,  325,  351,  416,  511,  517,  649,  665, 
666,  667. 

Kashmir  Saivism,  442. 

Kashmiri  shrines,  576. 

Kashmirian  temples,  584,  585,  635. 
Kashthavata,  98. 

Kashti-pathar,  646. 

Kasi — See  Banaras. 

Kasia,  66. 

Kasika,  319,  335,  483. 

Kasili,  134,  148. 

Kasi  vis  vanatha,  598. 

Kaslvisvesvara  (at  Lakkundi),  626,  627. 
Kdsmxra-nydya-chuddmanx,  420. 
Kassapa,  341. 

Kasyapa,  319,  477. 

Kdsyapa-silpa ,  694,  1,  3,  5(n)  etc. 
Katlha,  731. 

Katantra,  320. 

Katantravistara,  320. 
Kdtantraxrrittipanjikd,  320. 

Katasingh,  141,  160,  208. 

Katehr(iyas),  121,  135,  147,  150,  151. 
Kathakali  dance,  671. 

Kathakosa ,  248,  486,  434. 
Kathasaritsagara,  314,  316,  478. 
Kathiawar,  19,  21,  75,  76,  79,  81,  85,  185, 
581,  583,  587,  588,  589,  590,  593,  687. 
Katmandu,  46. 

Katudeva  (Chahamana),  86. 

Katyayana,  291,  335. 
Kaumudi-Mitrananda ,  311,  435. 
Kaundinya,  309. 

Kauravas,  60,  64. 

Kausala,  526. 

KausambI,  *29,  36,  421. 

Kausuli,  556. 

Kauthuma,  331. 

Kautilya,  327. 

Kavadi-dvipa,  176. 

Kavana,  181. 

Kaverl,  189,  219,  220,  231,  250,  257,  258, 
516,  731. 

Kavibrahma  (poet-creator),  375. 
Kavidarpana,  327. 

Kavikalpadruma ,  320. 

Kaviraja,  300. 

Kavit&rkik(isiihha,  439. 

Kavya,  298-309,  337,  339,  341. 
Kavyanxisasana ,  323,  397. 

Kavyaprakasa ,  321,  322,  323,  324,  325, 
332,  338. 

Kdvyavalokana,  371. 

Kawlam  (Quilon),  520. 

Kayal,  487,  520. 

Kayahgala {-mandoXa ) ,  29,  30. 


Kayasthas,  320,  477. 

Kayumars,  158. 

Kazipet,  198,  223. 

Kazwinl,  734. 

Kedara,  326. 

Kedaranatha,  606. 

Kedaresvara,  545,  654. 

Keddah,  731,  732. 

Keith,  A.  B.,  285,  l(n>,  300,  384,  5,  6, 
7(n),  etc. 

Kekind,  579. 

Kelga,  213. 

Kelhana  (Chahamana),  56,  87,  89,  186. 
Kendrapara,  650. 

Kerala,  42,  172,  234,  238,  240,  246,  251, 
259,  263,  266,  310. 

Kereya  Padmarasa,  370. 

Kerman,  133. 

Kern,  H.,  471,  110(n). 
Kesapayya-Nayaka.  180. 

Kesarkeila,  211. 

Kesava,  166,  170,  320,  632. 
Kesavabhatta,  334. 

Kesavadeva,  44. 

Kesavagovinda,  178. 

Kesava  Kasmirin,  441. 

Kesavamisra.  336. 

Kesavasena,  40,  41,  102. 

Kesavasvamin,  318. 

Kesa(va)jiya  (General),  162,  163,  166. 
Kesava  (Temple),  489. 

Kesi,  171. 

Kesideva,  66. 

Kesobasa,  354. 

Keta  n,  424. 

Ketana,  377. 

Kettarasan,  170. 

Keyurabdhu-charita,  377. 

Kha <fi-mandala,  37,  39. 

Khadpu,  46. 

Khafif,  21. 

Khaj(u)raho,  59,  122,  489,  550,  565,  566. 

653,  656,  657,  658,  66. 

Khajur  Sagar,  573. 

Khdkhard  temple,  556. 

Khakhari,  555. 

Khaljls,  110,  123,  131,  133,  134,  152,  158 
232,  260,  687. 

Khamba,  383. 

Khambayat,  468- 
Khammamett,  177. 

Khampanakas,  283. 

Khana,  388,  102a(n). 
Kh^nujULna-khaTt^khadya,  299,  336. 
Khandali,  525. 

Khandesh,  66,  70,  185,  189,  191,  195,  563, 
589. 

Khandeya  Raya  Raneya,  194. 
Khandoma,  583. 

Khan  Hoa,  749. 

Khapuri,  537,  549. 

Kharatara-gachchha,  396,  432. 
Kharataragachchha-pattavali,  109. 
Kharavana,  44. 

Kharia,  380. 

Khar-mil,  97. 

Kharod,  558,  574. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Khasa,  172,  181. 

Khasas,  47. 

Khasi,  357,  377. 

Khayaravalas,  49,  54. 

Kheda,  88. 

Khem  Chronicles,  741. 

Kherwari,  378. 

Kheta,  194. 

Khetaka — See  Kaira. 

Khiching,  651,  652. 

Khidrapur — See  Koppam. 

Khijjingesvarl,  651. 

KhimidI  (Khimidi),  65. 

Khiva — See  Khvarazm. 

Khizr  Khan,  91. 

Khmers,  381. 

Khmer  script,  761. 

Khojas,  473. 

Khokars— See  Gakkhars. 

Kholesvara,  190,  191. 

Khottiga  (Rashtrakuta ) ,  73.  1G2. 
Kliuddakasikkhi,  342. 
Khulasat-ul-Tcnvdrihh ,  115,  2(n). 
Khurasan,  1,  2,  5.  6,  8,  10,  13.  15,  92,  95, 
97,  116,  117,  124.  125.  132.  260.  503, 
504,  520. 

Khusrav  Khan,  196,  197. 

Khusrav  Malik,  54,  64.  73,  83.  96.  97, 
109,  118. 

Khusrav  Shah,  96. 

Khvaja  Khizr,  473,  149(n). 

Khvaja  MuT-ud-dln,  467. 

Khvaja  ‘Uscan  Harwani  (of  Christ), 
467. 

Khvarazm  (Shah),  13.  97.  116,  117,  119, 
124,  125,  130,  131,  132,  137.  142, 
159. 

Khwaja  Khatir,  156. 

Khwaza  Ayaz  93. 

Khyber,  117. 

Kichaka,  375. 

Ktchaka-vadha,  300. 

Kidan,  96. 

Kielhorn,  F..  60,  62,  183,  4(n). 

Kilhana  (Guhila),  83. 

Ki-lo  Ta-nung,  520. 

Kimmira  (Kimida,  Kimide,  Kimide), 
181,  197,  205. 

Kinchakesvarl,  651. 

Kihga,  232. 

Kingdom  of  Vijaya,  737. 

Kira — See  Kangra. 

Kiradu,  77,  87,  106,  108. 

Kirata  ( Indo-Mongoloid ) ,  377. 

‘Kiratas’,  746. 

Kiratakupa,  77,  87. 

Kirdtdrjuniya,  310. 

Kirghiz,  116. 

KIrtanakara,  356. 

Kirtanas,  355,  357. 

Kirtana -sampradaya,  356. 

Klrti,  266. 

Kxrtikaumudi ,  309. 

Klrtinihsanka — See  Nihsahkamalla. 
KIrtisrSmegha,  262.  263. 

KIrtivarman,  443. 

KIrtti,  98. 


Klrttidurga,  58. 

Kirttimukhat  541. 

Klrttipala  (Chahamana),  73,  87,  89. 
KIrttipura,  46. 

Kirttiraja  (Chaulukya),  66,  74. 
Kirttiraja  (Kachchhapaghata),  18,  56,  66. 
KIrttivarman  II  (Chalukya),  161. 

KIrtti varman  III  (Chalukya),  161. 
KIrttivarman  (Chandella),  58,  63,  95. 
KIrttivarman  (Guhila),  89. 

Kish,  521,  523. 

Kishkindha,  371. 

Kishkindhakanda,  313. 

Kishlu  Khan,  143,  144. 

Kisukad,  70,  164,  166,  169,  173,  185,  187, 
188,  194. 

Kitabur  Rihla ,  160,  21  (n). 

Kitu — See  Klrttipala  (Chahamana). 
Kittura-saiigha,  432. 

Kiyamba,  383. 

Koch,  123,  380. 

Koches,  382. 

Kodagu,  378. 

Kodikkavi ,  450. 

Kogali,  500,  162,  164,  165,  167,  192. 

195(n). 

Kohala,  325. 

Kokadeva  (General),  72. 

Kokalla  I,  64. 

Kokalla  II,  58,  61,  164,  274. 

Kokkoka,  330. 

Kol,  357,  377,  378. 

Kol  (Aligarh),  119. 

Kolami,  378. 

Kolar,  174,  228.  229,  245. 

Kolavatl,  211,  546. 

Kalhapur,  167,  168,  176,  184,  189.  241, 
319. 

Kollam — See  Quilon. 

Kollapuram,  168. 

Kollatura-sangha.  432. 

Kolte,  V.  B.,  387,  77(n),  78,  86,  etc, 
Kollipakkai — See  Kulpak. 

Koluru,  168. 

Kommayya,  168. 

Konaka-pagasy  ^39,  606. 

Konakas,  567. 

Konarak,  209,  519,  540,  553,  646,  652, 
654,  655. 

Kondapalli,  199. 

Kondraivendan,  364. 

Kongoda,  211. 

Kongu  (“desa),  228,  229,  246,  258,  259. 
Konkan  (Konkana),  66,  67,  72,  77,  83, 
101,  162,  163,*  164,  166,  171,  172,  176, 
177,  181,  182,  184,  186,  189,  191,  192, 
193,  194,  198,  227,  281,  295,  313,  521. 
Kont  Gu^i  533. 

Kopal — See  Koppam. 

Kopana — See  Koppam. 

Koppam,  168,  169,  170,  241,  251.  , 
Kop-Perunjinga,  202,  231,  247,  248-249. 
257,  258. 

Kop-Perunjingaraja  III  444. 

Koravi,  198. 

Korku,  378,  380. 

Korni,  212. 


906 


INDEX 


Kosal(ai),  170,  237. 

Kosala,  27,  52,  53,  61,  64,  65,  75,  166, 
172,  176,  192,  205,  206,  209,  210,  211, 
212,  213,  214,  217,  218,  219,  220,  224. 
Kosall,  556. 

Kosamba-man^ala,  421. 

Koshthasara,  263. 

Kosi,  47. 

Kota,  378. 

Kota  family,  424. 

Kotah,  85,  103,  121,  147. 

Kotatavi,  29,  36. 

Ko^i-homa,  738. 

Kot  Kangra,  9,  10,  67,  94,  102. 
Kotta^aka,  90. 

Kottavis — See  Kurrams. 

Kottapala ,  275. 

Kra',  239. 

Kramadisvara,  320,  347. 

Kramrisch,  S.,  577,  580.  652,  665,  672,  695, 
45(n),  697,  131,  141(n). 

Krishna  (District),  181,  199,  200,  201, 
203. 

Krishna  (River),  98,  99,  161,  165,  168, 
170,  171,  174,  175,  187,  229,  230,  240. 
Krishna  Avadhuta,  384. 

Krishna  (Bhagavan),  33,  299,  300,  301, 
302,  303,  309,  310,  348.  354,  355,  356, 
768. 

Kyishnadas  Kaviraja,  675. 

Krishna  (Governor),  194. 

Krishna  (Gujarat),  76,  77. 

Krishna  (Kalachuri),  179. 

Krishna  II  (Paramara),  72. 
Krishna-Vasudeva,  394,  402. 

Krishna  (Yadava),  71,  191,  192-193,  196, 
202,  232,  306. 

Krishna  II  (Rashtrakuta),  161. 

Krishna  III  (Rashtrakuta),  161,  197. 
Krishnagupta,  49. 

Krishnamachariar,  M.,  300,  384,  7,  8, 
10(n). 

Krishnamisra,  312,  384,  443. 

Krishnantaka,  768. 

•  •  * 

Krishnapada,  440. 

Krishnaraja  (Paramara),  72,  73,  74,  75, 
86,  90. - 

Krishna-Tuhgabhadra,  597. 
Krishnavijaya,  385,  24(n). 

Krishixayana,  768. 

Kritajaya,  750. 

Kritanagara,  751. 

Krityakalpataru,  269,  284,  295,  298,  331, 
332,  333,  338,  385. 

Krita  Yuga,  373,  525. 

Kriya ,  454. 

Kriya-sakti,  456. 

Kshatrachu^amani ,  301. 

Kshatra-uarna,  477. 

Kshatriyas,  269,  270,  273,  284,  509. 
Kshema  (Officer),  90. 

Kshemaraja  (author),  443. 

Kshemaraja  (Chaulukya),  75,  76. 
Kshemasimha  (Guhila),  89. 
Kshemendra,  298,  299,  305,  309,  314,  315, 
322,  325,  326,  384,  420,  511. 
Kshirasvamin,  319. 


Kshitibhushana — See  Nripatibhushana. 
Kshitiraja  (Lohara),  98. 

Kubera,  271,  272,  377,  512. 

Kublai  Khan,  741,  748,  752,  754,  757, 
758,  759,  760. 

Kudal  (-sarigamam),  170,  171,  241,  369. 
Kudamalai-nadu — See  Coorg. 

Kudcivolai,  252. 

Kudumbus,  252. 

Kud'us,  610. 

Kuhram — See  Guhram. 

Kujavatl,  29. 

Kuki,  357,  755. 

Kuki-Chin  Meitheis,  383. 

Kuki  dialects,  381. 

Kukkanur,  30,  165,  624,  625. 

Kukkuta,  65. 

Kula,  291. 

Kulachand,  13,  14,  23. 

Kulachandra  (General),  75. 

Kulaka,  396. 

Kula-Kundalini  sakti,  414. 

Kulam  (Quilon),  517. 

Kulancha,  478. 

Kulapahjis,  35. 

Kulasekhara,  310. 

Kulasekharanka,  178. 

Kulasekhara  Pandya,  245,  246. 

Kuli,  517. 

Ku-lin  (Malabar),  486. 

Kulinism  (Kullnas),  38,  3?8. 

Kulluka,  269,  287,  295,  335,  338. 
Kulottuhga  Chola  I,  65,  68,  173,  174, 
198,  204,  205,  206,  216,  217,  224.  240- 
241,  242-244,  245,  246,  250.  256,  318. 
Kulottuhga  Chola  II,  177,  178,  179,  206, 
245. 

Kulottuhga  Chola  III,  182.  186,  188,  200, 
231,  246-347,'  255,  256,  257,  265,  362. 
516. 

Kulpak.  165,  167,  168,  237. 

Kulu  606,  663,  664. 

Kumaon,  663. 

Kurnara,  300. 

KumaradevI,  54,  422. 

Kumarapala  (Phla),  31,  32,  47,  206,  433. 
Kumarapala  (Chaulukya),  (of  Gujarat). 
64,  70,  72,  73,  76,  77,  78,  79,  82,  83,  86, 
87.  89,  178,  179,  180,  181,  284,  308, 
312,  345,  348,  349. 

Kumarapala  (Kaurava),  60. 
Kuviarapdla-charita,  308,  345. 
Kurnarapcila-pratibodha,  345,  384. 
Kumdrasambhavam,  376. 

Kumarasena,  41. 

Kumarasimha  (Guhila),  87,  89, 
Kumarasvamin,  324. 

KumuTikd- khafyda,  225. 

Kumar ila,  291,  331. 

Kumarisimha,  219,  220,  221. 

Kumayun,  146. 

Kumbhakarna  (Guhila),  91. 
Kumbhakonam,  255,  9(n),  670. 
Kumbharia,  579,  580,  582. 

Kumtapala  (Paramara),  73,  83. 
Kumudachandra,  311,  432. 
Kundakunda,  348. 


907 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Kundamarasa,  165,  166,  167. 
Kundamayan,  169. 

Kun  Bang  Klang,  760. 

Kundani,  232. 

Kundava,  204,  235,  236,  242,  445. 

Kundi,  164,  189,  192. 

Kundur,  500,  165. 

Kungas,  63. 

Kuntala,  63,  64,  163,  164,  166.  171,  172, 
173,  174,  179,  180,  181. 

Kuntala  (Poet),  321. 

Kunu,  57. 

Kunwarpala,  55,  56,  120. 

Kupanapura — See  Koppam. 

Kurari,  574. 

Kurchapuragachchha  Chaityavasin,  432. 
Kurgod  (Kurugodu),  182. 

Kurkihar,  647. 

Kurmas,  85. 

Kurmavatara,  387,  76(n). 

Kumool,  165,  173,  179,  187,  200.  201,  202, 
203,  220,  249. 

Kurrams,  251. 

Kuru,  172. 

Kurukesa,  439. 

Kurumbha,  526. 

Kurunegala,  267. 

Kurus,  310. 

Kuruspal,  216,  217,  218. 

Kuruvatti,  628. 

Kushanas,  667,  677. 

Kusavarana,  82. 

Kusinara,  421. 

Kusuma-bhoga,  65. 

Kusumadeva,  304. 

Kutch,  20,  21,  74,  75,  81.  687. 
Kuvaluyamdld,  389. 

Kuvalayavatl,  303. 

Kuvi,  378. 

Kyanzittha,  757,  772. 

L 

Lad  Khan,  533. 

L aghubhdrata,  40. 

Laghukaumudi,  320. 

Laghu-Salika,  433. 

Laghv-Arhanriiti-sastra ,  269,  270,  327. 
Lahore,  53,  67,  92,  94,  95,  96,  97,  109, 
111,  118,  124,  130,  131,  132,  133,  136, 
138,  139,  140,  142,  144,  152,  153,  155. 
Lake  Ta-li,  759. 

Lakhanapala,  50,  51. 

Lakhanasimha  (Guhila),  91. 

Lakhanor,  141,  145,  207,  208. 

Lakhi  Data,  467. 

Lakhisarai,  48. 

Lakhnawati,  40,  44,  123,  131,  133,  134, 
141,  142,  144,  145,  146,  153,  154,  155, 
156,  157,  208. 

Lakhkhana,  185. 

Lakkhana  (author),  349. 

Lakkundi,  424. 

Lakshana,  325,  642. 

Lakshina,  175. 

Lakshmadeva  (of  Kashmir),  102. 
Lakshmadeva  (Paramara),  29,  64,  68, 


69,  95,  206. 

Lakshmanaraja,  558. 

Lakshmana — See  Lakkhana. 

Lakshmana  (General),  182. 

Lakshmana  (Kachchhapaghata),  56. 
Lakshmana  (Kalachuri),  161. 
Lakshmana  Acharya,  304. 
Lakshmanadeva  ( Lakhamadeva ) ,  349. 
Lakshmanagani,  345. 

Lakshmana  Kavi,  313. 

Lakshmanasena,  38,  39,  40,  41,  43,  49, 
54,  126,  302,  303,  305,  317.  330,  334, 
385,  436,  443. 

Lakshmanasimha  (Guhila),  91. 
Lakshmanavatl — See  Lakhnawati. 
Lakshmeswar,  187. 

Lakshml,  300,  401,  672. 

Lakshmideva,  189. 

Lakshmldevl,  230. 

Lakshmldhara,  269,  270,  287,  295,  306. 

331,  332,  333,  338.  347,  330. 
Lakshmlkama  (deva),  45. 
Lakshmlkamadeva  (Thakuri),  46. 
Lakshmikarna,  481. 

Lakshmimatl,  430. 

LakshmI-Narayana,  593. 

Lakshmlsura,  29,  36. 

Lakshmlsvara  mandapa,  686. 
Lakshmlvarman  (Paramara),  71. 
Lakshya,  321. 

Lakulagama-Samaya,  444. 

Lakullsa,  444. 

Lala,  526. 

Laia  Jas  Raj,  473,  149(n). 

L dli  Pdtalu  (Songs  of  the  Cradle),  373. 
Lalitaditya  Muktaplda,  419,  634,  635, 
665. 

Lalitagiri,  650,  651. 

Lalitapattana,  46,  427. 

Lalitaratnamala,  384,  21 (n). 
Lalita-Vigraharaja-ruitaka,  83,  310. 
Lalitavistara ,  395. 

Lalitpur,  59,  108,  559,  575,  679. 

Lamaism,  470,  39(n). 

Lamghan,  3,  4,  5. 

Lamri  (Ilamuridesam),  239. 

Ldnchhanas,  642. 

Language,  339,  347,  350-351,  357-358. 
Language  and  Literature,  297-397. 
Lanjika  (Lanji,  Lanjl),  65,  194,  218. 
Lanka — See  Ceylon. 

Lankapura,  245,  264,  265. 

Lankesvara,  347. 

Lankesvara  temples,  680,  682. 
Lahkesvari  (Lahkavarttaka),  220. 
Lapha,  65. 

Lar,  493. 

Larger  and  Smaller  Leiden  plates,  424. 
Lassen,  360. 

Lasura,  195. 

Lata,  50,  66,  70,  71,  74,  77,  79,  80,  88, 162, 
171,  176,  178,  180,  181,  183,  189,  190, 
211,  389,  515. 

Latahrada,  87. 

Latakamelaka,  311. 

Later  Chalukvas,  402,  623. 

Lataya,  322. 


908 


INDEX 


Lattalura  (Lattalur,  Lattanur,  Lata- 
naura,  Uatalora),  221,  222. 

Laukika,  291. 

Lauriya  Nandangarh,  636,  637. 

Lavana  (Lemna),  218. 

Lavanaprasada  (Chaulukya).  79.  80. 
Lavanaprasada  (Minister),  70,  190,  191. 
Lavanyakarna — See  Luniga. 

Law  (Pali  works),  343. 

Law,  B.  C.,  341. 

Lawah,  134,  148. 

Law  and  Legal  Institutions,  287-296. 
North  India,  287-290. 

South  India,  290-295. 

Lead,  522. 

Leather- workers,  476. 

Leiden  Grant,  730. 

Lenka  Keta,  165. 

Leogryph,  644. 

Lepcha  (of  Sikkim),  381. 

Lepchas,  755. 

Levant,  521. 

Levi,  S.,  47. 

Lexicography,  317-319,  343. 

Life  and  Times  of  Sultan  Mahmftd  of 
Ghazna,  23,  3(n). 

Ligor,  239. 

Lilacharitra,  354. 

Llladevi,  88. 

Lllavatl,  261,  266. 

LUavati  (Mathematics),  328,  336.  371. 
Limbaraja  (Paramara),  73. 

Limbo ji  Mata,  593. 

Linatthapakdsand,  342. 
Linganga-samarasya,  448. 

Lingaraja,  540,  550.  551,  652,  654,  655. 
Lingayats,  180,  357,  367. 

Lingsugur — See  Kisukad 
Literary  exercises,  490 
Literary  Pieces,  341. 

Literature,  348-350. 

Lobu  Tuwa,  526. 

Lochana ,  321. 

Lochdvas ,  416. 

Lodhravali,  328. 

Lodorva,  19. 

Logic,  513.  , 

Lohapaddhati  (Lohasarvasva) ,  328. 
Loharas,  12,  53,  97-101,  419. 

Loharin,  12,  18. 

Lohavara — See  Lahore. 

Lohgar,  3. 

Lohkot— See  Loharin. 

Loka  Mahadevi,  236,  615. 

Lokayatika  (materialists),  476. 
Lokesvar,  266. 

Lo-hu.  760. 

Lokkundi  (Lokkigundi),  186,  187,  625, 
626,  627. 

Lolimbaraja,  300. 

Longhurst,  A.  H.,  698,  156 Cn). 

Loo  collection,  670. 

Lopburi,  760. 

Lord’s  Song,  356. 

Lothana  (Lohara),  101. 

Loyamba,  383. 

Lubab  al-Albdb,  504. 


Lubb-ut-Tawdrikh-i-Hind,  115,  2(n). 
Lubdhaka,  768. 

Ludrava — See  Lodorva. 

Luna  Vasahi,  580,  581,  582. 

Lundha — See  Luntiga. 

Luniga  (Chahamana),  89. 

Luntiga  (Chahamana),  73,  89. 

Lvo,  760. 

Lyall,  380. 

Dyrics,  302-304. 

M 


Ma’bar,  259,  260,  480,  485,  497.  519,  520, 
521,  523,  527. 

Macauliff,  388,  96(n). 
Machchhendranatha,  564. 

Mackenzie  collection.  227,  633. 
Madagascar,  493. 

Madagihal,  186. 

Madalambike,  446. 

Mddaldpdnji,  212. 

Madamalingam,  239,  731. 

Madana  (Officer),  90. 

Madana  (RashU~akuta,  U.P.),  422. 
Madana  Balasarasvati,  71,  310. 
Madanachandra  (-palal  (Gahadavala) 
52,  62,  95. 

Madanadeva,  303. 

Madanamala,  487. 

Madanamanchuka,  313. 

Madanamanjarl,  311. 

Madanapala  (Lohara),  98. 

Madanapala  (Pala),  32,  33,  37,  38.  52. 
308. 

Madanapala  (Rashtrakuta),  50,  52. 
Madana-Tilaka,  367. 

Madana varman  (Chandella),  53,  59,  64, 
69,  76. 

Madanavatara,  394: 

Madanpur,  108,  679. 

Madaran,  208. 

Maddur,  230. 

Madhainagar  Grant,  38,  39. 
Madhavabhatta,  300.  328,  331. 
Madhavatlrtha,  441. 

Madhuka(ma)rnava,  261. 

Madhura,  751. 

Madhurantaka,  216,  217. 

MadhurantakI,  241,  244. 

Madhusena,  41,  426. 

Madhusudana  (Madhumathana) 

(Deva),  42. 

Madhusudana  (Madhuva)  (General)^ 
168,  171. 

Madhusudana  Sarasvatl,  465. 

Madhva,  337,  403,  441. 

Madhvavijaya,  441. 

Madhya  Bhirat,  171. 

Madhyadesa,  389,  421. 

Madhyageha,  441. 
Madhyamaka-ratna-pradxpa,  .415. 
Madhyamandara,  441. 

Madhya  Pradesh,  61,  64,  69,  189,  192, 
194,  201,  214,  352,  511. 

Madiraja,  180,  446. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Madras,  63,  162,  189,  201,  *203,  247,  251, 
252.  610,  675. 

Madura,  63,  201,  233,  234,  238,  245,  246, 
256,  259,  260,  264,  265,  266,  267,  517, 
669,  670,  671. 

Maduvanan,  170. 

Magadha,  24,  27,  28,  29,  30,  31,  32,  38, 
47,  49,  52,  53,  54,  61,  123,  172,  177, 
180,  181,  197,  313,  357,  413,  516,  526. 
Magadhl,  322,  345,  346,  317. 

Magadhl- Apabhramsa,  357. 
Magadhibh§§a,  340. 

Magadhl  Prakrit,  357. 

Magars,  47. 

Magahi,  357,  358. 

Maggar  Pir,  468. 

Magha  (Magha),  266,  267. 

Magha  (poet),  299. 

Mahabala,  346. 

Mahaban,  13,  14,  55. 

Mah&bharata,  226,  271,  272,  273,  299, 
301,  307,  310,  316,  337,  356,  364.  374, 
435,  512. 

Mah&bharata  (in  Tamil),  362. 
Mah&bharata  (in  Telugu),  374 
Mahabhashya ,  319,  332,  513. 
Mahabhavagupta  I,  214. 
Mahabhavagupta  III,  209,  210,  211. 
Mahdbodhi,  469,  10 (n). 
Mahabodhivamsa — See  Bodhivamsa. 
Mahabodhi  monastery,  27. 
Mah&chxnabhava ,  522. 

Mahada,  220,  221. 

Mahadaisa,  354. 

Mahadandanayaka ,  251. 

Mahadeva  (Kkkatiya),  181,  187,  200. 
Mahadeva  (Poet),  309,  320,  324. 
Mahadeva  (Yadava),  191,  193-194,  197. 

202,  223,  232,  335. 

Mahadeva  temple,  532,  557,  658. 
Mahadevi  Akka,  368. 

Mahajanas,  280,  283,  420,  511. 
Mahakala,  658,  684. 

Mahakassapa,  342. 

Mahakavya,  298-302,  307,  322,  337. 
Mahakosala,  656. 

Mahakumara  Ajayasimha,  64. 
Mahakutes vara ,  597. 

Mahalakshml,  184. 

Mahamandadeva,  55. 

Mahdmakham,  494. 

Mahamatya ,  274,  275. 

Mahana  (Guhila),  89. 

Mahanadl,  220,  237,  562. 

Mahanama,  340. 

Mahanasiriiha — See  Manavasirhha. 
Mahanataka,  312. 

Mahanubhava,  353,  354,  387. 
Mah&nubhavdnchd  ach&radharma,  387, 
78(n). 

Mahanubhav&nchem  tattvajnana,  387, 
77(n). 

Mahanubhava-Pantha,  387,  78 (n). 
Mahdnubhaviya  Marathi  Vanmaya,  387, 
81  (n). 

Mahapancharatras,  512. 

Mahapishta,  578. 


Mahdpur&na,  434. 

M ahdpurushanirnaya,  437. 
Mahardjaputra,  274 ,  276. 

Maha^ajasimha — See  Kop-Peruhiinga. 
Maharashtra,  53,  295,  333,  335,  351,  352, 
353,  354,  355,  358,  357. 
Maha-Rashtraku|a,  221. 

Maharashtri,  347. 

Mahdrtehfriya  Santa -Kavi-Kav ya- 
suchi ,  286,  66(n). 

Maharashtra  Sarasvata,  386,  69 (n). 
Maharashtracha  vasahatakala,  386, 

67  (n). 

Mahdsabha ,  252,  253,  254,  282,  283,  444. 
Mahasami,  342. 

Mahasena,  340,  435. 

Mahasivagupta  (Yayati)  I,  27,  61,  210, 
224. 

Mahasivagupta  II,  209,  210,  224. 
Mahasivagupta  III — See  Chandihara. 
Mahatmya(s),  300,  379. 

Mahasumati,  420. 

Mahattaka,  275. 

Mahattaradhikarins,  275. 

Mahavamsa ,  33,  268,  2(n),  286,  106(n), 
340,  342. 

Maha-Viharas  (or  Universities),  416. 
Mahavira,  344,  294. 

Mahdvira-charita  (- chariu ),  344,  349. 
Mahavxra-stava ,  346. 

Mahayana,  304,  400,  402,  405-6,  407,  413. 
Mahayana  Buddhism,  358. 

Mahayana  Buddhists,  359. 
Mahbubnagar,  201. 

Mahdi  Husain,  160,  21  (n). 

Mahendra  (Chahamana),  74,  86. 
Mahendra  V  (Ceylon),  235. 

Mahendra  VI  (of  Kalinga),  265. 
Mahendra  (Thakuri) — See  Indra. 
Mahendradatta,  754. 
Mahendramaiigalam,  231. 

Mahendra  mountains,  205. 
Mahendravarman  (Vichitrachitta),  610. 
611. 

Mahendra-varman,  748. 

Mahesamurti  of  Mephanta,  673. 
Mahesara  Suri,  350. 

Mahesvara,  317,  602. 

Mahl,  80,  190. 

Mahichandra  (-tala,  -yala),  51. 
Mahikantha  Agency  (Mahlyadadesa). 
349. 

Mahima,  194. 

Mahimabhatta,  321. 

Mahlpa,  318. 

Mahipala,  691. 

Mahlpala  (Chaulukya),  78. 

Mahipala  (Kachchhapaghata),  56. 
Mahlpala  (Paramara) — See  Dhruva- 
bhata. 

Mahlpala  I,  24-26,  27,  31,  61,  238,  415, 
416. 

Mahlpala  II,  28,  308. 

Mahlpati,  387,  94(n). 
Mahishasuramardinl,  652. 

Mahlak  Deo  (Paramara),  72. 

Mah  Malik,  504. 


910 


INDEX 


Mahmud,  495,  499,  513,  520,  565,  655. 
Mahmud  (Governor),  51,  58,  68,  94,  95. 
Mahmud  (Ghuri),  125. 

Mahmud  (Sultan),  3  ,  5-23,  50,  56,  58, 
67,  74,  81,  92,  94,  97,  116,  117,  118, 
128. 

Mahmud  Is,  96. 

Mahmud  Shah,  44. 

Mahoba,  59,.  76,  107,  108,  122,  146.  443, 
575,  637. 

Mahotsavanagara,  656-57. 

Mahur,  354. 

MailaladevI,  176. 

Mailigideva,  199. 

Mainamati  Hills,  41. 

Maisur,  576,  627. 

Maithili,  357,  358. 

Maithili-Kalyana,  435. 

Maitrapada,  417. 

Maitreya,  341. 

Majapahit,  752,  753. 

Majdud,  93. 

Major,  R.  H.,  529,  71  (n). 

Majumdar,  B.,  471,  77 (n). 

Majumdar,  N.  G..  469,  4(,n). 
Majumdar,  R.  C.,  48.  129,  8(n),  255, 
3(n),  507,  149(n). 

Makara,  540. 

Makaranda,  336. 

Makhdum-i-Jahaniyan  Jahan  Gasht, 
468. 

Makhdum  Lai  Shahbaz  Qalandar, 
468. 

Malabar,  63,  166,  172,  180.  251,  518,  520, 
521,  522,  748. 

Malacca,  Strait  of,  734. 

Maladeva  (Chahamana),  91,  92. 
Maladharigachchha,  345. 

Maladhari  Hemachandra  Suri,  346, 
434. 

Maladharin  Devaprabhasuri.  301,  434. 
Malahara,  68. 

Malaiyamans,  236,  247. 

Malaiyur,  239,  731,  732. 

Malaprabha,  446. 

Malas,  453. 

Malatimadhava,  311,  459. 

Malava,  13,  16,  53,  56,  57,  58,  59,  61,  63, 
66-72,  74,  75,  76,  77,  78,  79,  80,  81, 
82,  84,  85,  86,  90,  100,  113,  134,  146, 
163,  171,  172,  173,  175,  178,  180,  182, 
186,  189,  190,  191,  192,  193,  198,  206, 
295,  307,  348,  349,  389,  658,  674,  687. 
MalavyadevI,  35. 

Malaya,  262. 

Malaya  hills,  303,  517. 

Malayalam,  512,  515. 

Malay  Peninsula,  236,  239,  493,  731, 
732,  733,  734,  735,  737,  739. 
Malayasirhha,  423. 

Malayasundari,  346. 

Malay asundarikatha,  346. 
Malayavarmadeva,  159. 

Malayavarman,  56,  57. 

Malayu  (Jambi),  732,  751,  752. 

Malda,  32,  123. 

Maldives,  235,  237. 


Malepas,  166. 

Maleya,  56. 

Malhl — See  Madanachandra, 

Malik  Altuniya,  138. 

Malik  Hisam-ud-din-Aghul  Bak,  122. 
Malik  ‘Izz-ud-dln  Hussain,  S5. 

Malik  Kachhan,  157,  158. 

Malik-Naib  Kafur,  196,  203,  232,  260. 
Malik  Nasir-ud-din  Muhammad  Shah. 
55. 

Malik  Nusrat-ud-dln,  57. 

Malik  Nusrat-ud-dln  Tayasal.  57,  60. 
135. 

Malik  Saif-ud-din,  41. 

Malik  Shah,  97. 

Malik  Shah  (Saljuq),  116,  117. 

Malik  Surkha,  157,  158. 

Malik  Tuzaki,  157. 

Malik  Yughrash  Firuz— See  Jalal-ud- 
din  Firuz.  , 

Malik  Ziya-ud-din,  109,  110. 

Malkhed — See  Manyakheta. 

Malla  IQ? 

Mallani,  19,  76,  87,  88. 

Mallarjuna  (Lohara),  101. 

Mai  las,  46. 

Malla  Setti,  192. 

Mallaya,  60. 

Malleya — Nayaka,  189. 

Mallideva,  188,  191. 

Mallideva  Chola-Maharaja,  183. 
Mallikamakaranda,  435. 

Mallikarjuna  (author),  372. 
Mallikarjuna  (of  Kalyan),  177. 
Mallikarjuna  (of  Konkana),  72,  77.  83, 
177. 

Mallikarjuna  temple,  615,  628. 
Mallikarjunabhatta,  377. 
Mallindtha-charita,  345,  349. 
Mallinatha-Purana,  370.  ‘ 

Mallugi,  197.  , 

Malto,  378. 

Malwa,  433,  434,  510,  518,  519. 

also  see  Malava. 

Mamakham,  494. 

MamalladevI,  298. 

Mamallapuram,  612,  670,  682. 

Mamluk  Sultans,  130-160,  503,  504. 
Mamaka,  422. 

Mamma,  307. 

Mammata,  299,  321,  322,  323,  324.  332, 
338,  385. 

Mamvani,  602. 

Manabharana,  261,  262,  263. 

Manadeva,  46. 

Manakkavaram,  731. 

also  See  Nicobars. 

Manasara,  329. 

Manasollasa,  178,  183,  298,  329,  338,  352, 
360,  479,  507,  510,  516,  518,  528,  529. 
Manavachakam-kadanadar,  451. 
Manavasimha  (Chiham|ina),  88,  89. 
Manavlra,  203. 

Manabhdva  klm  Bauddha,  387,  76(n). 
Manbhum,  606. 

Manchanna,  377. 

Manda  II,  206. 


911 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Maiidala(s),  275,  400.  406. 

Mandalams,  251. 

Mandalesvara,  278,  280.  281,  283. 
Mandali,  172. 

Man^alika,  275. 

Mandalika  (Paramara).  73. 

Mandapa,  433,  557.  571,  575,  613,  614, 
616,  618,  619,  620.  621,  622.  623,  624. 
Mandapachala,  434. 

Mandara,  206,  212. 

Mandasor,  656. 

Mandavyapura — See  Mantior. 
Mandawar,  134. 

Mandor,  87,  88,  656,  660.  662. 
Mandovara,  591. 

Manditala-gachchha,  432. 

Mandu  (Mandapa).  66,  72.  85,  171,  658. 
Mangalaraja,  56. 

Mangaliveda  (Mangalvedha,  Marigala- 
veshataka),  179,  186.  442. 
Mangalore,  518. 

Mane(p)verggacle,  278,  279. 

Manglana,  84,  159. 

Mangu,  143. 

Manipur  a  Pur  ana,  383 
Manipuri,  381. 

Manikkavachakar,  245,  450,  452.  672. 
Manikyachandra,  322.  434. 
Manikyanandi,  348. 

Maniratna  Suri,  301. 

Maniratna  Suri,  433. 

Maniyane,  430. 

Manjarabad,  194. 

Manjhawan,  15. 

Mankesvara  temple,  603. 

Mankha(-ka) ,  299,  317,  323. 
Manmathonmathanu ,  385.  24(n). 
Mannandlppai,  168. 

Mannar  gudi.  437. 

Manneyas ,  281,  283. 

Manual  of  Indian  Buddhism.  471. 

110(n). 

Manorama-charita ,  345. 

Manoratha,  420. 

Mansur,  5. 

Mansur  ah,  21. 

Mantapam,  613. 

Mantena  (Manthanya,  Mantrakuta), 
199  200. 

Mantra(s),  400,  406. 

Mantra-naya,  406. 

Mantra-yana,  406. 

Mantrichudamani,  281. 

MantHpradhana,  274. 

Manu  ( Manu-smriti) ,  269,  270,  271, 
272,  287,  289,  328,  331,  335. 

Manuals,  Pali,  342. 

Manuma  Gan^Iagopala,  200,  222. 
Manusdstra,  512. 

Mdnushi  Buddha,  411. 

Manutxka ,  295. 

Manvarthamuktavali,  295,  335. 
Manyakheta,  161,  163,  167,  185,  237. 
Mappappalam,  239,  731. 
Marai-mana-sambandhar,  366,  450. 
Marakata  -  pangakaja  -  Sthanottung- 
eadeva,  754. 


Marana,  377. 

Maranjamura,  210,  211. 

Marasixhha  (Silahara),  176. 

Marasimha  II  (Ganga),  161,  162. 
Maratha,  184,  278,  283,  352. 

Marathi,  351-356. 

Marathi  bhashecha  kalanirnaya,  386, 
67(n). 

Marathi  bhdsha,  udgama  va  vikasa, 
386,  67(n). 

Marathi  Catalogue  ( Tanjorc  Library), 
386,  66(n). 

Marathi-Graniha-suchi,  386,  65 (n). 
Marathi  Vdnmaydchd  Itihasa,  387, 
94(n). 

Maravatfas,  80,  190. 

Maravarman  Kulasekhara  Pan^ya, 
'  233,  259-260,  267. 

Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  I,  231, 
246,  256-257. 

Maravarman  Sundara  Pandya  II,  248 
‘257. 

Maravarman  Vikrama  Pandya,  259. 
Maravijayottunga-varman,  236,  239, 

730. 

Marayan,  170. 

Marbalatlrtha,  229. 

Marco  Polo,  202,  258,  259,  260,  286,  470, 
497,  509,  517,  518,  519,  521,  522,  523, 
527,  528,  529,  751. 

Margi,  373,  374. 

Maribagh  (old  Rewa  State),  561,  564. 
565. 

Marigala,  93. 

Markandeya,  347. 

Markandeya-Purana  (in  Telugu),  377. 
Markapur,  165. 

Markuta,  664. 

Maroth,  84,  85. 

Marshall,  J.,  638. 

Martan^a,  584,  635. 

Maru,  389. 

Marula,  367. 

Marulasiddha,  445. 

Maru(-sthall)  maiydala,  73,  82,  89,  177. 
Marv,  2. 

Marwar,  66,  73,  74,  75,  78,  106.  108,  277, 
687. 

Masava^i  165,  188. 

Maski,  166,  237,  238. 

Masrur  (Kangra),  605,  663,  664. 

Mastaka ,  536. 

Mastikal,  495. 

Mas‘ud  I,  92,  93,  94. 

Mas‘ud  II,  94. 

Mas£ud  HI,  50,  95,  141,  142. 

Mas‘udbbin  Sa‘d  bin  Salman,  503. 
Masunidesam — See  Bastar. 

Matangalila,  329.  * 

Matangas,  82,  83,  101,  102,  312. 
Matangesvara  temple,  614. 

Mataram,  751. 

Mathanadeva,  (Rashtrakuta),  28,  29.  31, 
32,  34,  54,  68. 

Mathanasimha  (Guhila),  89. 

Matharas,  209. 

Mathematics,  328-329,  511. 


012 


INDEX 


Mathura,  13,  14,  55,  60,  74,  146,  196,  197, 
403,  653,  655,  658. 

Mathurasangha,  349. 

Matisagara,  320. 

Matrigupta,  325. 

Matrika,  393,  395. 

Matrikd-chaiipai,  395. 

Matsya  Purdna,  330. 

Matsyedranatha,  352. 

Mattamayura  Sect,  573. 

Mau,  59. 

Maudud,  93,  94. 

Maulung,  44. 

Maurya  period,  357. 

Mavakasiha(va) ,  65. 

Mawarau-n  nahr,  13,  15. 
Mayagalasimha,  29,  43. 

Mayamata,  329,  694,  1,  7,  8(n)  etc. 
Mayanalladevi,  75. 

Mayideva,  185. 

Mayirudingam,  239,  731. 

Mayne  296,  8(n). 

Mayukha ,  333. 

Mayurbhahja,  425,  646,  649,  650,  651. 
Mayuravarman,  167. 

Mazhar  Wall  (of  Trichinopoli) ,  469. 
Mech,  380. 

Meda(s),  199,  476. 

Medak,  195,  203. 

Medapafa,  72,  78,  79,  85,  58. 

See  also  Mewar. 

Medhatithi,  269,  332,  335,  484. 

Medicine,  328,  512. 

Medinlkara,  318,  319. 

Mediterranean,  116. 

Meerut,  118,  147. 

Megasthenes,  493. 

Megha,  320. 

Meghachandra  Traividyadeva,  430. 
Meghaduta,  303,  434. 

Meguti  temple,  533,  615. 

Mehara,  42. 

Meithai,  381. 

Mekong,  760. 

Memoirs  of  the  Archaeological  Survey 
of  India,  160,  40(n). 

Maneka,  768. 

Mendis,  G.  C.,  268,  12(n). 

Mers,  584. 

Meru,  78. 

Merukandara,  261. 

Merutunga,  64,  75,  107,  275. 

Merv,  116,  124. 

Mesopotamia,  523. 

Metrics,  325-327,  343. 

Mevilimbangam,  731. 

Mew5r,  78,  81,  87,  89-92,  109,  147. 

See  also  Medapata. 

Mewat(is),  148,  150. 

Meykan<jla-deva,  450. 

Mhaimbhata,  354. 

Mhers,  79,  120. 

Miani,  589. 

Miapur,  147. 

Middle  Indo-Aryan,  378,  390. 
Middle-Javanese,  767. 

Midnapore,  25. 

S.  E.— -58 


Mikir  Speeches,  381. 

Milhana,  328. 

Military  exercises,  490. 

Mills,  380. 

Mxmdmsd,  240,  291,  331,  332,  333,  335, 
460,  511,  512,  513. 

Mtmdmsa  Prakdsa,  385,  52(n). 
Minhaj-ud  din,  39,  40,  41,  43,  44,  85, 
141,  208,  503. 

Miraj,  184. 

Mirand,  6. 

Mirasena,  350. 

Mir’dt-i-Jahdn-Numa,  115,  2(n). 

Mir  Khvand,  159,  5(n). 

Mirzapur,  55,  655. 

Mishmis,  755. 

Misra,  B.,  224,  24(n). 

Misra,  Parthasarathi,  201. 

Mitdkshard,  177,  293,  295,  296,  331,  332, 

*500  004  QOC 

Mithila,’  29,  32,  35,  37,  40,  47-48,  53,  61, 
222,  *238,  332,  335. 

Mithuna,  653. 

Mithuna  couples,  644. 

Mitra,  261,  262. 

Mitra,  R.  L.,  469,  5(n),  695,  33(n). 
Mitradeva,  46. 

Mitramisra,  291,  331. 

Mitrananda,  311. 

Mlechchha,  399. 

M.  M.  Potdar  Commemoration  Volume, 
129,  8(n). 

Modern  Indo-Aryan,  360. 

Modhera,  593,  594,  662. 

Modi,  335. 

Moggallana,  342,  343. 
Moggallayanapanchikd,  343. 

Mohansingh,  388,  96(n). 
Moharajaparajaya,  312,  487,  489,  506. 
Mokalji’s  temple,  661. 

Moksha,  346. 

Mokshakaragupta,  416,  518. 

Monaragala,  263. 

Monghyr,  31,  32,  49,  52,  146. 

Mongols,  117,  132,  133,  136,  137,  139, 
141,  142-144,  150,  151,  152,  153,  155, 
156,  157,  503,  677.  748. 

Mongoloids,  357. 

Mon-Khmer,  357. 

Monolithic,  rathas ,  610. 

Mon(s),  755,  756.  757,  758. 

Moon,  271,  272. 

Mopur,  374. 

Moraes.  G.  M.,  471,  96(n). 

Moropant,  388,  98 (n). 

Morphology,  339. 

Mottaiyan,  169 
Motupalli,  201,  202,  516. 

Mount  Kavi.  751. 

Mpu  Sedah,  768. 

Mramma,  755. 

Mrchchhakatika,  311,  487. 
Mrigaiikadatta,  307. 

Mrigavati-charitra,  434. 

Mrinalavati,  163. 

Mritang  Mahadeo,  573. 

Mrityunjaya  Mahadeva,  573. 

913 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


MSS.  Catalogue  of  the  Bharat  Itihasa 
Samsodhak  Manual,  386,  66(n). 
MSS.-illustrations,  676,  679. 
MSS.-paintings,  688. 

Mubarak,  196. 

Mudgere,  226. 

Mudikondan  (Mudikond-Cholapuram) , 

249,  255. 

Mudradhikrita,  276. 

Mudrarakshasa,  311. 

M Vidros,  406. 

Mudritakumudachandra,  311. 

Mudugur,  201. 

Mudukakere  (Mudakaru)  (Mudak- 
karu),  169,  170. 

Mugadai,  232. 

Mugali,  R.  S.,  388,  107(n). 

Mugdhabodha,  320,  335. 

Mugdhopadesa,  305. 

Mughis-ud-din — See  Tughril. 

Muhammad  al-Husainl,  469. 

Muhammad  (of  Delhi),  153,  155,  156. 
Muhammad  (of  Ghazni)  92,  93. 
Muhammadan (s),  232,  233. 

See  also  Muslims. 

Muhammad  Bahllm,  95. 

Muhammad  Bakhtyar  Khaljl,  39,  40. 

43,  44,  49,  207. 

Muhammad  bin  Sun,  10. 

Muhammad- ibn-Qasim,  424. 
Muhammad-i-Sheran,  207. 

Muhammad  Tughluq,  48,  233. 

Mu'izziya,  504. 

Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Bahram,  138,  139,  141. 
Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  Ghurl,  54, 

56,  78,  87,  97,  106,  108,  109,  110,  111, 

112,  113,  115,  117,  118,  119,  120,  122, 

124,  125,  128,  130,  148,  309. 
Mukhalingam,  66,  205,  224,  267. 
Mukha-mandapa,  536. 

Mukherji,  P.  C.,  695,  57(n). 

Muktabil,  353,  387. 

Muktaphala,  320,  335. 

Muktesvara,  540,  541,  542,  545,  546,  556, 

614,  655. 

Mukundaraja,  352,  386. 

Mukundasena,  47. 

Mukhya,  525. 

Mulabastikd ,  427. 

Mulabhadra,  525. 

Muladeva,  56. 

Mulagabharo ,  580. 

Mulaparishat,  282. 

Mula-prakriti,  448. 

Mularaja,  *427. 

Mularaja  I  (Chaulukya),  67,  162,  163, 

164,  443. 

Mularaja  II  (Chaulukya),  70,  75,  78. 

89,  106,  109,  118. 

Mula-sangha  Kundakundanvaya,  431. 
Mulasikkhd,  342. 

Mulastambha,  352. 

Mulasthana  (Multan),  518. 

Mulay,  M.  A.,  387,~94(n).  1 

Mulgund  (Mulgunda  12),  161.  v 

914 


Multan,  7,  8,  10,  19,  21,  93,  94,  95,  106, 

110,  111,  117,  124,  131,  133,  136,  140, 
142,  143,  144,  153,  156,  350,  467. 

Mulugimda  Sinda  Jatarasa,  163. 
Mummadamba,  222. 
Mummadi-Choda(la),  205,  244. 
Mummuni  (Maihvaniraja),  171, 183,  313, 
602.  ‘ 

Munda,  357. 

Mundari,  378,  380. 

Mundher,  20. 

Muni  Bhava,  589. 

Munichandra,  301,  346. 

Muniratna,  302. 

Munisuvrata-charita,  302. 
Munisuvratasvdmi-charita,  345. 

Muhja  (Paramara),  66,  163,  164,  197, 
275,  435. 

MuhjunidevI,  664. 

Munrukai-mahasenai,  251. 

Munshi,  K.  M.,  23,  ll(n),  396,  3(n). 
Mupparasan,  171. 

Muralas,  63. 

Murari  Kesava,  188. 

Murshidabad  Baluchar  Sadis,  675. 
Musangi  (Muyangi) — See  Maski. 
Mushika  kingdom — See  Travancore. 
Mushikavamsa,  308,  529. 

Music,  329. 

Musings  of  Basava,  388,  104(n). 

Musk,  517. 

Musk-deer,  517. 

Muslim (s),  2,  3,  5,  6,  7,  9,  11,  12,  13,  14, 
15,  17,  18,  21,  22,  23,  26,  39,  40,  41, 

42,  43,  44,  48,  51,  52,  53,  54,  55,  56, 

59,  61,  62,  64,  67,  71,  72,  74,  78,  79, 

80,  81,  82,  83,  84,  85,  86,  88,  90,  91, 

94,  95,  101-102,  106,  108,  109,  110, 

111,  112,  113,  114,  115,  117,  121,  124, 
125,  132,  135,  145,  146,  152,  159,  190, 
191,  192,  194,  195,  196,  203,  207,  208, 
212,  258,  259,  260,  284,  297,  298,  312, 
320,  333,  350,  356,  398,  403,  404,  513, 
665,  666,  674. 

States  in  the  East,  116-117. 

See  also  Muhammadan (s). 

“Mutfili”,  485,  519,  520. 

Mutgi,  185,  186. 

Muthurai,  364. 

Muvar-Ula,  364. 

Myamma,  755. 

Mysore,  162,  166,  169,  175,  181,  186,  188, 
189,  192,  194,  215,  226,  228,  229,  240, 
258,  283,  372,  404,  525,  624,  629,  631. 
632,  668. 

N 

Nachna  Kufhara,  533,  557. 

Nadadur  Ammal,'  439. 

Nadapada,  417. 

Nada-perggade ,  279. 

Naddula — See  Nadol. 

Nadi(y)a,  37,  39,  40,  123,  145,  207. 
Nadol,  57,  66,  69,  73,  74,  75,  76,  77,  81, 
82,  86-87,  88,  89,  90,  106,  108,  109, 
121,  186.  277. 


INDEX 


Nd4us,  251  252,  279,  283,  516. 
Nagabhartri  Vishnubhatta,  334. 
Nagabhata  II,  577. 

Nagachandra,  370,  371. 

Nagadeva  (Chaulukya),  74. 

Nagadeva  (General),  162,  171,  172. 
Nagadevacharya,  353,  354. 

Nagadevi,  307. 

Nagaditya,  167. 

Nagahrada,  90,  91. 

Nagapala  (Guhila),  91. 

Nagapala  (Lohara),  100. 

Nagapattana  (Negapatam),  730. 
Nagapura — See  Nagaur. 

Nagar,  163,  177,  516. 

Nagara  (Style),  530,  531,  532,  534,  535, 
536,  542,  547,  555,  556,  562,  563,  567, 
578,  588,  590,  591,  592,  598,  600,  601, 
603,  604,  606,  607,  608,  609,  623,  624. 
Nagara  sikhara,  586. 

Nagaraja,  304. 

Nagari,  641. 

Nagarjuna,  417. 

Nagar(a)khand,  180,  188. 

Nagarams ,  252. 

Nagarjuna  (Chahamana),  106,  107. 
Nagarjuna  (Silahara),  171,  313. 
Nagarjunadeva,  45. 

Nagarkot — See  Kot  Kangra. 
Nagara-Kritdgama,  751. 

Nagas  (Nagavamsis),  31,  65,  104,  172, 
198,  215,  237  ,  307,  313. 

Nagas,  755. 

Naga  speech,  380. 

Nagavarmacharya,  367. 

Nagaur,  95,  108. 

134* 

Na(g)husha— See  Mahabhavagupta  III. 
Nagod,  55. 

Nagpur,  69,  186,  194. 

Nahatfa  Ranas,  433. 

Nahara,  88. 

Nahrwala — See  Anahillapafcaka. 
Naigamas ,  524. 

Naikidevi,  78. 

Nainar,  S.  M.  H.,  494,  507,  145(n),  152, 
161,  etc.,  528,  15(n),  17,  19  etc.,  529, 
69(n). 

Naishadka-charita,  54,  298,  299. 
Naishadhiya,  323,  337. 

Najm-ud-din  Abu  Bakr,  139. 

Nakas,  31. 

Nakhistan,  2. 

Nakhon  Sri  Thammarat,  760. 

Nakula,  330. 

Nakula  and  Sahadeva  rathas,  610. 
Nala,  299,  309. 

Nala  (town),  46. 

Nalanda,  26,  34,  647,  650,  730. 

Nala  Venba,  363. 

Nalapura— See  Narwar. 

Nalavildsa,  309,  435. 

Nalayira  Prabandham,  361. 
Nal-gavundas,  279. 

Nallura.  i77. 

Nalgonda,  198,  199,  201,  202,  203. 
Nalvali,  364. 


Nalanda-jnahdvihdra,  421. 

Namadeva,  354,  355,  356,  387,  76(n). 
Namarrvdld,  318. 

Ndmamdlikd,  317. 

Nama  Pa^hak,  387,  91(n). 
Namilura-sangha,  432. 

Nampillai,  440. 

Namarupaparichchheda ,  342. 
Nambi-Andar-Nambi,  365. 

Nami,  93. 

Nanddesa-Tisaiyayirattu  Annnurruvar, 
525. 

Nanadesls,  521,  526. 

Nanak,  337,  355,  675. 

Nanaka,  302. 

Ndnartharnavasamkshepa,  318,  338. 
Nanarthasamgraha,  318. 

Nan-Chao,  759,  760. 

Nanda,  436. 

Nandana,  11,  12,  23,  133,  335. 

Nan  da  vail,  65. 

Nandi,  616,  619,  624. 

Nandi,  310. 

Nandimath,  S.  C.,  367,  388,  106 (n). 
Nandipuram,  255. 

Nandi-sangha,  432. 

Nandisena,  327. 

Nandurbar,  195. 

Nangili,  174,  228,  229. 

Nangrahar,  93. 

Nahjiyar,  440. 

Nannechoda,  376. 

Nanni-Nolamba,  168. 

also  see  Nulumba. 

Nanniah,  376. 

Nannurkovai,  364. 

Nan-p’i,  486,  520. 

Nanyadeva,  32,  35,  37,  47,  48,  53. 
Narada,  270,  271,  329. 

Narahari,  330. 

Narahari,  355. 

Narahari  Tirtha,  207,  441. 

Naraka,  768. 

Naralokavira,  243. 

NaranardyandTianda ,  302. 

Narapati ,  274,  276. 

Narapati,  51. 

Narapati  (Guhila),  91. 

Narapatij ay acharya  Svarodaya,  330. 
Narapatisithu,  757. 

Narasiihha  I  (Gaiiga),  207,  208,  209, 
325,  551. 

Narasimha  II.  (Ganga),  209,  325,  441. 
Narasiihha  I  (Hoysala),  70,  144,  178, 
180,  183,  233,  430. 

Narasimha  II  (Hoysala),  231-232,  233, 
247,  248,  313. 

Narasiihha  HI  (Hoysala),  193,  194,  195. 
232,  233,  430. 

Narasiihha  (Kalachuri),  64. 

Narasiihha — See  Narendradeva. 
Narasimhachaturvedimangalam 
— See  Maddur. 

Narasiihha-murtti,  763. 

Narasiihhapati,  757. 

Narasirhharjuna,  29. 

Narasiihhavarman  II,  612. 

915 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Narasimhavarman  Mahamalla,  610. 
Narathu,  757. 

Naravahanadatta,  313. 

Naravarman  (Guhila),  89. 

Naravarman  (Kachchhapaghata) — See 
Nrivarman. 

Naravarman  (Param^ra),  58,  68.  69,  76, 
82,  86,  100,  175. 

Narayan/pur,  10. 

Narayana  (Bhagavan),  42. 

Narayana  (General),  168. 

Narayana  (Poet).  316,  328,  329,  330. 
Narayana  (of  Srlhatta),  44. 

Narayana  Bhat,  375. 

Narayanganj,  42. 

Narayanpal,  218. 

Narendra,  354,  387. 

Narendradeva,  46. 

Narendraprabha,  302. 

Narmada, 163,  176,  177,188,  191,  562,600. 
Narmamdla,  305. 

Narrative,  344-346. 

Narsinghpur,  209. 

Narttamalai,  617,  684,  685,  686. 

Narwar,  56,  57,  60,  134,  135,  146,  159. 
Nasik,  81,  185,  603. 

Nasiriya,  504. 

Nasir-ud-dln  (Sultan),  57,  85. 
Nasir-ud-din  Mahmud,  134.  135,  136. 
140,  142,  143,  146,  148,  149,  152.  153, 
160. 

Nasir-ud-dln  Qabacha,  130.  131.  132, 
133,  159,  503. 

Nasr,  2,  5,  11. 

Nasr  II,  1. 

Nastika  (atheists),  476. 

Nataka  (Natika)— See  Drama. 
Natakanirnayaviveka,  325. 
Nata-mandapa ,  548,  550,  551,  552. 
Naiaraja,  "672,  673.  685. 

Najaraja  temple,  245,  249. 

Nathamuni,  436: 

Natha -sampraddya,  352. 

Nathava^i,  200. 

Nathism,  353. 

Ndtyadarpana,  311,  325,  435. 
Natyarambha,  115. 

Navadurga  temple,  555.  578. 

Navadvlpa,  464. 

Navaghana  (Abhlra),  75. 

Navalakha  temple,  588.  595. 

Navapaya,  346. 

Navarafha,  537. 

Navatatnaparikshd,  330. 
Navasdhasdnka-charita ,  307. 

Navatattva — Prakarana,  346. 

Navsari,  75. 

Navya-nyaya,  464. 

Nawasa  Shkh — See  Sukhapala. 
Nayachandra  (Suri),  53.  84.  492. 
Nayagarh,  212. 

Nayaka(s),  194,  669,  670. 

N&yaka  (designation),  251 
Nayaklrti,  230. 

Nayakotr  45,  46. 

Nayanandi,  348. 

Nayanars,  361. 


Nayapala,  27,  43,  62,  415. 

Nazim,  M.,  2,  23,  3(n),  4,  6  etc. 
Negapatam  (Nagapattana),  236,  239,  243, 
518. 

Nellore  (Nellurapura),  200,  201,  202. 

203,  246,  248,  258.  259. 

Nemi,  394. 

Nemichandra,  371. 

Nemiduta,  434. 

Neminatha,  301,  372. 

Neminatha-charita  (- chariu ).  345,  349. 
434. 

Nemindtha-ChatvshpadikcL  395,  396. 
Neminatha  Pur  ana,  372. 

Neminatha  Temple,  661. 

Neminirv/dna,  301. 

Neminirvana-kdvya,  434. 
Nemi-Rajula-bdrahcimdsu.  395,  396. 
Nene,  H.  N.,  387.  82(n).  83. 
Nehjuvidu-tudu,  450. 

Nepal(a),  45-47,  48,  53,  172,  177,  180. 
186.  197,  313.  314.  351.  358.  526,  649, 
666,  667,  676,  690,  693. 

Nepal  dialects.  381. 

Nepalese  Buddhism,  427. 

Nessawi.  159,  10(n). 

Newah,  381. 

New  Indo-Aryan,  360.  378,  392. 
New-Javanese  literature,  767. 

New  Light  on  Buddhism  in  Mediaeval 
India,  471.  99(n). 

Ngan-king,  522. 

Nibandhas,  330,  335. 

Nicobars,  239. 

Nidana-katha.  341. 

Nidar  Bhim,  500. 

Nidravali,  29. 

Nighantusesha,  318. 

Nihsahkamalla,  246,  265,  266. 
Nihsankesvara  temple.  265. 

Nikumbhas,  191. 

Nilakantha,  658. 

Nilakantha  Bhatta,  296. 
Nilakanthesvara,  68.  443,  575,  579. 
Nimar,  68.  70,  71. 

Nimbi  ( Nimbapura ) .  440. 

Nimbarka,  337,  403. 

Nine  Thousand ,  440. 

Nirdbhoga-vihara,  427. 

Niragunda,  194. 

Niralgi,  626. 

Nirandhara  prasada,  568. 

Nirbhaya,  45. 

Nirbhaya-Bhima-Vyayoga ,  309.  435. 
Nirjara,  346. 

Nirjarapura,  38. 

Nirrndna- chakra,  414. 

Nirvana,  388,  406.  469. 

Nirvanapada,  736. 

Nishada  (Austric),  377. 

Nishapur,  5,  116.  124. 

Niti,  304. 

Nitiratnakara.  328. 

Nitisara,  200. 

Nitisastra,  269,  270,  271. 

Nityanatha — See  AsvinTkumara. 


916 


INDEX 


Nivata-kavacha,  768. 

Nivrittinatha,  353,  387. 

Nizam-ud-dln,  156,  157. 

Nizam- ud-d in  Ahmad,  13,  16,  23. 
Nizam-ud-dln  Hasan  Nizami  Nishapuri, 
503. 

Nolambas,  230. 

Noiambava^i  (paqli),  63,  172,  175.  177, 
178,  179,  180,  183,  187,  192,  226,  227, 
228,  229,  234,  235,  244. 

Norman  invasion,  398. 

North  Arcot,  684. 

North  Assam  Speeches,  381. 

North  Bengal,  635. 

North  Bihar,  636. 

Northern  India,  4,  19,  24-103,  116-129, 
208,  238,  284,  295,  305,  332. 
Administrative  Organisation,  274-277. 
Law  and  Legal  Institutions,  287-290. 
North-West  Frontier,  26,  316. 

Nottrott,  A.,  380. 

Nrialgi  ins.,  173. 

Nripa,  269. 

Nripakama,  175,  227,  233. 
Nripatibhushana,  215. 

Nrisimha,  48. 

Nrisimha  Purana,  375. 

Nritya,  325. 

Nrivarman,  57. 

Ntih  II,  3,  5. 

Nuh  Sipihr,  197,  9(n). 

Nulumba,  168,  169. 

Nur,  18. 

Nurpur  fort,  556. 

Nushtigln  Ha  jib,  94. 

Nusrat  Khan,  81. 

Nuzvid,  199L 
Nydsa,  320,  343,  511. 

Nydya,  269,  335,  336. 
Nyayanibandhaprakasa,  336. 
Nydyatatparyaparisuddhi,  336. 

Nydy  attar,  254. 

Nyaya-Vaiseshika,  460. 

Nydya  Vinischayavivarana,  435. 

O 

Octo-alloy,  646. 

Obscure  Religious  Cults  as  Background 
of  Bengali  Literature,  469,  17(n). 
Odantapuri,  415. 

Odeyadeva  Vadlbhasirhha.  301,  313. 
Odra  (desa),  53.  63,  210,  211,  212,  224. 
Ojha,  G.  H.,  103,  159,  505,  27(n). 

Old  Bengali,  358,  359,  360,  361. 

‘Old  Bhil’,  380. 

Old  Bodo,  381. 

Old  Gujarati,  389,  390,  391.  392. 

“Old  Hindi”,  361. 

Old  Indo-Aryan.  390. 

Old- Javanese  literature.  767. 

‘Old  Khyan’  381. 

‘Old  Kol’  (Old  Kherwari),  380. 

Old  Naga,  381. 

'Old  Savara\  380. 

Old  Shan,  381. 

Old  Siamese,  381. 


Old  Thai,  381. 

“Old  Western  Rajasthani”,  389. 

Omgodu,  224. 

Oragudam,  614. 

Oraon,  378. 

Oriental  Conference,  Proceedings  of  the 
7th,  103,  21  (n). 

Origin  (of  Teiugu),  372. 

Origin  and  Development  of  Bengali 
Language  and  Literature,  358,  360. 

Origin  of  the  Andhras,  372. 

Orissa,  32,  35,  53,  65,  66,  141,  144,  145, 
159,  160,  205,  206,  207,  208,  209,  211, 
212,  218,  221,  223,  237,  238,  325,  357, 
536,  538,  541,  645,  646,  650,  052,  653, 
655,  657,  658,  660. 

Orissa  and  her  Remains — Ancient  and 


Mediaeval,  694,  19 (n). 

Orissan  miniatures,  642. 

Orissan  (movement),  609. 

Orissan  style,  605. 

Orissan  temples,  560. 

Oriya,  357,  358. 

Oruiigallu — Sec  Warangal. 

Osia  (Rajputana),  541.  555,  576,  577, 
578,  660,  687. 

Ottakkuttan,  245,  362,  363-65. 
Ottomans,  159,  l(n). 

Oudh — See  Awadh. 

Oxus,  2,  116. 


P 


Pdbhdga,  53,  543,  557;  558. 

Pachchur,  247. 

Pada,  320. 

Pdda-bhaga,  538. 

Padakulaka,  359. 

PadamahjarT,  319,  335. 

Padang  Roco,  752. 
Padarthadharmasamgraha,  336. 
Padarthas ,  366. 

Pad arupasiddhi — S e e  Rupasiddhi. 
Padasadhana,  343. 

Paddhati,  85.  305. 

Padhauli,  575. 

Padma,  302. 

Padmachandra,  311. 

Padma- char ita,  434. 

Padmadeva — See  Pradyumnakamadeva. 
Padmagupta,  307. 

Paclmaklrti,  348. 

Padmakumara,  319. 

Padmanabhabhatta  333. 
Padmanabhatirtha,  441. 

Padmdnanda  Mahdkavya ,  302. 
Padmapada,  336. 

Padmapala,  56. 

Padmapani,  666. 

Padmapani  Lokesvara,  657. 

Padma  Purana,  217,  330,  387. 
Padmarasa,  367. 

Padmasimha  (Chahamana),  88. 
Padmavati,  434. 

Padmasimha  (Guhila),  89. 

Padminl,  91,  103, 


917 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Paduka  Sri  Maharaja  Haji  Jay  a  Pangus, 
754. 

Paduvanva,  29. 

PadyachudJdmani ,  384. 
Padya-Kadambari,  299. 

Paga(s),  539,  545,  549,  652,  654. 

Pagan,  526,  679,  739. 

Pagan  temples  (in  Burma),  637,  638. 
Pag-Sam-Jon-Zang,  470,  35(n),  471, 
103  (n). 

Pahang,  (Malay  Peninsula),  751. 

Paharl  miniatures,  675,  679. 

Paharpur,  34,  415,  416,  635,  637,  638, 
639,  640. 

Pahlavi,  385. 

Pahuj,  107. 

Paikore  inscription,  37. 

Paisachl,  313,  345,  346,  347. 
Pajjamadhu,  341,  343. 

Pajjunna-kahd,  348. 

Pakhadj  199,  223. 

Pak  Pattan,  94. 

Pakhangba,  383. 

Pakshika-Saptati,  432. 

Palaiyarai,  255. 

Palakapya.  329. 

Palampet,  201,  668. 

Palandvipa,  262. 

Palanpur,  20. 

Palar  river,  610. 

Palas,  24-33,  35,  36,  37,  38,  44,  47,  49, 
52,  53,  61,  62,  206,  212,  238,  274,  276, 
277,  666,  667,  690,  691,  693. 
Palembang,  528,  61  (n). 

Palghat,  229. 

Palhana,  394,  395. 

Pali,  339-343,  347. 

Pali  (Pallika),  76,  82. 

Palkurike  Soma,  370. 

Pallava  Architecture,  698. 

Pallava(s),  63,  69,  183,  198,  202,  224.  2*3, 
249,  313,  610,  612,  614,  615,  617,  618, 
669,  670,  683. 

Pallavarayanpettai,  265. 

Pallava  rock-cut  rathas,  611. 

Pallava  rock  reliefs,  682. 

Palli,  194. 

Palsule,  G.  B.,  385,  34a (n). 

Palta,  660. 

Pampa  II  (“Abhinava  Pampa”),  370. 
Pampa-Ponna-Ranna,  367. 

Pampa  Rdmayana,  371. 

Panamalai,  614. 

Panasoge,  431. 

Panasoge-bali,  432. 

Panataran  temples.  679. 

Panavati,  46. 

Pahchacharyas,  445. 

Pahchagariga,  170. 

Panchakhydyika,  316. 

Panchakula,  275. 

Parichala(s),  50,  51,  52,  172,  186. 
Pahchaladeva  (Gaiiga),  161,  162. 
Panchall,  322. 

Panchaiiga,  569. 

Pancha/hga  bado,  589. 

Panchapadika ,  336. 


PanchapadikavivaraiuL,  336. 
Panchapura  (Panchapattana),  83. 
Pahcharams,  610,  611. 

Panchardtha,  537,  557. 

Pahcharutra,  437. 

Pahchasayaka,  330. 

Panchasamgraha,  435. 

Panchatantra ,  314,  316,  679. 
Panchavara-variyam,  252. 

Panchavastu,  319. 

Pahchayatana,  546,  577. 

Panchikarana,  352. 

Panchobh,  102. 

Pandalayani  (in  Malabar),  517. 
Pandalayani-Kollam,  529,  66(n). 
Pandarathar,  255,  l(n). 
Pdndava-charita,  301. 

Panda vas,  300,  301. 

Pandharpur,  354,  355. 

Pandita,  367. 

Panditaradhya,  445. 

Pandita- vihdra,  417. 

Pandrethan,  635,  666. 
Pandubhumi-uihara,  420,  427,  472. 
Pariduranga,  744,  745,  746. 

Pandya,  S.,  285,  l(n). 

Pandya(s),  63,  68,  172,  174,  176,  177. 
180,  187,  192,  200,  201,  202,  203,  228, 
229,  231,  232,  234,  235,  238,  239,  240, 
243,  245,  246,  247,  248,  249,  256-260, 
261,  262,  264,  265,  266,  287,  282,  313, 
402,  509,  517,  518,  523,  525,  622,  669. 
The  Later,  256-260. 

Interval  between  the  first  and  second 
empire,  256. 

Administrative  Organisation,  284. 
Pandyadeva,  177. 

Pandyamandalam,  251. 

(The)  Pandyan  Kingdom,  286,  108(n), 
469,  7(n). 

Pangarkar,  L  R.,  387.  94(n). 

Pangu,  D.  S.,  387,  85(n). 

Panhala  (Pannala,  Pranala. 

Parnala),  166,  176,  189. 

Panini,  319,  320. 

Panjabatila  Namadeva.  388,  96(n). 
Panna,  59,  60,  64. 

Pannai,  239,  731. 

Panungala  500  (Panugal),  165,  177,  192. 

197,  199,  202. 

Pao-ying-Hien,  522. 

Papa,  346. 

Papanatha  temple,  598,  599. 
Papahchasudani,  342. 

Para,  77,  606. 

Parabala,  281. 

Parachakrasalya,  221,  222. 

Parakkamo,  340. 

Parakrama,  266. 

Parakramabahu  (Arirajavesvabhu- 
jahga)  the  Great,  245,  246,  261,  262, 
263,  264,  265,  266,  342. 
Parakramabahu  II,  267,  304. 
Parakramabahu  III,  259,  267. 
Parakrama  Pandya,  245,  264,  266. 
Paralokasiddhi,  419. 

Paramadeva,  21. 


918 


INDEX 


Parama-Guru-Dharinaraja - 
Matidhvaja  Sribhadra,  427. 
Paramal — See  Paramardi. 

Paramamrita,  352. 

Paramanuka  (Lohara),  101. 

Paramaras,  13,  16,  29,  51,  56.  57,  58,  59. 
61,  63,  64,  66-74  75,  76,  77,  78,  79.  81, 
82,  83,  85,  86  87,  89,  90,  94,  95,  100, 
105,  108,  121,  134,  163,  164,  166,  172. 
173,  175,  178,  182,  186,  188,  189,  190, 
192,  198,  204,  206,  210,  213,  228,  295. 
310,  519,  656,  658,  687. 
of  Rajputima,  72-74. 
of  Milava,  66-72. 
of  Mt.  Abu,  72-73. 
of  Vagada,  73. 
of  Jalor  (Jabalipura),  73. 
of  Bhinmal,  73-74. 

Administrative  Organisation  of.  275- 
276. 

Paramardi, 59,  60,  107,108,  122,  207,310 
Paramardideva,  423. 

Paramardin  (Kadamba),  78. 
Paramatthavinichchhaya,  342. 
Paramitd-naya,  406. 

Pdramxtdydna,  406. 

Paranavitana,  S.,  267. 

PnrnnT 

Parantaka  I,  238,  245,  252,  256. 
Pararaton,  750,  751,  752. 

Parasa,  526. 

Parasarabhafta,  440. 

Parasarambasa,  387,  80 (n). 
Parasuramesvara-Muktesvara  group . 
547. 

Parasuramesvara  temple,  536,  540,  545. 

554,  555.  559,  614,  652,  654. 

Parauli,  574. 

Parbadi,  593. 

Pari,  226. 

Paribhasha,  317. 

Parichchheda,  322,  344. 

Pariharas — See  Pratiharas. 

Parihars,  120. 

Pdrijdtaharana,  300,  309. 

Parihasapura,  419. 

Pdrijatamanjarx,  71.  310. 
Pdrijatasaurabha,  337. 

Parikaraslokas,  324. 

Parimala — See  Padmagupta. 
Parinxrvdna,  421. 

Paris  (Loo  Collection (,  670. 
Parisishtaparvan,  315. 

Pariyatra,  523. 

Parla,  72. 

Parlakimedi,  223. 

Parnakheta,  189. 

Pamotsa,  98. 

Parsva,  348. 

Parsvadeva,  329. 

Parsva-devatds ,  644. 

Parsvanatha,  433,  567,  580. 
Parsvandtha-charita,  345,  434. 
Pdrsvapurdria,  348. 

Partha-parakrama,  73,  311. 

Parvati  (pantheon),  301,  549.  653.  G72. 
Parvati  (queen),  265. 


Parvati-Rukrainiya,  301. 

Parvati  temple,  533. 

Pasa,  455. 

Pdsa-jndna,  455. 

Paschima-Lanka,  213,  214,  217. 
Pa-sseu-wei,  764. 

Pasthar,  586,  607. 

Pasu-jnana,  455. 

Pasupatas,  445.  764. 

Pasupatinatha,  46. 

Pasuruhan,  749. 

Pata  (scroll),  679. 

Patd  (wooden  book-covers ),  679. 
Pa^ahakota,  167. 

Patalesvara,  562,  564. 

Patan,  45.  47,  468.  635. 

Patana,  394. 

Pditanjalabhdshya,  322. 

Patanjali,  319,  332,  512. 

Pathak,  S.,  387,  76(n). 

Pathakas — See  vishayas. 
Pathamasdratthavici n) usd,  342 . 

Pathari  (Gwalior),  557. 

Pathindah — See  Sirhind. 

Patiala,  109,  115,  507. 

Patiali,  150. 

Pati-jnana,  455. 

Pati-pasu-pasa.  366. 

Patita ,  289. 

Patkai,  44. 

Patna,  27,  52,  54.  146,  219,  220.  221.  602 
Patan  State  (old),  556. 

Pattadakal,  585.  597,  598.  599,  623.  682. 
Pattakila  (Patel),  275,  276. 

Pcittalas,  276. 

Paltanas,  276. 

Pattanastha  -  Prdchuia-Jaina-Bhdndd- 
gariya-Granthasuchi .  397.  21  (n). 
Pattarali,  167. 

Paitikera  (Patikeia.  Paitkera).  11-42 
383,  426,  756. 

Patuka,  88. 

Paumaeva,  348. 

Pavalakkodi ,  364. 

Pavanaduta,  40,  303,  469,  3(n). 
Pavanavijaya,  352. 

Pavuluru  Mallanna.  376. 

Pavusa,  189. 

Pawagadh,  687. 

Payar  635. 

Payogasxddhiy  343. 

Payve,  176. 

Pazhagannada,  378. 

Pedimental  arches,  584. 

Pegu,  757,  760. 

Penang,  239. 

Pepper,  517. 

Perak,  520. 

Perambalur,  242.  248. 

Perggadey  279,  280. 

Periapuranam,  365. 

Periya  Achchin  Pillai,  440. 

Per(m)la  Madarasa,  169. 

Permadi,  179. 

Perma<jideva — See  Vikramaditya  VI. 
Permadideva  (Sinda),  178. 

Persia,  !,  92,  116.  117.  149.  523.  690. 


919 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Persian  Gulf,  250,  259,  260,  493,  520.  521, 
523. 

Persian(s),  2,  117,  523. 

Perumakkal,  253. 

Perundaram,  250. 

Perundevanar,  362. 

Perunguri,  253. 

Peruvalis,  250. 

Peshawar.  5,  6,  8,  93,  94.  Ill,  118. 
Peterson,  P.,  305. 

Pethadadeva,  433. 

Pethada-rasa ,  394,  396. 

Peyiya  Sahani,  185. 

Phagu,  396. 

Phalgugrama.  40.  41. 

Phat  Ma.  743. 

Philosophy,  336-337. 

Philosophical  Literature.  330-337. 
Phimeanakas,  771. 

Piawan  inscription.  62. 

Pidhd,  540,  541. 

Piijihd  deni,  546. 

Pillai,  V.  K.,  170. 

Pillamari,  200,  201. 

Pillai  Lokacharya,  440. 

Pilupati,  276. 

Pimpalner,  189. 

Pinbalagiya  Perumaljlyar,  440. 

Pindara,  585. 

Pipla  Devi,  579. 

Pippala.  759. 

Pirai,  3. 

Pirl/tigin,  23.  4(n). 
Pirkdlach-Cholar-Charittiram,  255.  1 

(n). 

Pir  Pantsal,  13. 

Pishta,  532. 

Pita  (saila),  58. 

Pitambara  Sirhha.  383. 

Pithi,  29,  49,  54,  146.  160. 

Pitri.  332. 

Pitribhakti,  336. 

Pitridayita,  334. 

Pitta  ^JL76. 

Piyadassin,  343. 

Piyolla-mandala,  44. 

Piyushavarsha — See  Jayadeva. 

Playfair,  380. 

Plays,  Erotic  and  Farcical,  311. 

Plays,  Legendary,  309-310. 

Plays,  Semi-historical,  311-312. 

Podur  Dravidas,  372. 

Poems,  Shorter,  302-306. 

Poetics,  321-325,  332,  343. 

Polas  (Polavasa -desa).  199. 

Politics,  327-328. 

Political  Theory,  269-274. 

Polo,  490. 

Polonnaruva,  235,  243,  261.  262.  263.  265, 
266,  267,  672. 

Pomburcha,  430. 

See  also  Humcha. 

Po  Nagara,  744. 

Pondicherry,  241. 

Ponni — See  Kaverl. 

P on-vdriyam,  252. 

Porrippahrodni ,  450. 


Portuguese,  267. 

Potalas,  549. 

Potinar,  219. 

Pottarayan,  170. 

Prabandhas,  438. 

Prabandha-chintdmani,  69,  107,  112.  115. 
275. 

Prabandha-P aramesvara.  375. 

Prabasi,  103,  27(n). 

Prabhachandra.  315,  320. 

Prabhachandra  Siddhantadeva,  430. 
Prabhakara,  240,  291,  336,  511,  512,  513. 
Prabhavaka-charita,  315. 
Prabhavatidevl.  54. 

Prabhudeva,  370. 

Prabhus,  279,  283. 

Prabodhachandrodaya 312,  443. 
Prabuddharauhineya ,  311. 
Prachandadandandanciyaka,  279,  283. 
Prachina  -  Giirjara  -  Kdvya-samgraha 
397,  15(n).  ' 

Prachina  Mahardshp'a ,  386,  67(n). 
Practical  Life,  327-328. 

Pradakshina  (Circumambulatory  pas¬ 
sage).  533,  583. 

Pradhana,  278,  279,  281,  283. 
Pradhanamdtya — See  mantripradhana . 
Pradipa,  319. 

Pradyumnabhyudaya,  310. 
Pradyuvma-charita,  435. 
Pradyumnakamadeva,  45. 

Pradyumna  Kumara,  348. 

Pradyumna  Suri,  315. 

Pradvumnesvara  Siva,  37. 

Piagjyotisha — See  Kamarupa. 
Pragvatas,  72.  74.  79. 

Prahasana,  311. 

Prahlada  (Chahamana),  84,  492. 
Prahladana  (Paramara),  72,  73.  78,  89. 
298.  311. 

Prahladapura,  433. 

Prah-Pahlay,  771. 

Prah-Pithu,  771. 

Prajhd,  400,  407,  408,  409.  410. 
Prajnabhadra,  417. 

Prajndpdramitd.  739. 
Prakaranadyekadasarupanirnaya- 
viveka,  325. 

Prakaranas,  311-312,  338. 

PrakaranI,  325. 

Prakaia,  322. 

Prakasatma,  336. 

Prakasendra,  299. 

Prcilm  rm  ^ 

Prakrit,  303,  308,  314,  318,  320,  326,  327 
344-347,  350,  351,  360,  372 
Prdkritakalpatarn,  347. 
Prakritanusdsana ,  347. 
Prakritarupdvatdra,  347. 
Prakrita-sabddnusasa)ia,  347. 
Prdkritasarvasva,  347. 

Prakriti,  438. 

Pralambhas — See  Salambhas. 
Pramunanayatattvdlokdlamkara,  336. 
Pr3manas,  322. 

Pranidna-NiTna ya,  435. 


920 


INDEX 


Pramana-vinischaya,  420. 

Pramata,  275. 

PramattavdXa,  274. 
Prameyakamalamartanda,  336. 

Prameya,  336. 

Prdnakara,  318. 

Pranavakalpa,  335. 

Prang,  773. 

Prapatti,  439. 

Prasannaraghava ,  309,  324. 

Prasantasiva,  573. 

Prasastapada,  336. 

Prasthanabheda,  465. 

Pratapa,  49. 

Pratapadhavala,  49,  54. 

Pratapamalla  (Kalachuri),  65,  66. 
Pratapamalla  (Gujarat),  78,  80,  81. 
Prataparudra,  195,  202,  203,  223,  376. 
Prataparudra  I,  444. 
Prataparudra-kalyana,  310. 
Prataparudra-yasobhushana,  203. 
Prataparudrxyam,  223. 

Pratapasirhha  (Chahamana),  88. 
Pratapasirhha  (of  Dhekkariya),  29. 
Pratapasirhha  (Paramara),  73,  81,  85,  90. 
Pratihara,  274,  276,  277. 

Pratlharas  (Imperial),  14,  15,  16,  17,  50, 
56,  57,  58,  61.  62,  78,  131,  134,  135, 
159,  276,  477. 

Pratlharas  (Ministers),  108. 

Pratiloma  (inverse  order).  475. 
Pratijagaraiiaka,  275. 

Pratimd,  438. 

Pratishfha,  332. 

Pratish^hana,  313,  487. 

Pratishthasagara,  334. 
Pratyabhijna-hridaya ,  443. 

Pratycibhijnd  System,  443. 

Pratyaksha,  447. 

Pravdhas,  305. 

Pravarasena  II,  419. 

Pravartinl,  394. 

Prayaga,  61. 

Prayaschitta,  331,  334. 
Prayaschittanirupana,  331. 
Prdyaschittaprakarana,  505,  506,  507. 
Preparation  of  silk,  517. 

Prince  Pan,  745. 

Prithu,  34. 

Prithvlbhafa,  109. 
Prithvlchandra-charita,  345. 
Prithvldeva,  65,  213. 

Prithvldeva  II,  65. 

Prithvldeva  III,  65. 

Prlthvlpala  (Chahamana),  75,  86. 
Prithvlpala  (Yaduvamsi),  56. 
Prithvlraja  I  (Chahamana),  82,  104. 
Prithvlraja  II  (Chahamana),  83,  104. 
Prithvlraja  III,  54,  59,  73,  83,  84,  104- 
‘  115,  118,  119,  120,  128,  131,  309,  500. 
Prithviraja-vijaya,  104,  106,  108.  109, 
309. 

Prithviraj  Raso,  105. 

Prithvlvarman,  58,  59. 

Pritidatta,  294. 

Prola,  171,  172,  179,  198. 

Prophet  of  Islam,  468. 


Prosody,  511. 

Proto-Botfo,  381. 

Pudgala,  469. 

Pudukkottai,  257,  259. 

Puga,  291. 

Pugalendi,  362. 

Puja,  332. 

Pujaripali  (Sambalpur  District)  558. 
Pulatthinagara — See  Polonnaruva. 
Pulikesin,  169,  171. 

Fhilindas,  60. 

Puliyur — See  Chidambaram. 

Punamiya  sect,  432. 

Punapakshadeva,  87. 

Pundarikaksha,  436. 

Pundi,  167,  240. 

Pundra,  75. 

Pundravardhana,  30. 

Pundur,  168. 

Punedahalli,  188. 

Punisa,  430. 

Puhja,  209. 

Punjab,  7,  9.  12,  13,  16,  22,  23,  26,  33, 
51,  61,  68,  75,  82,  86,  92-97.  109,  110. 
Ill,  113,  118,  131,  132,  144,  151,  351. 
Punjab  Hill  States.  663,  665,  666. 
Punya,  346. 

Punyadharodaya-uihara,  427. 

Purakuta,  172,  198. 

Puranadhishthana,  635. 

Purana  Mahadeva,  660. 

Purana/s,  301,  304,  306.  309,  330.  332, 
335,  356,  508,  511. 

Puranasdra,  434. 

Purandarapala.  43. 

Puri,  39,  207.  519,  551,  552,  651,  652. 
653,  654. 

Purigere  300,  165,  166,  167,  172. 

Purna,  162. 

Purnabhadra,  316. 

Purnapala  (Paramara),  72.  74. 
Purna(-Pathaka),  78. 

Purnaprajna — See  Madhva. 
Purnatallagachchha,  345,  433. 
Purnavajra,  424. 

Purohita,  174.  277. 

Purushottama,  42. 

Purushottama  (Grammarian),  347. 
Purushottama  (Minister),  195. 
Purushottamadeva,  317. 
Purushottamasena,  41. 
Purushottamasimha,  426. 
Purushottamatlrtha,  441. 

Purva  MImamsa,  335,  460,  465. 
Pushkara,  82,  85. 

Pushpabhadra,  43. 

Pushpadanta,  326,  391,  434. 
Pushpadanta  Purana ,  372. 

Pushpasena,  301. 

Pushyananada,  100. 

Pustaka,  432. 

Putana,  436. 

Putrikd,  483. 

Pyanpya,  755. 

Pyrenees,  1. 

Pyus,  755. 


921 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Q 

Qabacha,  504. 

Qara  Khitai,  117. 

Qazwinl,  517,  528,  31  (n). 

Qaraqoram,  143. 

Qlrat,  18. 

'Qualified  monism’,  461. 

Quang  Binh,  744. 

Quang  Tri,  744. 

Quammgo,  K.  R.,  103,  27  (n). 

Quarters,  Regents  of  the,  271. 

Quilon,  234,  246,  259,  485,  517,  521. 
Quran,  504. 

Qusdar,  3. 

Qutb-ud-din  Aibak,  56,  59,  73,  79.  87, 
114,  118-122,  124,  130-136,  148.  159, 
188,  687. 

Qutb-ud-din  Bakhtyar,  Kaki,  467. 
Qutb-ud-din  Hasan  Ghuri,  84. 
Qutb-ud-din  Husain,  139. 

Qutb-ud-din  Muhammad,  96. 

Qutlugh  Khan,  142,  143. 
Quwwat-ul-Islam,  120. 

R 

Rabha,  380. 

Racha,  180. 

Rachamalla  (Ganga),  162.  352. 
Rachamalla  (Sinda),  182. 

Radda,  100. 

Raddhuda — See  Ratahrada. 

Radha,  25,  27,  32,  33,  35,  36,  37,  38,  40, 
47,  62,  145,  206,  207,  208.  211.  238, 
267,  268,  303,  331,  403,  436. 
Radhakrishnan.  S.,  473,  144(n). 
Raghava  (Bhagavan),  301. 

Raghava  (Courtier),  85. 

Raghava  (Gaiiga),  207. 

Raghava  (of  Kalihga),  37,  180. 
Raghava  (Raghu)  (Deputy  King),  195. 
196,  197. 

Raghavabhyudaya,  435. 
Raghava-Pandaviya.  300. 

Raghavanka,  367. 

Raghunandana,  296,  331. 

Raghuvilasa,  435. 

Rahapa  (Guhila),  89,  91. 

Rahd-paga,  539,  544,  547.  549,  561. 
Rahib,  16. 

Rahilya,  575,  604. 

Raibha — See  Rayavaddiya. 

Raichur,  165,  166,  173,  195.  203,  237,  238. 
Rai  Karan,  79,  121. 

Raipur,  192,  574. 

Raja,,  179. 

Raja  Bharatri,  468. 

Raja  Bhujanga  Rao,  373,  388,  117 (n). 
Rajabhushana  Somesvara  II,  218. 
Rajacharya,  417 
Rajadeva,  101. 

Rajadharma,  261,  332. 

Rajadhiraja  I(Chola),  167,  168,  169,  236, 
239,  240,  241,  251,  255,  512. 
Rajadhiraja  II,  245-246,  265. 

Rajaditya,  251. 


Rajadityagupta,  49. 

Raja-Gandagopala — See  Vijaya-Ganda- 
gopala. 

Rajagriha,  650. 

Rajahinundry,  372. 

Raja  Kama  of  Dahala,  562. 

Raj  akula — S ee  Ravals . 

Raj  amah endra,  169.  241. 

Rajamartanda ,  336. 

Rajamatya,  276,  277. 

Rajamayan,  171. 

Rajamrigahka,  329. 

Rdjan ,  269. 

Rajani,  45. 

Rajaniti,  270. 

Rajanitiratndkara,  284,  335. 

Rajapala,  56. 

Rajapura,  216,  217,  738. 

Rajapuri,  98,  99,  100,  308. 

Rajaputras,  36. 

Rajaraja  I  (Eastern  Chalukya),  170,  204, 
212,  240,,  242,  511. 

Rajaraja  the  Great  (Chola),  164,  204, 
226,  234-236,  239,  240,  242,  248,  250, 
251,  255,  256,  281,  282,  618,  672,  685. 
Rajaraja  II  (Chola),  180,  181,  245-256. 
282  318 

Rajaraja  HI  (Chola),  200,  231,  247-248. 
257. 

Rajaraja  I  (Devendravarman)  (Ganga), 
204,  205,  261. 

Rajaraja  II  (Ganga),  181,  207. 

Rajaraja  III  (Ganga),  207. 

Rajaraja  Chodaganga,  205. 

Rajaraja  Narendra,  375. 

Raj  arajes vara  temple,  236,  618. 

RajaranI  temple,  544,  652,  654. 
Rajarashtra,  262. 

Rajasa,  273. 

Rajasa,  751. 

Raja  SarbhojI,  376. 

Rajasirhha  II,  256. 

Rajasirhha  Pallava,  612,  614. 

Raj asirhhes vara  temple,  613. 

Rajasthan.  679. 

Rajasthani  miniatures,  675. 

Rajasundari,  205,  244. 

Rajatapitha,  441. 

Rajatarangini,  17,  123,  30 (n),  307,  308. 

337,  470',  49(n) . 

Rajatrayadhipati,  274,  276. 
R'ajavidyadhara  Samanta,  733. 
Rajendra-Choda,  206,  618,  620,  621.  730. 
731,  733. 

Rajendra-Choda,  II,  180,  181. 

Rajendra  Choia  I,  25,  33,  36,  61,  63,  66. 
165,  166,  168,  169,  172,  198,  204,  215, 
226,  236-240,  242,  246,  256,  493.  512. 
Rajendra  Chola  II,  173,  512. 

See  also  Kulottuhga  Chola  I. 
Rajendra  Chola  III,  200,  232.  247-248, 
257,  259. 

Rajendrakarnapurat  308. 

Rajimati,  395. 

Rajmahal,  30,  208. 

Rajput,  605,  662. 


922 


INDEX 


Rajputana,  10,  55,  72,  118,  120,  121,  134, 
147,  148,  266,  402,  576,  583,  642,  643, 
656,  660,  662,  666,  674,  675,  687,  693. 
Rdjputdne-kd-Itihasa ,  159,  7(n),  505, 
27(n). 

Rajput  miniatures,  642. 

Rajputs,  56,  110,  120,  121,  127,  134,  135, 
146,  147,  148,  150,  159,  267,  275,  277. 
Rajput  sculptures,  641. 

Rdjrdnid,  547. 

Rajshahi,  34,  37,  635,  650. 

Raj  wade,  V.  K,  386,  67  (n). 

Raju,  P.  T.,  388,  119(n). 

Rajwade  Samsodhana  Mandal,  Dhulia, 
MSS  catalogue  of,  386,  66  (n). 
Rajyapala  (Chahamana),  77,  86. 
Rajyapala  (Gahatfavala) ,  54. 

Rajyapala  (Pala).  31. 

Rajyapala  (Pratlnara),  14,  16,  17,  50, 
57,  58. 

Rakkasa-Gangarasa,  201. 

Rnkshd  264 

Rama  (Bhagavan),  300,  308,  309,  313, 
320,  355,  672,  767. 

Rama  (of  Dera),  11,  23,  7(n). 

Rama  (General),  191. 

Rama  (of  Gujarat),  81. 

Ramabhadra,  311. 

Ramachandra  (of  Gujarat),  435. 
Ramachandra  (of  Kashmir),  102. 
Ramachandra  (Scholar),  78,  298,  309, 
311,  325. 

Ramachandra  Kavibharati,  304,  385. 
Ramachandra  (Yadava),  71,  81,  193, 
194-196,  197,  232. 

Ramachandra-charita-purdna,  370. 
Ramachandra  (temple),  566.  573. 
Rdma-charita,  28,  31,  32,  47  ,  212,  300, 
308. 

Ramd-churita-manasa,  675. 

Ramadeva  (of  Kashmir),  102. 
Ramadeva  (Paramara),  72. 

Ramadeva  (TailapavamsI),  223. 
RamadevI,  38. 

Ramadhipati,  761. 

Ramakrishna  Kavi,  M.,  376. 
Ramalarahasya,  330. 

Ramamisra,  437. 

Ramananda,  337. 

Ramanatha,  232,  259. 

Ramanuja,  229,  242,  317,  336,  337,  368, 
403,  404. 

Ramanya  (Ramarmadesa) ,  262.  264. 
Ramapila,  28,  29-31,  32,  35,  36,  40,  43, 
47,  52,  54,  206,  212,  300,  308,  328, 
415. 

Ramappa,  201. 

Ramasainya,  88. 

Ramasarman,  347,  349. 

Ramasimha,  48. 

Ramavati,  30. 

Ramayamu,  356,  435,  512,  669. 
Ramdyana  (Old- Javanese),  767. 
Ramdyana  (in  Tamil).  362,  363. 
Rdmayanachampu,  313. 
Rdmayana-manjart,  299. 

Ramayya,  445. 


Rambh/dmanjari ,  53. 

Rambhapurl,  445. 

Ramchandrapur,  170,  207. 

Ramdas,  G.,  224,  12(n). 

Ramesvara(m),  244,  246,  247,  264,  265. 
Ramganga,  147. 

Ram  Kamheng,  742,  760,  761. 

Ramnad,  256,  259. 

Ram  Rai,  93. 

Ramsen — See  Ramasainya. 

Ramtek,  194,  197. 

Ranadhavala,  49. 

Ranakesari,  212. 

Ranarahgabhlma — See  Tailapa. 

Ranas,  89,  151. 

Ranasimha  (Guhila),  89. 

Ranas irhha  (Paramto),  72. 
Ranastambha,  162. 

Ranastambhapura,  71,  492. 

See  also  Ranthambhor. 

Ranasura  (of  Nepal),  46. 

Ranasura  (of  Ra^ha),  25,  62. 

Rander,  468. 

Ranga — See  Seringapatam. 
Rangacharya,  V.,  224,  10  (n). 
Ranganatha,  371. 

Rangpur,  639. 

Rangpura,  504. 

Ranik  Devi,  589. 

Ranipur,  659- 

Raniour  Jharial  (Patna  State),  555,  556, 
575. 

Raima  (Kannada  poet),  429. 
Ranthambhor,  71,  83-86,  90,  114,  119 
131,  134,  147,  148,  159. 

Rao,  Subba,  224,  12(n),  388,  116(n). 
Rapson,  E.  J.,  285,  37 (n). 

Rasa,  321,  322,  323,  324,  325,  391. 
Rasa/s,  350,  393,  394. 

Rasa-bandha,  391,  393. 

Rdsaka,  393. 

Rasa-llla  relief,  662. 
Rasaratnapradipihdf  324. 
RasaratncLsamuchchaya,  328. 

Rasarnava,  328. 

Rasdrnavasudhakara,  325. 

Rasavdhini ,  341. 

Rasavati,  320. 

Rashtrakutas,  28,  32,  34,  50-51,  52,  54, 
55,  62,  66,  68,  73,  95,  135,  161.  162, 
163,  184,  185,  197  ,  215,  220,  221-222, 
223,  226,  278. 

Rdshtrakutas,  183.  2(n). 

Rasid-ud-dln,  759. 

Rasupati,  738. 

Ratahrada,  88. 

Ratanpur,  64-66,  87,  88,  176,  177,  213, 
218,  274. 

Ra  tan  wadi,  603. 

Rathakas,  531,  537. 

Ratha-paga,  539,  541,  543. 

Rathas,  531,  537,  542,  543,  552,  553,  557, 
610,  611,  612,  613,  624. 

Rathas  of  Mahabalipuram,  554. 

Rathors — See  Rashtraku^as . 

Ratirahasya,  330. 

Ratnadeva  (Rayana),  349. 


923 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Ratnadeva  (Thakuri),  46. 

Ratnadeva  II  (Kalachuri),  32,  65,  206, 
213. 

Ratnadeva  III  (Kalachuri),  65. 
Ratnagiri,  650,  651. 

Ratnagiri,  192,  517. 

Ratnakara  Santi,  417. 

Ratnapala  (Chahamana),  86. 

Ratnapala  (Kachchhapaghata),  56. 
Ratnapala  (Pala  of  Assam),  42,  43,  44, 
443. 

Ratnapanksha,  330,  520. 

Ratnapura — See  Ratanpur. 

Ratnaraja,  65. 

Ratnasimha  (Guhila),  91. 
Ratnarasmi-uihdra,  419,  420. 

Ratnavall,  261. 

Ratnavali,  310. 

Rattapadi — See  Kuntala. 

Rattapalli,  186. 

Rattaraja  (Silahara),  162. 

Rattas,  164,  180,  186,  189,  191,  192. 
Ratthapala,  341. 

Rauhineya,  311. 

Rauta-Abhi,  60. 

Rauravagama,  366. 

Rauzat-us-Safd,  159,  5(n). 

Ravals,  89. 

Ravana,  312. 

Raverty,  115,  2(n). 

Ravi,  13. 

Ravishena,  434. 

Ravivarman  Kerala,  203,  298,  310. 

Ray,  H.  C.,  159,  17(n),  160,  40(n),  505, 
27  (n). 

Rayadrug,  167,  170,  173. 

Rayamukuta,  318,  319. 

Rayarideva  (Trailokyamalla),  37,  43. 
Rayavad^iya,  349,  350. 

Raziyya,  84,  85,  136,  137,  138,  139,  141, 
146,  147,  160,  23(n). 

Rekha(s),  536,  652,  654. 

Rekha  deul,  536. 

Rekha  gandi,  546. 

Rekha  sikhara,  531,  544. 

Relations  de  voyaoes  et  texts  geogra - 
phiques ,  528,  20(n). 

Religious  Literature,  330-337. 

Renuka,  445. 

Report  on  the  antiquarian  remains  in 
the  Lalitpur  District ,  695,  57 (n). 
Report  on  the  Kegalla  District,  268, 
3(n). 

Reva,  64,  423. 

Revana,  367. 

Revanasiddha,  445. 

Revantagiri-rasa,  394,  396. 

Revarasa,  167,  169,  171. 

Rewa,  558,  561,  573,  659. 

Rewah,  59,  60,  62,  63,  64,  146. 

Rewari,  107. 

Rhoda  (Gujarat),  588. 

Rice,  170,  233,  3(n). 

Rigveda,  511,  512. 

Rina,  332. 

Rrihchana,  102. 

Rishnbha,  270,  302.  344,  394. 


Rishabhadeva,  428. 

Rishabhanatha,  580. 

Ritusamhara,  395. 

Rishi,  332. 

Riti,  322,  323,  324. 

RIza,  504. 

Rohana,  261,  263,  264. 

Rohini-mrigdnka ,  435. 

Rohtisgarh,  146. 

Romaharshana,  768. 

Romances,  Later,  313. 

Romances,  Prose,  312-313. 

Romapada,  329. 

Rotating  squares,  624. 

Roy,  S.  C.,  380. 

Royal  marriages,  479. 

Ruchidatta,  336. 

Rudoka,  29. 

R(a)udra  I,  199,  200,  223. 

Rudradatta,  210,  211. 

Rudra  (deva),  45,  377. 

Rudradeva  (Kakatlya),  179,  200. 
Rudradeva  (Thakuri),  46. 

Rudra -Mahikala  temple,  76. 

Rudra  Mahalaya,  596. 

Rudra  Mala,  595,  596. 

Rudramana,  31. 

Rudramba,  192,  193,  202,  223,  511. 
Rudrasikhara,  29. 

Rudra-§iva,  402. 

Rudrata,  323,  324. 

R'udra-varman,  744. 

RukminI,  301,  768. 

Rukminlbal,  387,  76 (n). 

Rukminiharana,  310. 
Rukminisvayaihvara ,  354. 

Rukn-ud-dln,  57. 

Rukn-ud-dln  Hamzah,  111,  114. 

Rum,  520. 

Rupaka,  325,  393. 

Rupal,  94. 

Rupasiddhi,  320,  343. 

Rupdvatdra,  512. 

Rupavatl,  263. 

Rurki,  147. 

Ruyan,  503. 

Ruyyaka  (Ruchaka),  323,  324,  325,  384. 

S 

Sabaras,  60. 

Sabarmati,  162. 

Sabbisayira  1000  (Sabbinandu) ,  198, 
199. 

^abda,  321,  322. 

Sabdachandrikd ,  328. 
Sabdamanidarpana,  371. 

Sabddnusasana,  320,  326. 

Sabdapradipa ,  328. 
Sabda'niavachand.rikd ,  319. 

Sabdasiddhi,  320. 

Sabha,  252,  253. 

Sabhd-mandapa,  580. 

Sabhyas.  288,  291. 

Sabuktigln,  2-5,  8. 

Sachau,  507,  180(n),  514,  29(n). 
Sachiya  Mata.  579. 


924 


INDEX 


Sadayappa,  362,  366. 

Sadasivagad,  521. 

Sadakopar-anthdthi,  363. 
Saddalakkhcnui,  343, 

Saddciniti,  342,  343. 

Saddhammopayana,  341. 

Sadgv.ru  Ragale,  370. 

Sadha,  67,  86. 

Sadhand,  404,  407. 

Sadha  va,  49. 

Sadis ,  486. 

Saduktikarnamrita,  40,  305. 

Sadyojata,  445. 

Sadyojyotis.  365. 

Sadyovadhu,  482. 

Saffar/Saffarids,  1. 

See  also  Ya'qub  ibn-Layth  al-Saffar. 
Saffron,  517. 

Sahajapala  (Chahamana),  87. 

Sagar,  137,  183. 

Sdgara-Dharmamrita,  434. 

Sagatu,  748. 

Saggi,  523. 

Sahadeva,  188. 

Sahadeva  ratha}  614. 

Sahaja-yana,  413. 

Sahajiya  Buddhists,  413. 

Sahajiya  songs,  359. 

Sahamera,  102. 

Sahanapaladeva,  55,  56. 

Saharanpur,  15,  83. 

Sahasa,  49. 

Sahasamalla,  266. 

Sahasrakirti,  428. 
Sahasranama-bhdshya,  440. 
Sahavahana,  67. 

Sahet  Mahet,  50. 

Sahityadarpana ,  388. 

Saho,  664. 

Sahu,  664. 

Sahula,  349. 

Sahyadri,  386. 

Sai  Churah,  665. 

Saif-ud-dln  (Sultan),  96,  97. 
Saif-ud-din  Aibak  (Governor),  141. 
Sailendra(s),  236,  239,  493,  732. 

Sailendra-Chudamani-varma-vihara, 

733. 

Sailendra  Empire,  730. 

Saiva/s,  359,  403,  404,  405,  511,  646. 
Saiva  Agamas,  447. 

Saiva-Brahmanas,  512. 

Saiva  Lingayat.  402. 

Saiva  saints,  672. 

Saiva  Samaya  chary  as,  367. 

Saiva  Siddhanta  Literature,  365. 
Saivism,  209,  221,  229,  230,  236,  238,  245, 
300,  304,  356,  361. 

Sajjana,  76,  83. 

Sakalendu,  754. 

Sakambharl,  23,  66,  68,  69,  74,  75,  76, 
77,  78  81-83,  85,  86,  89,  90,  108,  113, 
134,  147,  163,  277,  310. 

Sakas,  667,  677. 

Sakatayana,  320. 

431  • 

Sakkarakoftarn— See  Chakrakotta. 


Saktas,  403,  404,  405. 

Sakta  hymns,  359. 

Sakti,  400,  407. 

Saktikumara  (Guhila),  89. 

^aktisirhha,  48. 

Saktism,  316. 

Sakti varman  I,  203,  235. 

£aktivarman  II,  204. 
Saktivisishtadvaita,  447. 

Sakulya,  289. 

Sakyabhadra,  427. 

Sakyabhikshu,  422. 

Sakyamuni,  759. 

^akyasribhadra,  416. 

Sala,  97. 

Sala — See  Nripakama. 

Sdlaohanjika,  644. 

Salagrama,  330. 

Salakha  (Paramara),  74. 

Salambhas,  42. 

Salar  Husain,  96. 

Salats ,  583. 

Salavahana — See  Sala. 

Salem,  63,  229. 

Salha  (Chaliamana),  88. 

Salhana,  100,  101. 

Sali  Bahadur,  143. 

^alibhadra,  302,  393,  394. 
Salibhadra-charita ,  302. 

SdUhotra,  328,  329. 

§alivahana,  315. 

Sdlivahanakatha ,  315. 

Saljuq(s),  93,  94,  95,  116,  117. 
Sallakshana,  120. 

Sallakshanavarman  (Chandeila),  58,  64, 
65,  69. 

Sallakshanavarman  (Kaurava),  60. 
Sallekhand,  430. 

Salokya ,  455. 

Salt  Range,  7,  11,  33,  132,  133. 
Saluva-Tikkama,  194. 

Salya,  88. 

Samalavarman,  34,  35. 

Samana,  112,  114,  140,  143,  153. 
Saman/Samanids,  1,  2,  3,  5,  6,  116. 
Sdmanta ,  281. 

Samanta-Bhoja,  201. 

Samantddhipati,  278. 

Samantapasadika,  342. 

Samantasena,  36. 

Samantasimha  (Chahamana),  88. 
Samantasimha  (Guhila),  72,  78.  79,  87, 
89. 

Samanya-Misra,  447. 

Samar angana-sutradhara,  488,  490,  694, 
l(n). 

Samarasirhha  (Chahamana),  87,  88,  89. 
Samarasirhha (Guhila), 73,  81,  85,  90,91. 
Samarqand,  2,  117. 

Samasokti,  322. 

Samastasenadhipati,  283. 

Samasyapurti  Kavya ,  434. 

Samatata,  42. 

Samavakara,  311. 

Sama-Vama,  325. 

Samaveda,  331,  334,  336,  511,  512. 
Samaya,  524. 


925 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Samayacharyas,  450. 

Samayamdtrika,  305. 

Samayapradipa,  336. 
Samayasyanapdkarma ,  524. 
Sdmayikapatha,  435. 

Sambalpur,  211,  221,  222,  659., 
Sambalpur  designs,  675. 

Sambamurty,  D.,  388,  115(n). 
Sambandhachinta,  343. 

Sambandhar,  366,  450. 

Sambhal,  147. 

Sambhar — See  Sakambharl. 

Sambhu,  304,  308. 

Sambhupura,  743. 

Sambuvarayas,  231,  247. 

Samgamesvara  Temple.  170. 
Samgharakkhita,  343. 

Samgramadeva,  101. 

Samgramagupta,  49. 

Samgramapala  (Lohara).  98,  99. 
Samgramaraja,  12,  97,  93. 
Samgramasimha  (Chahamana),  88. 
Samgramasimha  (Paramara),  71.  80, 
190,  341. 

Samgrikita,  317. 

Sariihita,  245,  328. 

Samidhanya,  516. 

Sdmipya,  455. 

Samksliiptasara,  320,  347. 

Samnyasin,  289. 

Sa(m)rnapani,  191,  192,  202. 

Samskara,  334. 

Samsokgnamba,  383. 

Samudra  Goppayya,  247. 

Samudragupta,  302. 

Samudramantliana ,  311. 

Samudrdtilaka,  330. 

Samuhas,  524,  525. 

Samvara,  346. 

Samvarana,  310.  , 

Sarhvata,  355. 

Samvatsa'ra-varihjam,  252. 
Samvega-matrikd ,  395. 
Samvidvyatikrama,  524. 

Samvit-siddhi,  437. 

Samyak-sambuddha.  406. 
Samyaktvamdi-chaiipdl,  395. 

Sdmayika  patha,  435. 

Samyogita,  54,  105. 

Sanaka -sampraddya,  440. 

Sandan,  517,  521,  528. 

Sanatana,  417. 

Sanatkumara,  345. 

Sanatkumara-charita,  345. 
Sanatkumaravastusdstra,  329. 

Sanchl,  555,  653,  661. 

Sanchor — See  Satyapura. 

Sandera  (Gujarat),  588,  589. 
Sandera(o),  86. 

Sandesa-kavya,  298. 

Sandesa-rasaka,  298,  350,  386. 
Sandhdrat  569. 

SandhaXa  prdsada,  568.  588. 
Sandhi-bandha,  391. 

Sandhis ,  348. 

Sandhivigrahddhikdra.  279. 
Sandhivigiahika,  274,  275,  276,  277,  278. 


Sandhyakaranandl,  28,  29,  31,  300,  308. 
Sandimattivu,  237. 

San-fo-tsi,  520,  734,  735. 

Sariga  (country),  194. 

Sariga  (Prince),  88. 

Sanga  (Town),  46. 

Sangam  Age,  364. 

6angamaya,  168. 

Sangamesvara,  446,  599.  615. 

Sahgana,  80,  434. 

Sangata,  98. 

Sanghadhipati-charitra,  302. 

Sanghas,  431. 

Sangitachudamani ,  329. 
Sangitamakaranda,  329. 
Sahgita-mandapa,  684. 

Sahgitaratnakara,  191,  329. 
Sahgltasamayasdra ,  329. 

Sangli,  179,  186. 

Sangoka,  331. 

Sangrama-Vijayottunga-varman,  239. 
731. 

§arigu,  238. 

Sanjamamanjarl,  350. 

Sanjar  Saljuq,  95,  96,  117. 

Sankalia,  H.  D.,  471,  90(n),  586,  696(n), 
78,  83,  84,  etc. 

SahkcLlpa-nirdkaranam ,  367,  450,  451. 
Sarikama  I,  179. 

Sankama  n,  181. 

6ankara  (Acharya),  299,  317,  352,  403. 
Sankara  (Kambuja  general),  746. 
Sankara  (Yadava),  81. 

Sankara- Ad vaitin,  451. 

Sdnkarabhashya ,  322. 

Sankaradeva  (Thakuri),  45,  46. 
Sankaradeva  (Yadava),  195.  196. 
Sankaradhara,  40. 

Sankarananda,  420. 

Sankara  Pandita,  763. 

Sankarshana,  438. 

Sankatagrama,  29. 

Sankha — See  Samgramasimha  (Para- 
mara). 

Sankhadhara  Kaviraja,  311. 

Sanlchyas,  442,  460. 

Sahkuka,  307. 

San-mdrga,  455. 

Sannagara,  427. 

Saimyasa,  354. 

Sanskrit,  297-339,  341,  343,  344,  345.  346. 

348,  350,  351,  352,  354. 

Sanskrit  Grammar,  306. 

Sanskritic  Languages  and  Literature. 
339-361. 

Santagrama,  229. 

Santali,  357,  378. 

Santa  lige  1000,  163,  165,  166,  167,  172. 

174,  182,  183,  188,  189,  195. 
Santaladevi,  229,  230,  430. 
Santanacharyas,  366,  450. 

Santaras,  177,  178,  179,  180,  183,  194, 
199. 

Santi,  332,  346. 

Santindtha-charita,  345,  434. 

Santi- pada,  417. 

Santisataka,  304. 


926 


INDEX 


Santi  Suri,  345,  346,  434. 

Santxsvara,  371. 

Santivarman  (Baisa),  164. 

Santra  (Savantar),  208. 

Santurgarh,  142. 

Sapadalaksha,  77,  78,  82,  83.  104,  107, 
108,  109,  113,  146. 

Sapinda,  289,  290. 

Sapta-Jnanakosa,  433. 
Saptakshetri-rasa,  395. 

Saptdnga  bada,  589. 

Saptapadarthl ;  336. 

Saptaratha,  537. 

SaptasandJidna .  301. 

6aradasimha,  57. 

&aradatanaya,  322,  323,  324,  325,  397. 
Saraha,  361. 

Saraharagadh.  65. 

Saraju,  157. 

Saranadeva,  319. 

Sarana  Kavi,  370. 

Sararigadeva  (Vaghela),  71.  73.  81,  85, 
90,  194. 

Sarasvata,  320. 

Sarasvataprakriya,  320. 

Sarasvati,  112,  118,  131,  132,  658. 
Sarasvati- gachchha,  432. 
Sarasvatikanthabharana,  322. 

Sarasvati  Mahal  Library,  Catalogue  of 
MSS.  in,  386. 

Sarasvati  temple  at  Gadag,  688. 
Sdrartha-chatushtaya ,  439. 
Saratthadipani,  342. 
Sardha-Paurnamlyaka-mata.  432. 
6ardulavikrldita,  305. 

Sariputta,  341,  342,  343. 

Sarkar,  H.  B.,  472,  110(n). 

6arma.  H.,  385,  31(n). 

Saran  agati,  439. 

Samal  (Kaira  District).  602. 

Sarnath,  25,  26,  655.  673. 

Sarrigadeva,  329,  338. 

Sarrigadhara,  85,  191,  328. 

Sdriipya,  455. 

Sarngadhara-paddhati ,  108. 

Sarugh,  12, 

Sarva,  457. 

Sarvadeva  Suri,  432. 

SariyddhikaHs,  281,  283. 

Sarvajayadeva  Suri,  432. 
Sarvajnasrirakshita,  420. 

Sarvarakshita,  319. 
Sarvatantrasvatantra,  439. 
Sarvatobhadra ,  639. 

Sarvavinodanataka,  384,  23(n). 


^asakapura — See  Sosavlr. 
Sas  Bahu  temple,  595. 
6asiprabha,  307. 
6asivrata,  105. 

Sassanians,  149. 


SastraikcLscimadhigainya .  291. 

Sdstras,  288,  290,  291,  293,  295,  332. 
Sastri,  H.  P.,  401,  471,  100(n). 

Sastri,  K.  A.  N.,  25,  233,  3(n),  4,  255, 
5a(n),  286,  100(n),  108,  469.  7(n), 
8,  529,  105 (n),  620,  698,  172(n),  173, 
177  etc. 


Sasvatakosa,  318. 

Sataka,  304,  341. 

6atananda,  207,  329. 

Satara,  176. 

Satdrtha-kavya,  301. 

Satasloki,  320. 

Sat  Deuliya,  607. 

Sati,  260,  495. 

Satikal,  495. 

Sat-karya-vdda,  456. 

Satna,  659. 

6atrunjaya,  394,  433,  434,  662. 

Sattasal,  303. 

Sattiga(ma) — See  Satyasraya. 

Sattvika,  273. 

Satyadhara,  313. 

Satya-Harischandra,  435. 

Satyapura,  88-89. 

Satyaraja  (Paramara),  73. 

Satyasraya,  167. 

Satyasraya  (Chalukya),  164-165,  235. 
Saunaka,  335. 

Saundatti,  164,  180,  186. 

Sauraseni,  345,  346,  347,  351,  358. 
Saurashtra,  53,  76,  77,  87,  180,  181,  394, 
523,  526,  687. 

Savaka  King.  735. 

Savara,  480. 

Savari-Narayana,  574,  604. 

S a varna,  331. 

Savimalai,  227,  229. 

Saymur,  517,  521,  528. 

Sdyujya,  455. 

Sayyid  Ahmad  Sultan  SakhI  Sarwar, 
467. 

Sayyid  Ibrahim  Shahid,  469. 

Sayyid  Jalal  Bukhari,  468. 

Sayyid  Jalal-ud-dln  Surkhposh,  473. 
Sayyid  Muhammad  Barahman,  468. 
Schiefner,  470,  24(n). 

Schmidt,  315. 

Sciences,  Ancillary,  329-330. 

Scientific  Literature,  317-330,  342-343. 
Sculpture,  640  ff. 

Sea-voyage,  493. 

Sehwan,  133. 

Sekkilar,  245,  362,  365. 

Sejakpur,  595. 

6ejiyas,  234. 

Sembiyan  MahadevI,  236. 

Sen,  B.  C.,  286,  55(n). 

Sen,  D.  C.,  388,  102a(n). 

Sen,  P.,  296,  21(n). 

Sen,  S.,  359,  360. 

Sena,  355,  510. 

Senap^ti  ( senapati ),  251,  276,  277,  283. 
Senas,  32.  33,  35-41,  42,  47,  53,  54,  62, 
123,  128,  145,  159,  207,  222,  238,  276, 
286,  648,  649,  691. 

—of  Plthl,  49,  146. 

— ,  Administrative  Organisation  of, 
276-277. 

‘<Sendals,,,  522. 

Sendamangalam,  202,  247,  248,  249,  257. 
6engundar,  251. 

Senniyanvidudi,  672. 

Seondha — See  Kanhargarh. 


927 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Seopur,  85. 

Seori-narayana,  574. 

Seringapatam,  186,  189. 

Setfhis,  280. 

Setu,  441. 

Seunachandra  I,  176,  185. 

Seuna-desa,  65,  162,  163,  167.  172.  176, 
177,  185. 

Seupapura,  185. 

Se(v)una(s),  185,  186,  187,  188,  189,  190, 

192,  193,  194,  195,  196. 
Sevyasevakopadesa ,  305. 

Sewell,  R.,  224,  30(n),  225,  35(n),  268, 
47  (n) 

Shadbhashdchandrika,,  347. 
Sha^bhashd-nirmita-Pa,  t$ya  j  inas  - 
tavana,  346. 

Shahabad,  49,  146. 

Shahada ,  504. 

Shahamuni,  388,  97  (n). 

Shahl,  13. 

Shahidullah,  M.,  359,  360.  361. 

Shahis,  3,  4,  6,  8,  9,  10  11,  12,  13,  16, 
17,  22,  26,  67,  97. 

Shahkot,  467. 

Shah  of  Qirat,  500. 

Shah  Sultan,  504. 

Shah  Turkan,  136. 

Shaikh  Hamid  Lodi,  8. 

Shaikh  Hasan  Saghanl,  503. 

Shaikh  Ismail  (of  Lahore),  467. 
Shaikh  Jalal-ud-din  Tabriz!.  469. 
Shaikh  Muntakhab-ud-din,  469. 

Shaikh  Mohammad,  388. 

Shaikh  Qutb-ud-din  Bakhtyar  KakI, 
469. 

Shaikh  Sadr-ud-dln,  468. 

Shams-i  Siraj’  Aflf,  203. 

Shams-ud-dln  (of  Delhi) — See  Kayu- 
mars. 

Shams-ud-dln  (of  Kashmir),  102. 
Shams-ud-dln  Dab'ir,  504. 
Shams-ud-dln  Muhammad.  97,  117, 
124,  _  130. 

Shan,  381,  756. 

Shans,  44. 

Shansabanls.  95,  96,  116. 

Sharma,  S.  R.,  507,  173(n). 

Sharva— See  Sirsawa. 

Shash^hadeva,  167,  172,  175. 
Shashthadeva  II.  192. 

Shatkarmopadesa — See  Chhakakkam- 
movaesa. 

Shatpadl,  370. 

Shaisthala,  368. 

Sher  Khan.  140,  143,  144,  153. 
Shihab-i-Muhmira,  504. 

Shihab-ud-dln  Muhammad — See 

Mu‘izz-ud-dln  Muhammad  Churl. 
Shihab-ud-dln  Suhrawardl.  468. 
Shikarpur,  163,  167,  177,  188,  189. 
Shimoga,  163,  167.  169,  ^70.  172,  177, 
179,  180,  181,  182,  183,  188.  191,  192, 

193,  194,  195,  228,  229. 

Shirur,  521. 

Sho-po,  750. 

Shor&pur,  168. 


“Shore”  temple,  612,  613. 

Shrine  of  Durga  at  Badesvara  (Cut¬ 
tack),  555. 

Shyain,  760. 

Smikot,  97,  118,  133. 

Siam,  339,  650,  678,  679,  735,  789,  741, 
742,  748,  758,  760,  762.  764.  773. 
Sibi,  7. 

Siddha,  348. 

Siddhachala,  433. 

Siddhahema,  391,  392.  396. 
Siddhahemachandra,  347. 

Siddhalagrama,  331. 

Siddhantabodha,  388. 

Siddhdntdgama,  448. 

Siddhdntajahnavi,  441. 

Siddhantaratna,  441. 

Siddhdntasir omani j  328,  329. 
Siddhantins,  366. 

Siddhapala,  310. 

Siddhapura,  75,  76,  595,  596,  662. 
Siddharabasti  pillar  inscription,  431. 
Siddharaja  Jayasimha,  596. 

Siddharama,  367. 

Siddharamesvara,  626. 

Siddharanya,  540,  545,  547. 

Siddhas,  359,  361. 

Siddha  Santagupta,  472. 

Siddhesvara,  545,  609. 
Siddhesvara-Kedaresvara  group,  546. 
Siddhesvara  Vanaratna,  427. 
Siddhitraya,  437. 

Si-en,  760. 

SIhadeva — See  Narendradeva. 

Sijistan,  1. 

Sikandar  Khan  GhazI,  44. 

Sikhara,  531,  532,  539,  553,  557,  558,  560, 

562,  563,  564,  566,  567,  568,  570,  571, 

573,  576,  580.  589,  590,  592,  597,  598. 

599,  600,  601,  603,  607,  609,  613,  623. 

626,  629. 

Sikhism,  351 
Sikh  Religion,  388. 

Sikkim  dialects,  381. 

Silaharas,  66,  101.  162,  164,  167,  171,  174, 
176,  179,  180,  181,  182,  183,  184,  186, 

189,  192,  193,  197.  198,  281,  319,  333. 

622. 

Sila  Sampadave .  370. 

Silhana — See  Bilhana. 

Silk,  322. 

Sllovaesarrvdld,  346. 

Silparatna,  329. 

Silpasastras,  530,  556. 

Silpa  texts,  622. 

Silsilat-ul-Ansdb.  504. 

SImaramapura — See  Simraon. 

Simghata  (Chahamana),  82. 

Simha  (feudatory  of  Lata),  70,  71. 
Simha  (Writer),  348. 

Simhadatta,  209,  210,  211. 

Sirhhadeva,  102. 

Simhala,  180,  181,  184,  522. 

Simhalese  works,  340,  341. 

Simhanada  Lokesvara,  657. 

Simhapura,  33,  34,  261,  265,  267,  268. 
Simharaja,  347,  350. 


928 


INDEX 


Simping,  763. 

Simraon,  47,  48. 

Simhasanadvatrimsika,  315. 

Sind,  107,  260. 

Sindavatfi — See  Sundavatti. 

Sindas,  167,  175,  176,  177,  178,  180,  181. 

182,  188,  191,  214.  215.  229,  281. 
Sindh,  1,  21,  57,  60,  75,  94,  117,  128,  131, 
133,  137,  143,  144,  197,  351,  520,  521, 
584. 

Sindhu  (poet),  299. 

Sindhu,  1,  6,  7,  8,  10,  13,  21,  75,  93,  94, 
101,  124,  130,  132,  133,  141,  142,  143, 
144,  153,  177,  215,  399. 
Sindhudurga,  517,  521. 

Sindabur,  521. 

Sindhukas,  90. 

Sindhula,  82,  434. 

Sindhuraja,  435. 

Sindhuraja  (Chahamana),  88. 
Sindhuraja  (of  Lata),  71. 

Sindhuraja  (Paramara),  66,  73,  164,  190, 
307. 

Sindhuraja  (Chief),  190. 

Sihgabhupala,  324,  325. 

Sihgalas,  234. 

Sihgan,  170. 

Sihganam,  174. 

Si-ngan  fu,  522. 

Singepalle,  170. 

Singeya — Nayaka,  194. 

Singhana  (Kalacburi),  181,  182,  184. 
Siiighana  (Yadava),  71,  80,  81,  188-192, 
197!  201,  202,  329,  511. 

Singhasari,  751. 

Singupuram,  268,  2(n). 

Singur,  33,  268,  2(n). 

Sinhalese,  238,  243.  245,  246,  257.  258, 
263,  282,  286. 

Sinnar.  602. 

Sino-Tibetan,  377. 

Sino-Tibetan  languages,  357. 

Sin-to  (Sunda),  750 
Siraguppa,  187. 

Sirahsila,  101. 

Sirat-i-Jalal-ud-din  Mangbarm,  109. 

10  (n).  * 

Sircar,  D.  C.,  102,  6b(n). 

Sirhind,  12,  15,  94,  109,  110.  111.  113, 
115,  118. 

Sirihara,  348. 

Sirimeghavanna,  340. 

Siri-Samghabodhi,  340. 
Sirivikkamaraiasiha,  340. 

SiriyadevT,  181. 

Sirise,  195. 

Sirmur,  137,  143. 

Sirohi,  72,  87,  121.  186,  386,  660. 

Sirpur  (Madhya  Pradesh),  532. 

Sirsawa  (Sharva),  15,  16,  17 
Sirswa,  107. 

Sirur.  517. 

Sirutaram,  250. 

Sisoda,  89,  91,  92. 

Sisupalavadha,  354 
SIstan,  7. 

Sita,  312,  363,  767. 


Sittanna  vasal,  676,  679. 

Sitti,'  i71. 

Siva,  87. 

Siva  (Pantheon),  184,  299,  301,  307,  308, 
653,  664,  672,  673,  685. 

Siva-Buddha  cult,  763. 

Sivadasa,  315. 

Sivadeva,  46,  47. 

Sivaditya,  336. 

Siva-gayatri,  449. 

Siva-jndna-bddham,  365,  366,  450. 
Siva-jnana-siddhiyar,  365,  366,  450. 
Siva  Nataraja,  684. 

Sivamara,  230. 

Sivapraka-sam,  365,  366.  450. 

Sivapuri,  199. 

Sivarajadeva,  29,  30. 

Sivaratri  festival,  768. 

Sivasarana  Ragalegalu,  370. 

Siva  temple,  586. 

Sivatva,  455. 

Siwalik,  83,  148. 

Six  Thousand,  439. 

Slyaka  II,  73. 

Skanda,  106,  110,  111,  112,  113,  114. 
Skanda  Pur  ana,  330. 

Skandavarman  I,  224. 

Skrefsrud,  L.  O.,  380. 

Slave  Dynasty — See  Mamluk  Sultans. 
Slesha,  300,  305. 

Sloka,  301,  305. 

Smaradahana,  768. 

Smith,  380. 

Smitlj,  V.  A.,  472. 

Smriti-chandrika,  295,  l(n),  296,  31  (n), 
'  334,  338,  474,  478,  508,  509.  524,  526, 
Smritimanjari,  331. 

Smriti(s),  269,  270,  273,  284,  288,  290, 
295,  298,  330,  331,  332,  333,  334,  335, 
508. 

Smritisagara,  335. 

Smrityarthosdra ,  334,  505,  506,  508,  514. 
Sobhakara,  324. 

Sobhanarasa,  165. 

Sobhita  (Chkhamana),  88. 

Sochharaja  (Paramara),  74. 

Soddhala,  313,  329. 

Sodha,  105. 

Sohagpur  (old  Rewa  State),  563. 
Sohapala,  55,  56. 

Solahkls — See  Vaghelas. 

Soma,  29. 

Somadeva  (Kadamba),  180. 

Somadeva  (Poet),  83,  310,  314,  315.  319. 
SomaladevI,  82. 

Somamurti,  396. 

Somanatha,  19,  20,  21,  23  ,  70,  74. 
Somanatha  Charite ,  370. 
Somanatha-pattana,  596. 

Somanatha,  the  Shrine  Eternal,  23 
ll(n). 

Somapala  (Lohara),  100. 
Somapdlavilasa,  308. 

Somaprabha,  345,  348. 
Somaprabhacharya,  301.  305. 
Somaprabha  Suri,  433. 

Somapura,  511. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Somapura — See  Paharpur. 

Somapura  Mahavihara ,  635. 

Somapuri,  415,  417. 

Somaraja,  370,  444. 

Somasimha  (Paramara),  73. 
Somavamsls,  27,  31,  48,  61,  166,  205,  209- 
214,  217,  218,  219,  224,  237. 
SomayajI,  334. 

Some  Historical  Aspects  of  the  Inscrip¬ 
tions  of  Bengal ,  286,  55(n). 
Somendra,  420. 

Somesvara  (author) ,  370. 

Somesvara,  (Chahamana),  77,  78,  82, 
83,  104,  106,  108. 

Somesvara  I  (Chalukya),  27,  43,  50,  63, 
66,  167-173,  175,  198,  215,  220,  240, 
241  24?  429  443 

Somesvara  II  (Chalukya),  68,  170,  172, 
172-174  24?  429  449 

Somesvara ’ill  (Chalukya),  53,  177-178, 
179,  230,  301,  338,  352,  510. 
Somesvara  IV  (Chalukya),  179,  182-183, 
185. 

Somesvara  I  (Chhindaka-Naga) ,  214, 
215,  216,  217,  218. 

Somesvara  (Choda/Chola),  214,  215, 

219,  220. 

Somesvara  II,  (Choda,  Chola),  219, 

220,  221. 

Somesvara  III  (Choda,  Chola),  221. 
Somesvara  (Hoysala),  192.  231,  232.  233, 
248,  258. 

Somesvara  (Somadeva,  Sovideva) 
,(Kalachuri),  181. 

Somesvara  (Naga),  65. 

Somesvara  (Officer),  10S,  111,  112. 
Somesvara  (Paramara),  74,  77. 
Somesvara  (Silahara),  192,  193. 
Somesvara  (SomavarhsI),  213.  214,  217, 
218,  219. 

Somesvara  (Silahara),  192,  193. 
Somesvara  (poet),  300,  302,  329. 
Somesvaradatta,  309. 

Somesvaradeva,  46. 
Somesvaradeva-varman,  220,  221. 
Somesvara  Sataka,  370, 

Somesvara  temple,  10,  579. 

Somnathpur,  632,  668. 

Son,  562. 

Sonargaon,  42,  154. 

Sondhi — See  Kanhargarh. 

Sonpat,  93. 

Sonigaras,  87. 

Sonpur,  65,  213,  214,  217,  219,  220,  221. 
Sopanadeva,  353,  387. 

Sora,  380. 

Sorab,  163,  188,  189. 

Soratur,  186. 

Sosavlr,  227,  228. 

South  Arcot,  445. 

South-East  Asia,  640. 

South  India,  50,  63,  233,  235,  238,  248, 
251,  259,  261,  265,  266,  284,  287,  298, 
304,  313,  327,  335,  402. 

Law  and  Legal  Institutions,  290-295. 
Sovideva,  181,  200. 

Spanda,  421. 


Spices,  517. 

Spikenard,  517,  522. 

Sraddha,  332,  334,  335,  336. 
Sraddhakalpa ,  335,  336. 
Srdddhadina-kritya-vritti,  433. 

Sravana  Belgola,  175,  352,  576. 

SravastI,  422. 

Srenl,  291. 

Srenika,  309. 

Srenis,  524. 

Sreshthi,  275. 

Sri  Abhayadeva  Suri,  432. 

Sri  Bhashya,  439. 

Sribrahma,  317. 

Srlchandra,  345,  348,  349,  434. 
SrI-Dasavala-garbha,  416. 

Srldatta  Upadhyaya,  335,  336. 

Srldevi,  300. 

Sridhairya,  321. 

Sndhara  (Governor  of  Somanatha),  70. 
Srldhara  (Mathematician),  328,  329,  334. 
Srldhara  (Minister),  195. 

Srldhara  (of  Tardavadi),  180. 
Sridharadasa,  40,  305. 

Sriharsha,  54,  298,  299,  323,  336. 
Srlhatta,  44. 

Srlhlra,  298. 

Sri  Jayasakti,  754. 

Srikakulam  212,  267,  268. 
SrI-Kalachakra,  412. 

Srxkalasa,  434. 

Srikandapuram,  521. 

Srlkantha-charita ,  299,  318,  323. 
Srlkara,  270,  287. 

Sri  Kesari-varman,  753. 

Srikumara,  329. 

Srlmala — See  Bhinmal. 

Srimitra,  423. 

Srinagara,  98,  99,  101. 
Srl-Namadeva-Charitra ,  287,  94(n). 

Sri  Nandana-varma-deva,  744. 

Srlnandi,  434. 

Sri  Nafaraja,  444. 

Srlndra-Jaya-varman,  741. 
Srlndra-varman.  741. 

Sringara,  299,  304,  322. 

S ring arapr aka sa.  298,  322,  324,  338. 
&rihgaravairdgyatarahgini ,  305. 
Srlnivasanalur,  669. 

Sri  Pala,  229. 

SrTpala  Traividyadeva.  429. 

Srlparvata  (-sailam),  165. 
Sriperumbudur,  337. 

Srlpurambiyam,  256. 

Sri  Ramdasi  Saxirisodhana,  386,  72(n). 
Srlrangam,  231,  247,  258,  404,  436,  516, 
669. 

Srlsaila(m),  373,  445. 

Srlstambha  Tirtha,  433. 

Sri  Satana,  656. 

Sri  Suradhipa,  754. 

Srlvaishnavas,  436. 

Srlvallabha,  262,  263,  265. 

Srlvardhana,  186. 

Srivatsa,  336. 

Srlvij^ya,  239,  731. 

SrI-Vijaya-MahadevI,  753. 


930 


INDEX 


3ri-Visnaya,  731. 

SriyadevI,  40. 

Srotriya  Brahmanas,  476. 

§rutaklrti,  428. 

Srutaprakasika,  439. 

Srutiman  Nakkan  Chandiran,  165. 
Stack.  380. 

Stambha — See  Cambay. 

Star-shaped  plan,  692,  624. 

Stein,  M.  A.,  385,  38(n). 
Sthala-puranas,  379. 

Sthirapala,  422. 

Stone-cutting:.  51.9. 

Stone-polishing,  519. 

Story  Literature,  313-31S. 

Stotraralna .  437. 

Stotras,  304,  346. 

Strldhana,  290,  294.  481. 

Strzygowskj,  677. 

Studies  in  Indo-Muslim  History,  23, 
5(n). 

Studies  in  Medieval  Indian  History,  507, 
173  (n). 

Studies  in  the  Furanic  Records  on 
Hindu  Rites  and  Customs,  385, 
42(n ) . 

Stupi,  533,  610,  694. 

Stupikd.  533,  610,  612,  614,  618.  619,  620. 
Subahu,  185,  .196. 

Subandhu,  312. 

Sufcara  (Suparem  or  Supara),  518,  521. 
Subhadra.  302,  310,  435. 
Subhadrd-Dhananjaya,  310. 
Subhakaragupta,  416. 
Subhdshitaratnasandoha ,  305,  349. 
Subhashitavali,  305,  306. 

Subhata,  312. 

Subhaiavarma(n),  (Paramara),  70,  79, 
188,  435. 

Subhuti  (-chandra),  319. 

Subinpha,  45. 

Subodhalamkara,  343. 

Su-chau.  522. 

Suchivarman  (Guhila),  89. 

Sudarsana  (author),  439. 
Sudarsana-charita ,  348. 

Suddha-Saivas,  447. 

Suddhi,  332. 

Sudhakalasa,  435. 

Sudhava,  82.  83. 
gudra,  475,  476,  509. 

Sudraka,  27,  28. 

Sufi,  468. 

Sufi  saints,  467. 

Sugala,  262,  263. 

Sugar,  517. 

Sugatas,  412. 

Suhadeva,  102. 

Suhala,  53,  101. 

Suhdsiyarayananihi,  349. 

Suhrawardls,  468. 

Sukadhanya,  516. 

Sukapha,  44. 

Sukasaptati ,  315. 

Sukhanghpha,  45. 

Sukhapala,  8. 

Sukhodaya,  760.  761. 


Sukla  Yajurveda,  334,  336. 

Sukotai,  760. 

Sukraeharya,  269,  270,  271,  272,  273. 
Sukra  ki  Rajaniti,  285,  l(n). 
Sukranitisara ,  269,  270,  271,  284,  285, 

328. 

Sukritakirtikallolini,  309. 
Sukritasamkirtana,  309. 

Suktiviuktavali,  192.  306. 
Sukti-Sudhdrnava,  372. 
Sukumdla-chariu,  348. 

Sukumara,  348. 

Sulapani,  331. 

Sulhana,  69.  82. 

Sulka,  294. 

Sultana  Raziah,  160.  23(n). 

Sultams,  467. 

Sultankot,  120. 

Sulungai,  172. 

Sumanahsrl,  420. 

Sumanasantaka,  768. 

S  liman  galavildsint,  342. 
Sumatinatha-charita,  345,  346. 

Sumatra,  236,  239,  250,  521,  522,  526. 
650,  732. 

Sumitra,  309,  324. 

Sumra,  117. 

Surhvara  (Chief),  77. 

Sun,  271.  272. 

Sunak,  580,  592,  593. 

Sunam,  153. 

Sunarpal.  218. 

Sunda  (W.  Java),  751. 

Sundara,  685. 

Sundarabhatta,  441. 

Sundara  Chola,  234,  236. 

Sundara  Pandya,  231. 

Sundarar,  366,  450,  672. 

Sundarl,  261. 

Sundarisataka.  303. 

Sundavatii,  164.  178,  180,  181,  187,  191, 
192,  194,  215,  281. 

Sunderbuns,  609. 

Sundha  Hill,  80. 

Sunn  am,  507. 

Sun  temple,  209,  540,  543,  551,  586,  635. 
Sunya  Parana  (of  Bengal),  380. 
Sunyatd,  405,  406,  407,  408,  411,  412. 
Supdsandha-chariya ,  345. 

Suprabha,  768. 

Suprabnacharya,  349. 
SuprabhdAa-prabhdta-stotra,  418. 
SupTabheddgama,  694,  l(n). 

Surabaya,  749. 

Surachanda  (Surachand),  88. 
Suracharya,  434. 

Suraditya,  67. 

Surapaia  (of  Kanauj),  50. 

Surapaia  (of  Kujavatl),  29. 

Surapaia  II,  28,  36. 

£uras.  36. 

Surasundari-chariya,  344. 

Surat.  162,  192. 

Suratha,  300. 

Suratotsava,  300. 

Surattrana  (Chahamana),  85. 

Suresvara  (Surapaia),  328. 


931 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Suris,  302. 

Sursuti — See  Sarasvatl. 

Surya,  373,  577,  643,  653. 

Surya  Jaya-varma-deva,  738. 
Suryagupta,  420. 

Suryamati,  97,  98,  314,  483. 

Suryapala,  56. 

Suryasena,  102. 

Surya vaihsa  Rama  Mahadharmaraja- 
dhiraja,  761. 

Surya-varma-deva,  738,  739. 
Suryavarman  I,  736,  762,  765. 
Suryavarman  II,  737,  738,  745. 

Susruta,  328. 

Sussala  (Lohara),  99,  100. 

Suteupha  44,  45. 

Sutlej,  11,  13  83,  132,  143. 

Sutra,  320,  322,  323,  324.  326. 

Sutra  (Mdo-Hgrel),  418. 

Sutradhara,  310. 

Sutra pada,  586,  588. 

Suttaniddesa,  343. 

Suvarnadeva,  29,  32. 

Suva-niadvlpa,  255,  3(n),  507,  149(n). 
Suvarnadvlpa,  522,  764. 

Suvarnagiri,  87. 

Suvarnagrama,  37. 

Suvarnakesarl.  212. 

Suvarnapura — See  Sonpur. 
Suvrittatilako i,  325. 

Svabhavikas,  427. 

Svaim,  664. 

Svapnachintamani .  330. 

Svatva,  288,  289. 

Svayambhu,  326,  393. 

Svayambhuva  Agama,  445. 
Svayambhuchchhandas,  397. 
SvayamvaTa  (self-choice),  480. 
6vetambara/s,  301,  311,  315. 
Svetambara  Pattavalis,  432. 
Svetasvatara,  457. 

Swat,  18. 

Syamala,  321. 

Sylhet,  383,  650. 

See  also  Srlhatta. 

Syntax,  342. 

Synteng,  381. 

Syrian  Christians.  496. 

T 

Tabanendra-varma-deva.  753. 
Tabaqat-i-Akbari ,  115,  2(n). 
Tabaqat-i-N&siri,  39,  84,  115,  2(n),  503. 
Tabarhind(ah) — See  Sirhind. 
Tabaristan,  1. 

Taddewadi,  161. 

Tadigaipadi(vatfi),  234,  235. 

Tagara,  184. 

Tagarate,  180. 

Tagarila-gachchha,  432. 

Tahanapala,  55. 

Tahangarh,  55,  56,  120,  134,  148. 
Tahir/ids,  1. 

Taikas,  42. 

Taila  I  (Chalukya),  161. 

Taila(pa)  II,  161-164,  223,  515. 


Taila  (pa)  HI  (Nurmatfi),  178-179,  180, 
182,  197,  199. 

Taila  (Kadamba),  178. 

Tailap(p)a(yya),  161. 

Tailakampa,  29. 

Tailapavamsls,  223. 

Taittiriya  Samhita,  506,  64  (n). 

Tajikas,  102. 

Taj-ud-dln,  504. 

Taj-ud-din  Yildiz,  125,  130,  131,  132. 
159. 

Taj-ul-Mafdsir,  56,  115.  l(n),  503,  504. 
Takas,  304. 

Takash,  124. 

Takhelynamba,  383. 

Takht-i-Bahi,  576. 

Takka,  389. 

Takka-Ydgapparani ,  364. 

Takkola  (Talaittakkolam) .  239. 
Takkolam,  251,  256. 

Talahara-bhurai,  65. 

Talahari,  65. 

Talaittakkolam,  731. 

Tala-jdhgha,  543. 

Talakad,  227,  228,  230,  244. 

Tales,  Didactic,  315. 

Tales,  Romantic,  314-315. 

Tamar  Khan,  141. 

Tamasa,  273. 

Tamil,  301. 

Tamil  Nad,  372. 

Tamil  Poetry,  361. 

Tamil/s  (country),  226,  232.  234,  236, 
238,  244,  248,  262,  264,  2 66.  267. 
Tamil  Puranas,  404. 

Tamil  Veda,  438. 

Tamil  Vyasa,  365. 

Tamralihga,  267. 

Tainraparnl,  259,  520. 

T’ang,  759. 

Tangyur,  419. 

Tanjore,  66,  165,  198,  231,  234,  236,  240, 
243,  245,  247,  249,  256,  318,  376,  516, 
618,  619,  621,  622,  672,  676,  684,  685. 
686. 

Tanjuhgpura  (S.  W.  Borneo).  754. 
Tantra(s),  304,  404,  405,  649,  653. 
Tantrdkhyayika,  316. 

Tantrdloka,  384. 

Tantrapalas,  279. 

Tantra-samuchchaya ,  694,  1,  6,  13(n). 
Tantrayana  (of  Buddhism),  751. 
Tantrik,  400,  401,  403,  404.  436. 
Tantrik  Buddhism,  404,  406,  407.  412, 
413. 

Tantrik  cult,  737. 

Tantrism,  404,  405,  407. 

Taoists,  764. 

Tapa-gachchha,  433. 

Tapas ,  271. 

Tapasi,  748. 

Tapati,  310. 

Tapati-Samvarana,  310. 

Tapi,  352. 

Ta  Prohm  Inscription,  739. 

Tapti,  190. 

Tara,  657. 


932 


INDEX 


Tara  Chand,  472,  143  (n). 

Taraga,  662. 

Tarain,  105,  110,  111,  112,  115,  118,  128, 
132. 

41  ^ 

Tardavadi’lOOo’  161,  177,  179,  180,  181, 
185,  186,  192. 

Tarhindah — See  Sirhind. 

Tarikadn  17Q 

Ta’rlkh-e-Wassdf,  160,  30(n).  • 
TaWlkh-i-Alfx,  115,  2(n),  160,  44(n). 
Ta’rikh-i-Jahan  Kusha,  159,  10(n). 
Ta’rikh-i- Mubarak  Shdhl,  42. 

Taringa,  597. 

Tarkabhashd,  336. 

Tarkasamgraha,  336. 

Tarkika  Chakravarti,  370. 
Tarkikaraksha,  336. 

Tametar,  589,  590. 

Tartary,  132. 

Tatar  Khan,  142,  154. 

Tathagatas,  411. 

Tatkratu-nyaya.  457. 

Tatpurusha,  445. 

Tattvachi/ntarngni,  336. 

Tattvaprakasa,  443. 

Tattvasara,  439. 

Tautatitamatatilaka,  331. 

Taylor,  M.,  627. 

Tayumanavar,  451. 

Tejahpala  (Minister).  79,  312,  394,  433, 
581,  661. 

Tejakantha,  101. 

Tejasimha  (Chahamana),  89. 

Tejasimha  (Guhila),  90. 

Tel,  219. 

Telakatahagatha,  341. 

Telariga  (Telunga,  Tillahga),  53,  193, 
198,  199,  200,  202,  220,  223,  319,  337. 
Teli-ka-mandir,  555. 

Telkupi,  606. 

Telihgana,  53,  177,  179,  192,  196,  199,  203, 
223. 

Tellaru’  248,  256. 

Teiugu-Choda(s),  74,  200,  205,  214,  216, 
217,  218,  219-221,  222,  246,  247,  248. 
257. 

Telugu  language,  372. 

Telugu  Literature  (of  P.  T.  Raju),  388 
114,  119(n) . 

Temara,  218. 

Temples  at  Amarkantak  and  Sohag- 
pur,  565. 

Temple  of  Bodha-Gaya,  757. 

Temple  of  Jagannatha  (at  Puri),  550, 
552. 

Temple  at  Kasara,  593. 

Temple  of  Kesavanarayana,  502,  564. 
Temple  of  Lakshmana  (brick),  532. 
Temple  of  Lakshmana  (at  Sirpur),  557. 
Temple  of  Machchhendranatha,  562. 
Temple  of  Neminatha,  579,  580,  581. 
Temple  of  Sarasvatl,  628. 

Temple  of  Subrahmanya.  620. 

Temple  of  Viratesvara  Siva.  563. 
Tenasserim,  756. 

Tene,  373. 


Tenkalai,  438. 

Tessitori,  L.  P.,  389,  396,  4(n). 
Tevdram,  361,  365,  368. 

Thai(s),  735,  741,  742,  755,  758,  760. 

Tai  script,  761. 

Thakuris,  45,  46,  92. 

Than,  585,  589. 

Thana  (Tana),  162,  192,  517,  521,  602. 
Thaneswar,  10,  11,  23,  67,  94,  110. 
Thangir,  143. 

Thanton,  756. 

Theory  of  gunas,  464. 

Thera,  342,  343. 

Theravada,  756. 

Thirapadra-gachchha,  432. 

Thirty-six  Thousand,  440. 

Thoibi,  383. 

Thomas,  159,  12  (n),  160,  18(n). 
Thupavamsa,  340. 

Tibet.  43,  44,  45,  53,  102,  123,  319,  359, 
416,  649,  665,  666,  667,  676,  755. 
Tibetan  Buddhist  literature,  416. 
Tibeto-Burman.  377. 

Tibetan  Chronicles,  27.  45,  146. 

TIkas,  342. 

Tikkanna,  374. 

Tilak,  92,  93. 

Tilaka,  323. 

Tilaka-kalasa,  420. 

Tiiopa  (Tilopada).  417. 

Tilottama,  768. 

Tirhgyadeva,  30,  32,  43. 

Timmarasa,  195. 

Tin,  522. 

Tinduli,  574. 

Tinneveliy,  256,  259. 

Tippera,  24,  41,  42,  154.  417,  650,  756. 
Tipra  (Mrung),  380. 

Tipras,  382. 

Tirabhukti — See  Mithila. 

Tirhut — See  Mithila. 

Tirtha,  332. 

Tirthahalli,  163,  430. 

TIrthakaras,  345.  346,  348. 
Tirukkalirrup-vadiyar ,  450. 

Tirumalai,’  236,  238,  684  .  686. 
Tirumalaipuram,  676,  679. 
Tirumaruttikunram ,  679. 

Tirumukkudal,  242. 

Tirumular,  365. 

Tirumurais ,  365. 

Ttruvdchakam,  361,  365,  368. 
Tiruvalangadu,  236,  265. 

Tiruvallar,  436. 

Tiruvalluvar,  364. 

Tiruvandiyar,  450. 

Tiruvannamalai,  232,  247,  670- 
Tiruvarutpayan,  450. 

Tiruvendipuram,  247. 

Tiruvoimoli,  440. 

Tiruvorriyur,  247. 

Toda,  378. 

Tomaras,  4,  52,  82,  94. 

Tondainad,  232. 

Tondamandalam,  252,  259. 

Tonkin,  736,  744. 

Tons,  146. 


933 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Tooth  Relic,  259,  263,  340. 

Tor(a)gal(e),  162,  167,  178. 

Torana,  540,  579. 

Tosall — See  Orissa. 

Tottavariyam,  252. 

Trailokyamahadevi,  615. 

Tra  ilokyara  j  a-mauli- bhushana - 
varmadeva,  734. 

Trailokyavarman(-malla) ,  55,  59,  60, 
64,  183. 

Trailokyesvara,  615. 

Transoxiana,  1,  2,  19,  503. 

Travancore,  256,  257,  308. 

Travels  of  Marco  Polo,  286,  106  (n). 
Trefoil  arches,  584. 

Tribhuvana,  50. 

Tribhuvanaditya-dharmaraja,  7 57. 
Tribhuvanam,  247,  622. 
Tribhirranamalla,  183,  189. 

Tribhu  vanes  vara,  548,  622. 

Tribhuvani,  241. 

Trichinopoly,  203,  220,  232,  233,  238, 
242,  244,  248,  257,  618. 

Trigarta,  98,  523. 

Trikalinga,  210,  224. 

Trikdndasesha,  317. 

‘Trilihga’,  373. 

Trilochanadasa,  320. 

Trilochanapala  (Chaulukya),  74,  76.  80, 
81,  90,  171. 

Trilochanapala  (Shahi),  11.  12,  13,  16, 
17,  67,  97. 

Trilokapala,  56. 

Trilokasundarl,  261,  263,  257. 
Trinetresvara,  589. 

Tiruparuttikunram,  684. 

Tripathi,  R.  S.,  285,  37(n), 

Tripitaka,  419. 

Triple-shrined  temple,  597. 

Tripura,  299. 

Tripuradaha,  311. 

Tripurantaka,  684,  685. 

Tripurl,  27,  48,  58  .  61-64,  65,  67,  104, 
161,  164,  204,  213,  274,  423. 
Trisahkupati,  51. 

Triratha,  537,  538,  558. 

Trisati,  328. 

Trishashti-saldkapurusha-charita, 

301,  315. 

Trivandrum,  234. 

TrivenI,  38,  39,  52,  54,  61,  62,  63,  64.  388. 
Trivikrama,  347,  350. 

Trivikramasena,  314,  315. 

Tucci,  667,  668. 

Tukharistin,  2,  3. 

Tughan  Khan.  141,  144,  160. 

Tughluqs,  233. 

Tughril,  154. 

Tughril  Beg,  116. 

Tughril  Hajib,  94. 

Tughril-i-Tughan  Khan,  208. 
Tukarama,  355. 

Tulsidas,  675. 

Tulu,  378. 

Tuluvas,  669,  670. 

Tuman — See  Tummana. 

Tumapel,  751. 


Tumkur,  167,  175,  177,  183. 

Tummana,  32,  61,  64,  201,  207,  213. 
Tunga  (Minister),  12,  97. 

Tunga  (River),  169,  170,  189,  193. 
Tungabhadra,  165,  169,  170,  171,  174, 
180,  187,  230,  235,  238,  241,  244,  352. 
Tun-huang,  693. 

Turagapati,  197. 

Turkey,  260. 

Turkistan,  2,  10,  13,  18,  116,  158. 
Turkomans,  92. 

Turks,  1,  2,  3,  8,  18,  39,  96,  97,  116-129, 
130,  137,  140.  145,  146,  149,  150,  151, 
152,  156,  159,  160,  382,  497,  677. 
Turushkadanda,  51. 

Turushka(s),  44,  64,  82,  86,  90,  102,  112. 

147,  177,  180,  181,  191,  522. 

Tus,  124. 

Tuttan,  169. 

Twelve  Thousand,  440. 

Twenty-four  Parganas,  37. 

Twenty-four  Thousand,  440. 

2500  years  of  Buddhism,  471,  99(n). 
Tyagasimha,  42. 

Tyagavalli,  244. 

U 

Uch,  7,  106,  117,  132,  133,  142,  143,  144 
468. 

Uchchhala,  29,  99,  100. 

Udabhanda,  3,  6,  8,  10. 

Udagai,  234. 

Udaharana,  322,  323. 

Udaipur,  76,  83,  89,  90. 
Udaiyarpalayam,  238. 

Udal,  107. 

Udan-kuttam,  281,  282. 

Udasina ,  253. 

Udaya — See  Chododaya. 

Udayaditya  (Hoysala),  175,  228,  229. 
Udayaditya  (Paramara),  68,  69,  75.  82, 

89,  173,  198,  443,  603,  658. 
Udayaditya-varman,  736. 

Udayagiri,  650.  651. 

Udayakama  Nihsaiikasimha,  43. 
Udayamartanda,  257. 

Udayana  (Minister),  76,  77,  434,  754. 
Udayana  (Writer),  336. 

Udayanadeva,  102. 

Udayaprabha  Suri,  302,  309. 

Udayapura,  210,  443,  575,  602,  658. 
Udayaraja  (Officer),  106,  111,  115. 
Udayaraja  (Paramara),  74. 

Udayasimha  (Chahamana),  80,  87,  88, 

90. 

Udayasundarikatha,  313. 

Udayesvara  temple,  658. 

Udbhata,  323. 

Uddandapura,  27,  415,  425,  511. 
Uddare  (Udri),  188,  189. 

Uddhanadvara.  263. 

Uddhavagitd,  354. 

Uddyotakesari  Mahabhavagupta  IV,  205, 
209,  211,  212,  213,  214,  218,  546. 
Udepur.  68. 


934 


INDEX 


Udipi,  337. 

Udra — See  Orissa. 

Udupu  Patalu  (Harvest  songs),  373. 
Udyana,  419. 

Udyoga  Parva,  375. 

Udyotana,  389. 

Ugra,  457. 

Ugrasena,  753. 

Ujjain  (UjjayinI),  51,  66,  68,  71,  77,  82, 
95,  172,  340,  656,  658. 

Ujjvala,  335. 

‘Ukba  Ghuzak,  3. 

Uktai,  142. 

Ulas,  364. 

Ulavl,  446. 

Ulldsikkama-thaya ,  346. 

Ulugh  Khan,  81,  85,  86,  90,  203. 

Uma,  448. 

Uma-Mahesvara,  575,  643. 

‘Uman,  520. 

Umapati,  365. 

Umapatidhara,  37,  309. 

Umapati -sivacharya,  365. 

Undavalli,  611. 

Ungoda,  224. 

University  of  Nalanda,  510. 

Unkallu  (Unkal),  165. 

Unmai  nerivilakkam,  450. 
Unmai-vilakkam,  451. 
Upadesapada-vritti ,  432. 

Upadesasataka,  304. 

Upadhyaya,  482. 

Upddhyayi,  482. 

Upalada  (Upalavada),  223. 

Upama,  322. 

Upanishads,  337,  353. 

JJpapdtakas ,  509. 

Upa-puranas,  379. 

Upara-jdngha,  543. 

Upasakdchara,  435. 

Upatissa,  340. 

Updya,  400,  407,  408,  409,  410. 

Upendra  (Paramara),  73. 

Ur,  252. 

Uraiyur  (Orayuru),  220,  231,  256. 
Urasa,  98. 

‘Urfi,  507,  185(n). 

Urjayanta,  434. 

TJr-odeya,  280,  281. 

Ush,  ‘467. 

‘Usman  (Caliph),  2. 

’Utbl,  3,  13,  16,  23. 

Utkala,  30,  31,  61,  65,  205,  206,  209,  210, 
211,  212,  213. 

Utkarsha  (Lohara),  98,  99. 

Uton,  761. 

Utpala,  307. 

Utpala — See  Muhja. 

Utprekshavallabha,  303. 

Uttama,  333. 

Uttama  Chola,  162,  164,  165,  234. 
Uttamaraia,  98. 

Uttara-Kdnda,  362,  377. 

Uttarakula,  42. 

Uttar  Pradesh,  13,  51,  62,  66,  83,  147. 
Uttarddhyayana,  434. 

Uttaramerur,  252,  253,  254. 


Uttaranaishadhiya,  384. 

Uttarapurdna,  301. 

Utthunaka — See  Arthuna. 

Uvata  (Poet),  67. 

Uyyakon^ar,  436. 

Uyyavanda-deva,  450. 

Uzbek  Pai,  133. 

V 

Vachana  sastra,  368. 

Vachchhaharana,  354. 

Vachissara,  340. 

V achy  a,  321. 

Vadakalai,  438. 

Vadakkutiruvldi  (Pillai) ,  440. 
Vadamalllsvara,  614. 

Vadarlnatha,  606. 

Vaddiga,  197. 

Vadehathera,  341. 

Vadiraja,  434,  435. 

Vddi-Vetala,  432. 

Vadnagar,  596. 

Vagada,  73,  76,  90. 

Vdganusdsana,  375. 

Vagbhata  (Acharya),  245,  301,  321,  324. 
328,  335. 

Vagbhata  (Chahamana),  84,  85,  147,  434, 
Vdgbhatdlamkdra,  324,  384. 
Vagbhatameru — See  Banner. 
Vagharakotta,  220,  222. 

Vaghelas,  7i,  73,  79,  85,  88,  89,  90,  146, 
160,  190,  192,  193,  194.  195,  309,  496, 
687. 

Vaglsvara  Janardana,  109. 
Vaglsvararakshita,  422. 

Vaha^i,  178. 

Vaidarbhl,  322. 

Vaidika  Brahmanas,  35. 

Vaidumbas,  205. 

Vaidyadeva,  32,  43,  206. 

Vaidyanatha  Mahadeva,  558. 
Vaijalladeva  (Minister),  77,  87. 
Vaijayanti,  317,  338,  475,  476,  522. 
Vaikhdnasa- sastra,  512. 

Vaikuntha  Perumal,  614. 

Vairagara  (Vayiragaram) ,  65,  216,  217. 
Vairagya,  304. 

Vairdgyasara,  349. 

Vairata  (Guhila),  89. 

Vairisiihha  (Guhila),  89. 

Vairochana,  411. 

Vairochanavajra,  423. 

VaisMl,  422. 

Vaiseshika,  336,  464. 

Vaishnava,  361,  403,  404,  646. 

Vaishnava  padas,  359. 

Vaishnavism,  209,  221,  229,  236,  238, 
240,  242,  245,  304,  317,  337,  356,  361, 
402,  435. 

|  Vaishnavism,  Saivism  and  Minor  Reli- 
•  gious  Sects,  472,  140  (n). 

!  Vaisyas,  509. 

Vaital  deul,  486,  554.  555,  578,  654. 
i  Vajjatfa  U,  171. 

Vajra,  217,  411. 


935 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Vajrackaryas,  420. 

Vajradaman,  56. 

Vajradhara,  411. 

Vajrahasta  (Anantavarman)  V,  63,  172, 
205. 

Vajrasana,  27,  417. 

Vajrasathva,  411,  412. 
Vajra-sattvatmika,  411. 

Vajrasena,  393,  394. 

Vajravarman,  33,  34,  62. 

Vajrayana,  358,  411,  690. 

Vakatakas,  54. 

Vakpati-Muhja  of  Malava.  72,  73. 
Vakpatiraja  II,  81,  89. 

Vakra-gachchha,  432. 

Vakroktijivita,  321,  323. 

Valada,  348. 

Valadeva,  169. 

Valanddus,  251. 

Vaiapgai  (right  hand),  477. 
Valaippanduru,  731. 

Vaiasrlbhadra.  420. 

Valipatana,  162. 

Vallabha,  337. 

Vallabhadasa,  315. 

Vallabhadeva,  43,  44. 

Vallabhadeva  (author) ,  305,  306. 
Vallabharaja  (Chaulukya),  67,  74. 
Vallabharaja  (feudatory),  32. 
Vallalasena,  36,  37.  38,  40,  298,  330,  334, 
338,  443,  510. 

Vallapura,  98,  101. 

Valluri-pattana,  202. 

Valmiki,  362,  363,  767. 

Valmlkisutras,  347. 

Vamadeva,  45,  46. 

Vamana  (Poet),  323,  335. 

Vamana,  106,  567. 

Vamanasthali,  80. 

Vamandapati — See  Barnra  (garh). 
Vamsoithapakdsirii .  342. 

Vamsavali,  46,  48. 

Vanadevarasa,  194. 

Vanamald-natikd ,  435. 

Vanapati,  205. 

Vanaratna,  472. 

Vanaratna  Medharhkara,  341.  343. 
Vanavan  MahadevI,  236. 

Vanayu,  523. 

Vandkru  Bhatta,  384,  2(n). 
Vanduvahjeri  (Vandalur),  243. 
Vandyaghatlya  Sarvananda,  305,  317, 

328  319 

Vahgala(s)  (Vanga/s),  25,  33-35.  37,  38, 
39,  41,  42,  43.  47,  53,  62,  172,  177, 
180,  186,  197,  238,  416,  518. 
Vangasena,  328. 

Vangath,  635. 

Vangiya  Mahakosha,  470,  39 (n). 
Vangtya  Sahitya  Parishat  Patrika ,  169, 
27  (n). 

Vankuva  Ravuta,  191. 

Yanniya-Revan — See  Revarasa. 
Vansaraja,  746. 

Vantideva,  101. 

Vapullaka,  58. 

Varadacharya,  439- 


Varadaraja,  334,  336,  338. 

Varaguna  Pandya,  363. 

Varaha  tempie  (at  Kadvar),  586. 
Varakari-sampraddya,  353,  355. 
Vararuchi,  347,  350.  - 

Vardhamana,  319,  320,  336,  344,  (  434. 
Vardhamana-Bhukti  38. 
Vardhamanadeva,  429. 

Vardhamanapura  (Deccan),  199. 
Vardhamanapura  (Malava),  70. 
Vardhamanapurl  (Kathiawar) — See 
Wadhwan. 

Varendra,  208,  335,  417. 

Varendn,  28,  29,  30,  33,  34.  36,  37,  40. 
145. 

Variyams,  252. 

V driyapperuinakkal,  253. 

Varmans — See  Yadavas. 

Varnadesana,  317. 

Vamamana,  31. 

Varnasrama,  353. 

Varuna,  271,  272,  377. 

VasantadevI,  423. 

Vasantasena,  487. 

Vasantasena,  313. 

Vascintavilasa,'  309. 

Vasantgarh,  660. 

Vasantika  (temple),  226. 

Vasava,  311. 

Vasavadatta,  434. 

Vaseka,  60. 

Vasishtha,  477. 

Vastupala  (Governor),  71,  79.  80,  190. 

300.  302,  309,  312,  433,  581. 

Vasu,  N.,  160,  27(n). 

Vasudeva  (commoner),  300,  335,  525. 
Vasudeva  (king),  42. 

Vasudeva-Nayaka,  194. 

Vasudhara,  422. 

Vatakupa,  80. 

Vatapi,  529. 

Vatsa,  334,  335. 

Vatsaraja  (Chaulukya),  74,  171. 
Vatsaraja  (Minister),  58,  310,  311. 
Vatsaraja  (Pratihara),  577. 

Vatsyayana,  330. 

Vatudasa,  40,  305. 

Vayajaladeva  (Pratihara),  78. 

Vdyu  Pur  ana,  330. 

Vedanta,  304,  322,  337,  353,  355,  512. 
Vedantadesika,  439. 

V eddntcutipa,  337. 

Vedantasdra,  337. 
Vedantapdrijatasaurabha.  441. 
Vedanta-sutras,  466. 

Vedarthasamgraha,  337. 

Vedas,  332,  334,  352,  510,  511. 
Vedavyasa,  441. 

Vedl,  539. 

Vedika,  540. 

Velaikkaras,  251,  262,  494. 

Veiananti(s),  174,  180,  181,  182,  199,  200. 
206,  207. 

Velapura,  526.  See  also  Belur. 

Vellala,  366. 

Vellur,  670. 


936 


INDEX 


Venad,  243. 

Venas,  476. 

Venba  metre,  363. 

Vehgl  (Vengai-nadu),  68,  168,  170.  171. 
174,  200,  204,  205,  207,  217,  234,  235, 
240,  241,  242,  243,  244,  245,  251,  375, 

658. 

Venkatan&tha,  439. 

Venkatavarada,  385. 

Vennai,  450. 

Venugrama — See  Belgaum. 

Vesara,  530,  531,  622. 
Vetdlapanchavimsatikd ,  314. 

Vibhaga,  289. 

Vibhasha,  347. 

Vibhava,  438. 

Vibhutichandra,  416. 

Vichchaya,  167. 

Vickis,  305. 

Vichitravira,  209,  214. 

Vidarbha,  177. 

Viddasiha,  101. 

Viddhasalabhanjika ,  310. 

Videha-rajya,  759. 

Vidushaka,  312. 

Vidyabhushana.  S.  C.,  470,  32(n),  34. 
Vidyachakravartin,  313. 

Vidyadhara  (Chandella).  16,  17.  18,  57. 
58,  66. 

Vidyadhara,  325. 

Vidyadharas,  344. 

Vidyamadhava,  301. 

Vidyananda  Suri,  433. 

Vidyanatha,  203,  223,  310. 

Vidyapati  Gauda,  109. 

Vidyaranya,  440. 

Vidyutpura,  80. 

Vienna  Oriental  Journal,  160,  42(n). 

Vigraha,  56. 

Vigrahapala,  50. 

Vigrahapala  II,  24. 

Vigrahapala  III,  27,  28,  62. 

Vigraharaja  I  (Chahamana),  163. 
Vigraharaja  III  (Chahamana),  68,  82. 
Vigraharaja  IV  (Chahamana),  82.  83, 
87,  104,  106,  120,  298.  310. 
Vigraharaja  (Lohara),  97.  98,  101. 
Vihara,  123. 

Viharapafaka,  334. 

Vijada  (Chahamana),  88,  89. 

Vijaya  (City),  738,  744,  746,  749,  752. 
Vijaya  (of  Gujarat),  77. 

Vijaya  (of  Nepal) — See  Jayakama. 
Vijayabahu  I  Srlsanghabodhi,  177,  243, 
261,  262,  263,  267. 

Vijayabahu  II,  265. 

Vijayabahu  IV,  267. 

Vijayabahu  VI  (Vira  Alakesvara),  267. 
Vijayachandra  (Gahadavala),  49,  54, 

64,  83,  298,  502. 

Vijayachandra  Suri,  433. 
Vijaya-Chandrakevalin,  344. 
Vijayaditya,  (Chalukya),  615. 
Vijayaditya  (Kadamba),  175,  176.  181. 
182. 

Vijayaditya  (Silahara),  179,  180,  184. 
Vijayaditya  VII  (Eastern  Chalukya), 


64,  68,  168,  170,  171,  204,  205,  243. 
Vijaya- Gandagopala,  202,  203. 
Vijayakamadeva,  46. 

Vijayalaya  Chollsvara  temple,  684. 
Vijayalayas,  242,  617. 

Vijayamalla,  99. 

Vijayanagara,  233,  267,  350.  495,  611. 

622,  669,  670,  671. 

Vijaya  Narasimha  I,  230,  429. 
Vijayapala,  69. 

Vijayapala  (Chandella),  58,  61. 
Vijayapala  (Kachchhapaghata).  57 l 
Vijayapala  (Poet),  310. 

Vijayapala  (Pratlhara),  56/ 

Vijaya  (*pala),  (Yadu),  55. 

Vijaya  Pdndya,  180,  183. 

Vijaya  Parsvanatha,  230. 

Vijayapura — See  Nadiya. 

Vijayaraja  (of  Nidravall),  29. 

Vijayaraja  (of  Vagada).  73. 

Vij ayaraj  apura — See  Polonnar uva . 
Vijayasena,  32,  33,  35,  36,  37,  38,  43,  47, 
53,  206,  207,  276,  394. 

Vijayasimha  (Chahamana') ,  87,  88. 
Vijayasimha  (Guhila),  89. 

Vijayasimha  (Kalachuri).  60.  64. 

Vijaya  Simha  Suri,  433. 

Vijayasi'i — See  Parijatam  an] a  ri. 
Vijayawada,  171,  241. 

Vij  ayes  vara,  98,  615. 

Vijjala  (Paramara),  73,  402. 
Vijnanabhikshu,  463  ,  466. 

Vijnanesvara,  177,  269,  287,  290,  291,  292y 
293,  294,  295,  296,  331,  332,  333.  334, 
338,  474,  475,  509. 

Vijrasana  (Bodh-Gaya),  761. 

Vikkayya,  182. 

Vikrama,  49,  434. 

Vikramabahu,  261,  262. 

Vikramabahu  II  (in),  262.  266. 
Vikrama  Chola,  69,  174,  244.  245.  246, 
512. 

Vikramaditya  (earlier),  280,  315. 
Vikramaditya  II  (Chalukya),  615. 
Vikramaditya  III  (Chalukya),  161. 
Vikramaditya  IV,  Chalukya),  161. 
Vikramaditya  V,  (Chalukya),  165,  1S6. 
167. 

Vikramaditya  VI.  (Chalukya),  27,  38, 
53,  47,  63,  64,  68,  69,  76,  107,  168. 
169,  170,  171,  172,  173,  174-177,  198, 
199,  204,  206,  211,  215,  220,  221,  222. 
223,  227,  229,  242,  243,  244,  245,  307. 
333,  429,  511. 

Vikramaditya  (Lohara),  101. 
Vikramaditya  (Sinda),  188. 
Vikranvankadeva-charita,  174,  177,  307. 

323,  505,  506. 

Vikramapala,  189. 

Vikrama  Pandya,  246,  265. 
Vikramapura,  34,  35,  37,  38,  40.  41,  42. 

177,  231,  263,  350. 

Vikramaraja,  29. 

Vikramaslla  monastery,  27,  415,417.  511. 
Vikramasimha  (Chahamana),  88. 
Vikramasimha  (Guhila),  89. 
Vikramasimha  (Kachchhapaghata).  57 


937 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Vikramasimha  (Paramara),  72,  73,  77. 
Vikramodaya,  315. 

Vikramorvasiya ,  396,  6(n). 
Vikrantabahu,  262. 
Vikrantachamunakra,  286. 
Vikrantci-Kaurava,  435. 
Vikranta-varman  IV,  743. 

VilasadevI,  36,  37. 

V  ill  ham,  234. 

Viilavaraja,  168. 

Viilesvara,  585,  586. 

Vimala  (Pragvata,  Governor),  72,  74, 
580,  581. 

Vimalabuddhi,  343. 

Vimaladitya,  203,  204,  235,  242. 
Vimalasrlbhadra,  427. 

Vimala  Vasahi,  580,  581,  582. 

Vimdna,  522,  572,  610,  611,  613,  614.  616, 
618,  619,  620,  621,  622,  623.  624,  670, 
685. 

Vimarsirii,  324. 

Vind-Venba,  450. 

Vinayachandra,  395. 

Vinayaditya.  175,  227,  228,  233. 
Vinayakapala,  56. 

Vinayapitaka,  342. 

Vinayasarhgaha,  342. 

Vinayasnmitra,  417. 

Vindhyas,  530,  622. 

Vindhyavarma(n)  (Paramara),  70,  78, 
182,  186,  435. 

Vindusarovara  tank,  538,  554. 
Vipulasrlmitra,  416. 

Virabahu,  261. 

Virabahu  II,  266. 

Vira  Ballala  II,  430. 

Vlrabhadresvara,  202. 

Virachandra,  348. 

Vlracharita,  315. 

VIra-Choda,  174,  217,  244. 

VIradeva,  262. 

VIradhavala,  71,  73.  79.  80,  88,  90,  190. 

191,  300,  312. 

VIraganin,  346. 

VIraguna,  29,  36. 

Virahahka,  326,  393. 

VirahinI,  350. 

Viraja,  457. 

VIrama  (of  Gujarat),  80,  81,  88. 

Vlrama  (of  Jalor),  88. 

VIrama  (of  Ranthambhor),  85. 
VIra-Martanda — See  Somesvara  I, 
(Chalukya). 

Vlramitrodaya ,  296,  332. 

Viranarayana  (Chahamana),  84,  85. 
VIranarayanapura,  437. 

Vira  Pandya,  178,  245,  246,  264,  265. 
Virarajendra  I  (Chola),  50,  68,  169,  170, 
171,  172,  173,  204,  240,  241-242,  243, 
255,  282,  512,  732,  733. 

VIrasaiva  Literature,  367. 

VIrasaivism,  444. 

Vlrasasanas,  526. 

VIrasena,  35. 

Vlrasimha  (Chahamana),  82. 

Vlrasimha  (Kachchhapaghata),  57. 
VIrasrI,  34,  62. 


Virata,  189,  311. 

Virata  Parva,  374. 

Viratesvara,  564. 

Vlra-Vananjus,  525. 

Viravarman  (Ceylon),  261. 

Viravarman  (Chandella),  57,  58,  60. 
Viravarman  II  (Chandella),  60. 
VIravijaya,  384. 

VIra-Vikramaditya  II,  188. 

Vires  vara,  48. 

Viruddha-vidhi-vidhvamsa,  112,  113. 
115,  l(n). 

Virupaksha  temple,  598,  615,  616,  682. 
VIryarama  (Chahamana),  66,  81,  86. 
Visadhavaladeva  (Chahamana),  87. 
Visaiyavadi — See  Vijayawada. 
Visakhapatnam  (Vlsakhapattana,  Viza- 
gapatam),  204,  205,  206,  207,  223,  224, 
Vlsala  (Paramara),  73. 

Visaladeva  (Chahamana),  502. 

See  also  Vigraharaja  IV.  - 
Visaladeva  (Vaghela),  71,  80,  81,  90, 
191,  193,  300,  301. 

Vishaya'pati,  277. 

Vishayas ,  275,  276,  277,  284. 

Vishnu  (Hoysala),  228. 

Vishnu  (Minister),  66. 

Vishnu  (pantheon),  272,  299,  337,  357, 
402,  512,  526,  606,  612,  655,  664,  672, 
676,  679,  750. 

Vishnu  (smritikdra) ,  294. 

Vishnu  of  Belahan,  763. 
Vishnuchittiyam,  439. 

Vishnudasa  Nania,  387,  91  (n). 
Vishnuism,  312. 

Vishnu-ioka,  457. 

Vishnusarman,  316. 

Vishnuvardhana,  175,  177,  178,  227, 

228-230.  233,  244,  751. 
Vishn,uvardhana-Vijayaditya,  172,  173. 
Visishtadvaita,  368. 

Visishtad,vaita-vdda,  403. 

Visva-Brahma  temple,  599. 

Visvaditya,  28,  31. 

Visvakarna,  445. 

Visvamalla  (Vlsala).  80. 

Visvamitra,  334. 

Visvanatha  temple,  561,  564,  565. 
Visvaprakdsa,  317,  318,  338. 
Visvarupasena,  40,  41,  102. 

Visvavada,  585. 

Visvavarta,  298. 

Visvesvara,  367. 

Visvesvara  ^ambhu,  202. 

Vitthala,  354,  355,  356,  357. 

Vitthalpant,  387,  76(n). 

Vivahala ,  393,  395. 

Viveka,  323,  325. 

Vivekasindhu,  352. 

Vividhajnanavistdra,  386,  67(n). 
Vodamayuta — See  Budaun. 

Vogel,  699,  232(n). 

Vrah  Guhya,  737. 

Vrata,  332. 

Vratakhanda ,  196,  197,  223. 

Vratasagara,  334,  385,  l(n). 


938 


INDEX 


Vriddhachalam,  249. 

Vriddha-Salika,  433. 

Vrikshayurveda,  328. 

Vrinda,  328. 

Vrindavana,  403. 

Vritta,  325. 

Vrittajatisamuchchaya,  326,  397,  14(n). 
Vrittaratnakara,  326. 

Vritti,  320,  322,  323,  324,  325.  326. 
Vuppadeva,  101. 

Vuttodaya,  343. 

Vyaghrapalll,  79. 

Vyakarana,  343,  512. 

Vyaktiviveka,  321,  323. 

Vyangya,  321. 

Vyasadasa — See  Kshemendra. 
Vyavahara,  331,  332,  334.  335. 
Vyavaharadhyaya,  296. 
Vyavahara-kanda,  506. 
Vyavaharamairika,  287,  295,  296,  333. 
Vyavaharamayiikha,  296. 
Vyavaharanirnaya  (Varadardjlya),  334, 
335,  338,  385. 

VyavahGTCLtattva,  296. 

Vyavaharatilaka,  331. 

Vyavasthai,  253. 

Vyayoga,  309,  310,  311. 

V yuha,  438,  442. 

Vyuhapati,  276. 

W 

Waddell,  L.  A.,  470,  39(n),  472,  110(n). 
Waihind,  6.  See  also  Udabhanda. 
Wairagarh — See  Vairagara. 

Wadhwan,  589. 

Waley,  A.,  471,  99(n). 

Walishtan — See  Sibi. 

Wandiwash,  248. 

Warangal,  172,  179,  198,  199.  200,  201, 
202,  203,  310,  516. 

Washermen,  476. 

Wassaf,  258,  259,  260,  286,  520,  523. 
Wayang  Beber,  679. 

Western  Apabhrarnsa,  358,  360. 
Western  Asia,  520. 

West  Bengal,  605,  606,  607.  609. 
Western  Chalukyas.  435,  510,  515,  529. 
668. 

Western  Ghats,  162,  227,  229,  517. 
Western  India,  69,  302,  332. 
West-Indian  miniatures,  689. 
West-Indian  sculptures.  641. 

Western  Magadhan,  358. 

Whitney,  306. 

William,  the  Duke  of  Normandy,  398. 
Wind,  271. 

Winternitz,  M.,  384,  7(n),  386.  54(n). 
Women  Poets,  305-306. 

Women's  rights  to  property,  483. 

Wool,  517. 

Woolner  Commemoration  Volume.  285, 
37(n). 

Working  metals,  519. 

Wrestling,  491. 

Wright,  46,  159,  12(n),  160,  18(n). 


Y 

Yddavabhyudaya,  435. 

Yadavaprakasa,  317,  336,  337. 
Yadavapura,  229. 

Yadavas,  30,  33-35,  41.  43,  47,  70,  71,  79, 
80,  81,  87,  105,  162,  163,  167,  171,  172, 
176,  177,  183,  184,  200,  201,  202,  203, 
223,  226,  231,  232,  306,  329,  335,  511. 
669,  670. 

— of  Devagiri,  185-197. 

— ,  Administrative  Organisation  of, 
282-283. 

Yadus  (vamsls),  14,  55-56,  109,  134.  148. 
Yaduvildsa,  435. 

Yagesvara  (Almora  District),  555. 
Yahya,  142. 

Yajhavalkya  (Yajnavalkya-smriti), 

269,  287,  292,  293,  294,  295,  296,  331. 
333,  475. 

Yajnavalkyadharmasdstranibandha,  295. 
Yajhesagupta,  49. 

Yajurveda,  511,  512. 

Yajvapalas,  57,  135,  146.  160. 
Yakshapala,  31. 

Yama,  271,  272,  377. 

Yamlms,  2,  83,  92-97,  102,  109. 

Yamuna,  13,  14,  15,  16,  58.  94.  119.  122. 

135,  146,  208,  349. 

Yamunacharya,  436. 

Yamunamuni,  437. 

Yantri  desa,  75. 

Ya'qub  ibn-Layth  al-Saffar,  1. 
Ya(Pa)ramadiraja,  57. 

Yaqut,  517,  518,  520,  528. 

Yasahkarna,  52,  58,  63,  64.  65,  68.  204, 
249  274  481 

Yasahpkla,  61,  62,  298,  312. 
Yasaschandra,  311. 

Yasaskara,  324. 

Yasobhadra,  417. 

Yasobhadra  Suri,  432. 

Yasoda,  436. 

Yasodeva,  46. 

Yasodhara,  101. 

Yasodhara  (Writer),  330. 
Yasodhara-charita ,  301,  371. 
Yasodhavala  (Paramara),  72,  77,  348. 
Yasoraja,  82. 

Yasoraja  (Chola),  210,  214,  217,  219. 
Yasovarman  (Chalukya) — See  Dasa- 
varman. 

Yasovarman  (ChandeJla),  59. 
Yasovarman  (Guhila) — See  Klrttivar- 
man. 

Yasovarman  (Paramara),  59.  69,  70,  76. 
Yasovigraha,  51,  53. 

Yatnikas,  427. 

Yauvanasrl,  27,  62. 

Yava,  750. 

Yavanas — See  Muslims. 

Yavaneshta,  522. 

Yavishtha,  383. 

Yayati  Mahasivagupta  I,  209,  224. 
Yayati  Mahasivagupta  III,  212. 
Yayatinagara  (pura),  210,  211,  212. 
Yazdijurd-i-Shahryar,  2. 


939 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 


Yedatore  Taluk ,  431. 
Yelavare,  189. 

Yelburga — See  Erambaragc. 
Yelgandal,  199,  201. 

Yemen,  468,  523. 

Yeotmal,  69. 

Ye-ses-hod.  417. 

Yoga,  353,  405,  407. 
Yogachara  school,  427. 
Yoga-pl^has,  525. 

Yogaraja  (Guhila),  89. 
Yogaraja  (Paramara),  72. 
Yogasara,  349. 

Yogasastra,  80,  336. 
Yogichandra  Muni,  349. 
Yogirii-tantra,  379. 
Yoglsvara,  767. 

Yogloka,  287,  296. 
Yuddha-Malla,  374. 
Yueh-chis,  667,  677. 
Yuganaddha,  411. 
Yuktikalpataru }  328. 


Yule,  H.,  470,  47(n),  529,  91(n). 
Yunnan,.  759. 

Yusuf,  5. 

Yuvaraja,  57. 

Yuvaraja  Mahasenapati,  743,  745. 
Yuzbak,  141,  145,  208. 

Z 


Zabag,  734,  735. 

Zabul,  1. 

Zabulistan,  2. 

‘Zlainteng’  (Old  Jaintia).  381. 

Zanzibar,  522. 

Zari-Zarbakhsh,  469. 

Zayton  (Chwan-Chau  or  Chinchew  in 
Fu-Kien),  522. 

Zinda  Pir,  473,  149(n). 

Ziya-ud-dm  BaranI,  48,  157. 
Zoroastrian/s,  1,  496. 

Zubaid  Ahmad,  507,  186 (n). 
Zubdat-ut-Taioarikh,  115,  2(n) 


940 


MAP  H 


•  ' 


PLATE  I 


PILATE  II 


.  Bhuvanesvara,  F arasuramesvara  Temple:  General  View  Fig.  4.  Bhuvanesvara,  Muktesvara  Temple:  General  View 


PLATE  HI 


Bhuvanesvara,  Muktesvara  Temple:  Torana.  ,  Fig.  6.  Bhuvanesvara,  Muktesvara  Temple:  Bhp. 


PLATE  IV 


Fig.  7.  Bhuvanesvara,  Siddhesvara  Temple:  General  View 


Fig.  8.  Bhuvanesvara ,  Rvahmesvara  Temple:  General  View 


PLATE  V 


Bhuvanesvara,  Rdjdrdni  Temple:  General  View  Fig.  10.  Bhuvanesvara,  Rdjdrdni  Temple:  Detail  of  &ikhara 


Pt§ 


PLATE  VI 


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PLATE  VII 


Fig.  13.  Bhuvanesvara,  Ananta-Vasudeva  Temple:  General  View 


Fig.  14.  Konarak,  Sun  Temple:  View  from  front 


PLATE  VIII 


Fig.  15.  Kondrak,  Sun  Temple:  Side  View 


Fig.  16.  Kondrak,  Sun  Temple:  Gaja-Sirhha  Fig.  17.  Kondrak,  Sun  Temple:  Chariot  Wheel 


PLATE  IX 


Fig.  18. 

Bhuvanesvara,  Vaital  deul 


Fig.  19.  Ydgei  oara,  Navadurgd  Temple 


Fig.  20.  Gwalior,  Teli-kd-mandir 


PLATE  X 


Fig.  21.  Baroli,  Sikhara  Temple 


Fig.  22.  Amarkantak,  Patalesvara  Temple 


PLATE  XI 


.  Khajurdho ,  Vdmana  Temple  Fig.  24.  Khajurdho,  Adindtha  Temple 


PLATE  XII 


Fig.  25.  Khayurdho ,  Kunwar  Math  Temple 


Fig.  26.  Khajurdho ,  Rdmachandra  or  Chaturbhuja  Temple 


PLATE  XIII 


Fig.  27.  Khajurdho,  Devi  Jagadambd  Temple 


Fig.  28,  Khajurdho ,  Visvanatha  Temple 


PLATE  XIV 


Khajurdho,  Pdrsvandtha  Temple  Fig.  30.  Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahddeo  Temple 


US 


PLATE  XV 


Fig.  31.  Khajuraho,  Kandarya  Mahadeo  Temple:  Fig.  32.  Chandrehe,  Circular  Temple 

Detail  of  Sikhara 


PX,ATE  XVI 


Fig.  33.  Khajuraho,  Ghantai  Temple 


Fig.  34.  Osia,  Temple  No.  1 


PLATE  XVII 


4 


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Fig.  35.  Osia,  Temple  No „  7  Fig.  36.  Kumbharia,  Neminatha  Temple 


PLATE  XVIX1 


Fig.  37.  Kumbharia,  P&rsvanatha  Temple:  Interior 


Fig.  38.  Dilwdrd,  Tejahpala’s  Temple:  Interior 


PLATE  XIX 


Fig.  39.  Dilward,  Vimala’s  Temple:  Cloister  Fig.  40.  Dilward,  Tejahpdla’s  Temple:  Side  Chapel 


PLATE  XX 


Fig.  41.  Dilward,  Tejahpdla’s  Temple:  Ceiling  Fig.  42.  Pindara,  Temple  of  Gop  Type 


PLATE  XXI 


Fig.  43.  Gop,  Old  Temple 


Fig.  44.  Kalsar,  Temple  oj  Gop  Type 


PLATE  XXII 


Fig.  45.  Harshadmata,  Temple  of  Gop  Type 


Fig,  47.  Pashthar,  Sikhara  Temple 


Fig.  48.  Wadhwan,  Ranik  Devi  Temple 


Fig.  49. 

Ghumlij  Sikhara  Temple 


PLATE  XXIV 


PLATE  XXV 


Fig.  52.  Khandorna,  Hingolji  Mata  Temple  Fig.  53.  Asoda,  Jai^alndtha  Mahadeva  Temple 


PLATE  XXVI 


PLATE  XXVH 


Fig.  55.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple:  Detail  of  side  view 


PLATE  XXVIII 


Fig.  56.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple: 
Detail  of  Sabhd-mandapa 


Fig.  57.  Modhera,  Sun  Temple 
Shrine  on  steps  of  the  tank 


Fig.  58  Modhera,  Sun  Temple  :  Ceiling  of  Mandapa 


PLATE  XXIX 


Fig.  59.  Mahdkutesvara,  Sangamesvara  Temple 


■■HHI 


Fig.  60.  Pattadakal,  Pdpandtha  Temple 


PLATE  XXX 


Fig.  61.  Alampur,  Visva-Brahma  Tern, pie 


Fig.  62.  Ba Isane,  Temple  No.  1 


PLATE  XXXI 


Fig.  63.  Udayapura,  Nllakanthesvara  Temple  :  Detail  of  wall 


Fig.  64.  Sinnar,  Gondesvara  Temple  :  General  view 


PLATE  XXXII 


Fig.  65.  Samal,  GaltesvararTemple 


Fig.  66.  Ratanvm^i,  Amritesvara  Temple 


PLATE  XXXIII 


Fig.  67.  Udayapura,  Nxlakan\hesvara  Temple  Fig.  68.  Udayapura,  Nilakanthesvara  Temple  ; 

Detail  of  Sikhara 


PLATE  XXXIV 


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Fig.  69.  Bajaura  (Kulu),  Mak&deva  Temple 


PLATE  XXXV 


Fig.  71.  Sat  Deuliya ,  Sikhara  Temple  Fig.  72.  Bahulara,  Siddhesvara  Temple  Fig.  73.  Sunderbuns,  Jatar  deul 


PLATE  XXXVI 


Fig.  74.  Mamallapuram,  Shore  Temple 


Fig.  75.  Kahchipuram,  Kailasanatha  Temple 


PLATE  XXXVII 


Fig.  76.  Pattadakal,  Mallikarjuna  Temple 


Fig.  77.  Ellora,  Kaildsa  Temple  :  Elephants 


PLATE  XXXVIII 


Fig.  78.  Ellora.  Kaildsa  Temple  :  General  View  Fig.  79.  Ellora.  Kaildsa  Temple  :  Vimavst 


PLATE  XXXIX 


fitfiiH  fr 


Fig.  80.  Tanjore,  Brihadisvara  Temple 


Fig.  81 


lttagi,  Mahadeva  Temple  :  General  View 


PLATE  XL 


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PLATE  XU 


Fig.  84.  Gadag,  Somesvara  Temple 


Fig.  85.  Dambal,  Dodda  Basappa  Temple 


PLATE  XU! 


rasri 

1  I 


Fig.  86.  Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  Temple  :  Plinth  details  Fig.  87.  Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  Temple :  Plinth  details 


PLATE  XLIII 


& 


Fig.  88.  Somnathpur.  Kesava  Temple 


Fig.  89.  Halebid,  Hoysalesvara  Temple 


PLATE  XUV 


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Fig.  90.  Paharpur,  Great  Temple 


Fig.  91.  Prambanan  (Java),  Chandi  Loro  Jonggrang 


PLATE  XLV 


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Fig.  92.  Ujctni,  Buddha  (Dacca  Museum,  Fig.  93.  Nalanda,  Fig.  94.  Kurkihar,  Tara  (Patna  Museum) 

East  Pakistan)  Avalokitesvara 


Fig.  95.  Kantabenid 
Parsvanatha 


Fig.  98.  Chapra,  Surya 
(Rajshahi  Museum , 
East  Pakistan) 


PLATE 


XLVI 


Fig.  96.  North  Bengal, 
Kdrtikeya, 

(Indian  Museum,  Calcutta) 


Fig.  97.  Sahkarbdndhd 
Dancing  Siva 
(Dacca  Museum, 
East  Pakistan) 


Fig.  99.  Deopdrd,  Gahgd 
(Rajshahi  Museum, 
East  Pakistan ) 


Fig.  100.  Jaynagar,  Devi 
(British  Museum,  London) 


PLATE  XLVI1 


Fig.  101.  Bhuvanesvara,  Par&hirtimesvara  Temple:  Fig.  102.  Bhuvanesvara,  Old  Temple  :  Siva 

Stone  grille 


PLATE  XLVIII 


warn 


Fig.  103.  Bhuvanesvara,  Rajarani  Temple:  Varuna  Fig.  104.  Bhuvanesvara,  Lihgaraja  Temple  :  Teacher 


PLATE  XLIX 


Fig.  105.  Kondrak,  Sun  Temple:  Ndyikd  Fig.  106.  Bhuvanesvara,  Lingardj a  Temple:  Wall  decoration 


PLATE  L 


Fig,  107.  Uttar  Pradesh,  Navagraka  slab  ( Worcester  Art  Museum,  U.S.A.) 


Fig.  108.  Uttar  Pradesh,  Twelve-armed  goddess 
(British  Museum,  London) 


Fig,  109.  Nokhas,  Rukminl 


PLATE  U 


Fig.  110.  Uttar  Pradesh,  Mmd  of  a  female  figure  Fig.  111.  KkajuHUho ,  Lady  writing  letter 

(Museum  of  Fine  ArUv  3@§tm,  U.S.A.)  (Indian  Mmm&m,  Calcutta } 


PLATE  Lil 


Fig.  112.  Harshugiri,  Dancers  and  Musicians  (Shikar  Museum,  Rajasthan) 


Fig.  113.  Central  India,  A  Chedi  head 


Fig.  114.  Khajuraho,  Kandavya  Mahddeo  Temple  i  Jahgha  sculptures 


PLATE  Lill 


PLATE  LTV 


Fig.  118.  Dihvara,  Tejahpala’s  Temple: 
Part  of  a  ceiling 


Fig.  119.  Mahobd,  Simhanada  Lokesvara 
( Lucknow  Museum) 


Fig.  120.  Harshagiri,  LingodbhuLva 
Murti  (Rajputana  Museum,  Ajmer ) 


PLATE  LV 


Fig.  121.  Dilwdvd,  Tejahpala’s  Temple :  Part  of  a  ceiling 


Fig.  122.  Halebid .  Hoysalesvara  Temple:  Lakshmi-N  dray  ana 


PLATE  LVI 


Fig.  123.  Modhera.  Sun  Temple: 
Pillar  Sculpture 


Fig.  125.  Avaniipura,  Avantxsvamx 
Temple:  Sculpture 


Fig.  126.  Nepal  Padmapani 
( Museum  of  Fine  Arts , 
Boston,  U.S.A.) 


PLATE  LVII 


Fig.  127.  South  India,  Siva  Natardja  (Museum 
van  Asiatische  Kunst  Amsterdam ) 


Fig.  128.  South  India,  Devi  (Museum  of 
Fine  Arts,  Boston,  U.S.A.) 


Fig.  129.  South  India,  Siva  Natardja 


HH 


PLATE  LV1U 


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PLATE  LIX 


j SUora,  Kait&m  Tempi*:  CMng  pe&nUng  Fig.  135.  Tan] ore,  Brihadisvara  Temple: 

Painting  on  wall 


PLATE  LXI1 


I 


I 


THE  HISTORY  AND  CULTURE 

OF  THE 

INDIAN  PEOPLE 

This  is  the  first  history  of  India,  written 
exclusively  by  her  own  people,  bringing  to  bear  on 
the  problems  a  detached  and  truly  critical 
appreciation.  A  team  of  over  sixty  scholars  of 
repute  presents  herein  a  comprehensive  and  up-to- 
date  account  ot  the  political,  socio-economic  and 
cultural  history  of  the  Indian  people. 

VOLUME i 
THE  VEDIC  AGE 
(up  to  600  B.C.) 

VOLUME  II 

THE  AGE  OF  IMPERIAL  UNITY 
(600  BiC.  to  320  A.D.) 


VOLUME  III 
THE  CLASSICAL  AGE 
(320-750  A.D.) 


VOLUME  IV 

THE  AGE  OF  IMPERIAL  KANAUJ 
(750-1000  A.D.) 


VOLUME  V 

THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  EMPIRE 
(1000-1300  A.D.) 

VOLUME  VI 

THE  DELHI  SULTANATE 
(1300-1526  A.D.) 


VOLUME  VII 
THE  MUGHAL  EMPIRE 
(1526-1707  A.D.) 


VOLUME  VIII 

THE  MARATHA  SUPREMACY 
(1707-1818  A.D.) 

VOLUME  IX 

BRITISH  PARAMOUNTCY  AND  INDIAN 
RENAISSANCE  (1818-1905  A.D.)  PART  I 


VOLUME  X 

BRITISH  PARAMOUNTCY  AND  INDIAN 
RENAISSANCE  (1818-1905  A.D.)  PART  II 


VOLUME  XI 
STRUGGLE  FOR  FREEDOM  (1905-1947)